Due to an increased humanitarian caseload the UN has called for the international community to work differently from delivering aid to ending needs, partly by enhancing the engagement between humanitarian and development actors. The thesis aims to describe and analyse the dynamics between humanitarian and development aid and by so doing provide an empirical contribution to the larger discussion on how to streamline international assistance by addressing the temporal, institutional and funding gaps between the two types of assistance. This is a qualitative comparative study based on nine interviews with development and humanitarian practitioners from five different organisations providing both types of assistance. Participants of the study were positive to the idea of collaboration across the sectors but that in order to accomplish this the international community, donors and each individual organisation need to overcome great institutional and financial constraints leading to the conclusion that international assistance will not be streamlined successfully until the institutional and funding gaps are properly addressed.

In an attempt to improve the effectiveness of aid, many of the stakeholders in the international aid regime agreed to commit to five key principles in the Paris Declaration (PD) in 2005. These principles of ownership, alignment, harmonisation, managing for results and mutual accountability were aimed at improving the effective delivery and use of aid, although the Declaration has been followed by continuing doubts over aid effectiveness, especially in the context of deficiencies in donor cooperation and coordination and weak recipient ownership. Since the PD, donors have made varying efforts when it comes to implementing the Paris requirements towards greater aid effectiveness. However, after two OECD DAC monitoring surveys, in 2006 and in 2008, donors and recipients found out that the overall result of the progress of the implementation has been slow and that donor behavioural change towards implementing the PD has differed. In the light of this, this research aims to examine how donors have implemented the PD and why there are such differences in donor behaviour based on a comparative study of Sweden, the United Kingdom (UK), South Korea and China in Tanzania. This thesis reveals that there are key differences between advanced donors (Sweden and the UK) and emerging donors (Korea and China), particularly in terms of their levels of behavioural change in implementing the PD. While Sweden and the UK have shown greater progress in implementing many of the protocols of the PD, Korea and China have barely implemented the Paris requirements. The findings of this research highlight that the uneven responses and outcomes of the PD implementation are due to the design of the PD, which was based on the existing aid delivery mechanism of traditional donors at its top level, and the Paris requirements have not considered the bottom level reality of emerging donors who have different aid mechanisms from traditional donors. By examining seven major factors which inform the uneven donor performance (aid amount and number of staff, aid history of donors, political commitments, action plans and country specific strategies, aid management systems, aid modalities, and monitoring and evaluation), this study argues that the PD has been an 'easy option' for traditional donors such as Sweden and the UK, while it requires radical changes for emerging donors such as Korea and China. While this research relies on the public policy implementation theories to explain uneven donor behaviour in the PD implementation process, there has been less focus on the political economy and the self-interests and motivations of donors, which remains a main limitation of the study. Given this, this research has suggested conducting a further study on donor behaviour with a new methodological focus on the political economy and donor self-interests.

The outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in 1936 and the Second Sino-Japanese War in 1937 triggered many responses amongst the American public, including a number of private initiatives in medical aid that occupied a borderland between traditional humanitarian relief and political activism. This study is interested in the stories of three organisations arising in this tradition: the American Medical Bureau to Aid Spanish Democracy (AMBASD), the American Bureau for Medical Aid to China (ABMAC), and the China Aid Council (CAC). While three separate initiatives in terms of who was responsible for their creation in the United States, and the communities they sought to help abroad, all three demonstrate parallels in their foundation and development that merit a joint historical consideration. Emerging from the backdrop of isolationism in U.S. foreign policy, the AMBASD, ABMAC, and CAC became a means of voicing both political and humanitarian ideals through the medium of medicine. In many ways, this thesis becomes a study of lost causes. As political campaigns, none of the organisations in this study succeeded in changing U.S. policy, although the ABMAC and CAC benefitted from interests that overlapped with larger changes in U.S. military alliances. As humanitarian organisations, only one (the ABMAC) lived past the conflict to which it owed its foundation. Their story, however, retains its historical interest in challenging both the way in which we examine the mythology of humanitarian idealism, and our understanding of the balance between internationalism and isolationism in the 1930’s United States. For the medical activists of these organizations, medical aid offered both a tangible outlet for personal ethical and political beliefs, but also promised an alternative means of diplomacy that brought greater agency to more popular levels.

L’« appropriation » par les pays en développement (PED) de leurs processus de développement forme la clef de voûte de la nouvelle approche de l’aide et de la coopération au développement telle que promue par la Déclaration de Paris (2005). Si ce passage vers l’« appropriation » vise à installer les PED « dans le siège du conducteur », il reste tout de même inscrit dans une relation d’aide. Or, la Déclaration de Paris pose cette « appropriation » comme le résultat d’un consensus et comme un principe devant être mis en oeuvre sur un terrain vierge via une série de mesures techniques préoccupées par une efficacité ou plutôt une efficience de l’aide. En s’intéressant à la perspective d’acteurs sociaux nationaux quant à cette question de l’ « appropriation » à partir d’une étude de cas c’est-à-dire d’un contexte précis, ici celui du Rwanda, cette thèse vise à démontrer que l’agenda et les politiques en matière de développement, dont la question de l’ « appropriation », ne peuvent être saisis dans un vide contextuel. En effet, ce que met en évidence la perspective des acteurs sociaux nationaux au Rwanda quant à cette question de l’ « appropriation », c’est leur réinscription de cette question dans le contexte du Rwanda post-génocide et dépendant de l’aide, et leur appréhension de celle-ci à partir de ce contexte. Ce contexte informe le récit de ces acteurs qui met en sens et en forme cette « appropriation ». Leur saisie de l’ « appropriation » se bâtit autour d’un double impératif dans le contexte du Rwanda post-génocide, un impératif d’une part de reconstruction socio-économique et d’autre part d’édification d’une nation, et ce, à la lumière des tensions ‘ethniques’ qui traversent et structurent historiquement l’espace politique et social rwandais et qui ont donné lieu au génocide de 1994. / As put forward in the Paris Declaration (2005), “ownership” by developing countries of their development process forms the cornerstone of a new approach to aid and development cooperation. If the aim of “ownership” is to put developing countries “in the driver’s seat” of their development, it nonetheless remains an aid relation. Indeed, the Paris Declaration claims that “ownership” is the outcome of a consensus as well as a principle to be implemented through a series of technical measures preoccupied with concerns of effectiveness (or more accurately aid efficiency). As such, it puts forward the idea that aid is implemented as if on a blank slate. Beginning with a specific case study, in this instance Rwanda, and by focusing on the perspectives of national social actors on the issue of “ownership,” this thesis demonstrates that development agenda and policies, including the question of “ownership,” cannot be adequately grasped in a contextual vacuum. Through the narratives of national social actors, the meaning of “ownership” is reconfigured within the context of post-genocide Rwanda and aid-dependency, highlighting the significance of context in giving content and form to “ownership.” In the context of a post-genocide Rwanda, the understanding of “ownership” by national social actors is articulated around a double imperative: on the one hand, the demand for socio-economic reconstruction, on the other, the imperative of nation-building in light of the ‘ethnic’ tensions that cut across and historically structure Rwandan social and political space, and which led to the 1994 genocide.

At the onset of the First World War, Germany was subject to a shipping embargo by the Allied forces. Ostensibly military in nature, the blockade prevented not only armaments but also food and fertilizers from entering Germany. The impact of this blockade on civilian populations has been debated ever since. Germans protested that the Allies had wielded hunger as a weapon against women and children with devastating results, a claim that was hotly denied by the Allies. The impact of what the Germans termed the 'Hungerblockade' on childhood nutrition can now be assessed using various anthropometric sources on school children, several of which are newly discovered. Statistical analysis reveals a grim truth: German children suffered severe malnutrition due to the blockade. Social class impacted risk of deprivation, with working-class children suffering the most. Surprisingly, they were the quickest to recover after the war. Their rescue was fuelled by massive food aid organized by the former enemies of Germany, and delivered cooperatively with both government and civil society. Children, and those who cared for them, responded to these acts of service with gratitude and joy. The ability of former belligerents to work together after an exceptionally bitter war to feed impoverished children may hold hope for the future.

Cette recherche porte sur la migration de citoyens de pays du Nord dans les Territoires Palestiniens Occupés (TPO). Elle vise à analyser les trajectoires sociales et migratoires de ces individus, désignés localement « internationaux », ainsi qu'à montrer comment ils sont des acteurs dans la situation locale au travers de leurs mobilités, leurs emplois et leurs engagements. Cette problématique de recherche s'inscrit au croisement de deux phénomènes : d'une part, la diversification et l'accroissement des migrations internationales, et plus spécifiquement celles allant du Nord vers le Sud, et, d'autre part, l'émergence de conditions matérielles et professionnelles favorables à l'arrivée de citoyens étrangers dans un pays en conflit, sous l'effet de l'afflux massif de l'aide internationale depuis les années 1990. L'étude des profils sociaux des « internationaux » résidant dans les TPO révèle une forte homogénéité sociale et culturelle : on observe ainsi une migration de jeunes hautement diplômés, issus de familles de classes moyennes supérieures d'Europe ou d'Amérique du Nord, et particulièrement dotés en capitaux culturels. Toutefois, l'analyse des trajectoires souligne une certaine diversité des parcours migratoires et des liens entretenus à la Palestine. La seconde partie de cette thèse s'intéresse à la place politique et sociale des « internationaux » dans l'espace israélo-palestinien. La question des mobilités est cruciale pour saisir la position inédite de cette population migrante. Sa présence dans les TPO fait l'objet d'un contrôle important et croissant de la part des autorités israéliennes qui cherchent à la limiter et à la surveiller. Dans le même temps, à l'intérieur de l'espace israélo-palestinien, les « internationaux » bénéficient de droits à la mobilité dont sont privés les Palestiniens. L'étude des privilèges et des tensions qui en ressortent permet d'interroger les positionnements et le rôle de ces étrangers. Enfin, deux autres thématiques sont explorées : leur participation au système de l'aide internationale et leur engagements politiques vis-à-vis de la cause palestinienne. Tour à tour, pris dans les dynamiques sociopolitiques locales et partie prenante de ces mêmes dynamiques, les citoyens étrangers résidant dans les TPO représentent pour la recherche une entrée heuristique pour penser les circulations Nord-Sud comme la situation palestinienne actuelle. / This PhD research studies the current migration of nationals from northern countries to the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt). It aims to analyze the social and migratory trajectories of those called "internationals" and attempts to highlight how, through their mobility practices, work and political engagements, they can be considered a new group of actors in the oPt. This core question falls within two global and regional phenomena: first, the increase and diversification of international migration, especially North to South flows, and secondly, the vast rate of international assistance to the oPt since the 1990s, which has resulted in the emergence of tangible conditions conducive to the migration of foreign citizens to a conflict zone. By examining their social features, a strong social and cultural homogeneity of an apparently divers group of individuals becomes apparent; it is a migration of relatively young, affluent people from the upper middle classes of Europe or North America, endowed with cultural and international capital. However, the study of the trajectories that led them to oPt reveals a diversity of migratory paths and links to Palestine. The second part of my PhD thesis tackles the social and political role and position of "internationals". Mobility rights and practices are a relevant and challenging angle to discuss the atypical position of such migrants. Indeed, Israeli authorities seek to monitor, control and limit foreign presence in the oPt (through a variety of measures), transforming privileged people into suspected and unwanted individuals. Yet inside the Israeli-Palestinian space, they are granted mobility privileges which allow them to circulate freely while Palestinians are rendered immobile in their homeland. The study of these privileges and the resulting tension calls into question internationals' position in Palestinian society. Finally, internationals' participation in the aid regime and the political actions taken by some migrants on the Palestinian cause are addressed. Through the political and socio-economic implications of their presence, western citizens living in the oPt are an heuristic point of entry to contribute to the fields of North-South migration studies and Palestinian studies.

Le Sénégal fait souvent figure d'exception, au point d'être régulièrement salué pour sa stabilité sociopolitiquepar la communauté internationale désemparée devant les troubles qui agitent le continent africain.Cette image d'Épinal est pourtant loin de rendre compte des difficultés qui touchent la population de ce pays.Derrière le visage d'un pays stable se cache en fin de compte une tout autre réalité qui rappelle combien lepoids de la précarité professionnelle occupe une place singulière dans la vie des Sénégalais, y compris deceux qui participent à l'élaboration de l'action publique branchée au système d'aide. Telle est l'impressionpesante qui se glisse dans les discours des professionnels de l'aide sénégalais impliqués dans un projet degestion intégrée du littoral encouragé par la Banque mondiale dans les années 2000. L'étude de la mise enoeuvre de ce projet fournit un cas d'école qui permet de saisir l'incidence que peut avoir la précaritéprofessionnelle de ces personnes sur le fonctionnement de l'aide-projet qui représente encore aujourd'hui laforme d'aide dominante dans le pays. Plus spécifiquement, elle aide à comprendre pourquoi les normes degestion du littoral colportées dans le cadre de ce projet – qui ne sont d'ailleurs que le reflet de l'écologiedominante – sont mobilisées par ces développeurs sénégalais à travers des discours légitimateurs le plussouvent déconnectés du sens même de ces normes. Tout se passe comme si la professionnalisation heurtéede ces personnes les conduisait à prêter plus attention aux moyens du projet qu'à ses objectifs, et de cettemanière à améliorer leurs conditions de travail et plus largement leur situation socio-économique. / Senegal is often looked on as an exception, to the point of being regularly hailed for its socio-politicalstability by an international community quite helpless in front of the troubles of African continent. Yet thistraditional view is far from accounting for the difficulties of the population. In fact the image of a stablecountry conceals an altogether different reality which reminds one of how precarity, and more particularlywork precarity, plays an important part in the lives of the Senegalese, including those who take part in thedevelopment of the public action financed by aid agencies. Such is the impression felt in the speeches ofSenegalese aid workers involved in a project of coastal zone management promoted by the World Bank inthe 2000s. To study the working out of this project provides an example which helps to understand theconsequences their precarity at work can have on the working of the aid-project – today the main form of aidin this country. More specifically it helps to understand how the standards of coastal zone managementpromoted by the World Bank agents are interpreted by these Senegalese people, and why they are justapprehended in speeches often disconnected from the very purpose of these standards. It seems that theirwork precarity has led them to pay more attention to the means of the project rather than to its ends, seekingthereby to improve their own work conditions and so their socio-economic situation.

No description available.

La présente thèse porte sur les acteurs au sein des organisations non gouvernementales locales (ONG) qui, dans la configuration actuelle de l’aide internationale au développement, jouent un rôle de relais ou d’intermédiaires entre donateurs internationaux et populations bénéficiaires en Afrique subsaharienne. En analysant les trajectoires professionnelles de 32 femmes et hommes « leaders » dans des ONG de Cotonou (Bénin) et de Lomé (Togo), la thèse se propose d’appréhender les processus sociaux à travers lesquels ces individus deviennent intermédiaires dans les activités de développement. La recherche s’inscrit dans une approche théorique construite à la rencontre entre la perspective orientée vers l’acteur en socioanthropologie du développement, la sociologie de l’individuation et le paradigme des parcours de vie. La thèse prend également une posture comparative en contrastant, d’une part, les trajectoires professionnelles des intermédiaires du Bénin et du Togo, deux pays ayant connu entre les années 1990 et début 2000 des « destinées » opposées en ce qui a trait à leurs rapports avec les bailleurs de fonds étrangers. D’autre part, l’analyse compare deux générations d’intermédiaires et contraste l’expérience des intermédiaires féminins et masculins. L’analyse montre qu’en premier lieu, les conférences nationales en 1990 au Bénin et en 1991 au Togo ont constitué un tournant important dans les trajectoires professionnelles des intermédiaires dans les deux pays, créant subséquemment, d’un côté, un contexte favorable aux intermédiaires du Bénin, et de l’autre, un environnement délétère pour ceux du Togo. Toutefois, au cours des dix dernières années, ces différences de conditions de travail se sont beaucoup atténuées et les défis relevés par les intermédiaires dans les deux pays sont à nouveau similaires; les contextes actuels sont caractérisés par un soutien étatique au minima, un champ d’activités très concurrentiel et politisé, une professionnalisation du champ, et une forte dépendance vis-à-vis des bailleurs de fonds extérieurs. En second lieu, l’analyse des récits de vie a permis de ressortir quatre types de profils des intermédiaires au moment où ils intègrent le champ des ONG : les « reconvertis », les « nouveaux diplômés des années 1990 », les « carriéristes », et les « activistes ». La comparaison générationnelle suggère en outre que les deux premiers types décrivent mieux les intermédiaires ayant commencé leurs activités avant les années 2000, alors que les « carriéristes » sont pour l’essentiel des intermédiaires de la jeune génération qui intègre le domaine de l’intermédiation après 2000. Aussi, la recherche montre que pour entrer, mais surtout « durer », dans le champ des ONG ces individus utilisent divers réseaux politiques et associatifs et savent « manœuvrer », notamment en choisissant une « thématique porteuse », en veillant à maintenir une constante « visibilité » ou en ayant recours à des formations continues pour acquérir ou consolider des compétences recherchées par les bailleurs de fonds. Par ailleurs, l’analyse des trajectoires professionnelles féminines a révélé qu’alors que le poids des responsabilités familiales a fait que les « pionnières » de l’intermédiation sont entrées de façon tardive dans une profession dominée par les hommes, et se sont toutes focalisées sur des thématiques liées directement aux droits des femmes, les parcours de leurs cadettes sont bien différents. Ces dernières ne travaillent pas dans le traditionnel domaine du « genre », et même si elles reconnaissent aussi leurs difficultés à concilier responsabilités professionnelles et devoir familial, elles ne sont pas prêtes à mettre de côté leur carrière et ont une perception très différente de leurs aînées des rôles genrés au sein de la famille. / This dissertation focuses on individuals in local non-governmental organizations (NGOs) who, in the current configuration of international development, act as relays or intermediaries between international donors and recipient populations in sub-Saharan Africa. By analyzing the careers of 32 female and male "leaders" in NGOs in Cotonou (Benin) and Lomé (Togo), the dissertation aims to understand the social processes through which these individuals become intermediaries in the development arena. The research mobilizes a theoretical approach that combines the actor-oriented perspective in socio-anthropology of development, the sociology of individuation and the life course paradigm. This thesis also takes a comparative approach, first, by contrasting the careers of development intermediaries from Benin with those from Togo, two countries that experienced in the 1990s and early 2000s opposite fates in terms of their relations with international donors. Also, the analysis compares two generations of intermediaries and contrast the experiences of male and female intermediaries. The analysis shows that, first, the Benin National conference of 1990 and the one in Togo in 1991 were turning points in the careers of intermediaries in both countries, by creating a supportive working environment for intermediaries in Benin, and, on the opposite, a deleterious context for those in Togo. However, over the past decade, these differences in working conditions have dwindled, and the challenges faced by intermediaries in both countries are once again similar; the current contexts are characterized by a limited state support, a very competitive and politicized working environment, a professionalization of the field, and a strong dependence toward external donors. Second, four types of intermediaries’ profiles at the time they enter the NGO sector emerged from the life history analysis: the "converted", the "new graduates of the 1990s," the "careerists" and the "activists". Generational comparison shows that the first two types best describe the intermediaries that started their activities before 2000, while "careerists" are mostly intermediaries from the younger post-2000 generation. The research also shows that in order to enter, and more importantly to "last", in the NGO sector these individuals use various political and associative networks and develop various strategies such as choosing a “fashionable” field of interest, remaining “visible”, and constantly seeking trainings in order to acquire “marketable” expertise. In addition, the analysis of women's professional trajectories revealed that while “pioneers” female intermediaries entered the male dominated NGO sector late in their life due to their familial obligations and all worked in the area of women's rights, the experience of their younger counterparts are quite different. The latter work outside the traditional “gender” arena; and, although they also have difficulties reconciling work and family duties, they are not ready to give up their career, and they have very different perceptions of gender roles within the family than their older counterparts.

Practitioners of Forecast-based Action (FbA) argue that a humanitarian response able to utilize forecasts to accurately predict disaster, secure funding, and take action before the onset of a crisis will benefit donors and beneficiaries alike. In search of effective and efficient early-action regimes, a number of major humanitarian actors are developing FbA projects of various designs, predominantly in response to natural disaster and famine. While numerous organizations and institutions have expressed interest in developing FbA mechanisms, the tool has only been applied in a limited capacity to the humanitarian needs generated by armed conflict. This research seeks to understand whether a scalable FbA approach can be developed to stage principled, anticipatory humanitarian action in response to situations in which rigorous evaluations predict the likelihood of imminent armed conflict. The hypothesis is that the application of FbA to armed conflict is possible, but due to the complex political nature of conflict, implementing organizations should try to focus on creating mechanisms managed by humanitarian actors and, in so far as possible, be insulated from outside influence. This research is the first academic work to specifically investigate the application of FbA to armed conflict. Following an extensive review of current FbA mechanisms and conflict early warning practices, this research concludes that a conflict-centered FbA system akin to the automated FbA systems in use today to respond to natural disaster and famine is possible, but that the endeavor presents many practical and conceptual barriers to implementation. In particular, diffuse models such as the Start Fund offer a hopeful glimpse at a type of horizontal, member-driven FbA mechanism that is both highly context-sensitive and relatively insulated from outside influence. Such a design, however, features notable and inherent limitations in its ability to reliably and accurately predict the outbreak of conflict and respond in a manner that minimizes regretful actions.