Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 4245.pdf: 409901 bytes, checksum: 2a67c585b5980678ab40b6420c934a71 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-02-23 / Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais / This research examines the ability to normative creation of the International Labour Organization (ILO). Previous surveys had indicated that the ILO had participation in public debate on labour issues in Brazil. Objectives: To evaluate the importance of the ILO in standardization of labour issues. Method: The research relies on the available documentation (NATLEX and ILOLEX) and the national and international literature about ILO. Results: The research showed two Features: 1) The ILO project has changed very little due to its institutional design that gives the organization the flexibility to act in different contexts of different times. 2) The ILO has a capacity required to guide decisions of actors and even set new agendas in Brazil. / Essa pesquisa analisa a capacidade de criação normativa da Organização Internacional do Trabalho (OIT). Levantamentos prévios indicam que há participação da OIT no debate público sobre questões laborais no Brasil. Objetivos: Avaliar a evolução estrutural da OIT e sua importância na normatização de questões trabalhistas brasileiras. Método: A pesquisa assenta-se na documentação disponível (NATLEX e ILOLEX) e na literatura nacional e internacional sobre a OIT. Resultados: A pesquisa aponta duas características: 1) O projeto da OIT pouco se alterou devido a seu desenho institucional que confere a organização flexibilidade para atuar em diferentes contextos de diferentes épocas; 2) A OIT possui capacidade de pautar decisões de atores e de influenciar a criação de novas agendas no Brasil.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T14:27:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 991045 bytes, checksum: da03167739459ff1a37fde435bdf3668 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-26 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The work is about the formal equality before the material inequality on the domestic labour relation. Although the domestic employees are entitled of minimally fundamental rights to a worthy life, the constant human rights violations reveals that the conquest of equality still appears distant regarding the acknowledgment and respect from the society towards this segment. But why is so hard to secure the rights of the domestic employees? On a search to comprehend such fact, the research starts from the premise that the domestic employee is devalued for being a conflict point for class, gender and race discrimination, and also not considered a profit generating activity. This discrimination that affects the domestic labour is due to a historical, social and legal construction, therefore, firstly, the social and historical contexts regarding the emergence of the domestic class is analyzed, as well as the legal posture adopted referring the job, including the international level, trough the analysis of the 189th Convention from the International Labour Organization. Promptly, the work brings the conception for the equality principle and demonstrates, trough a gender perspective, that the domestic labour is much discriminated due to social residue from slavery and patriarchate, besides being an easy target for the capitalist exploitation. Beyond this, registers the peculiarity of the domestic labour not relying on a supervision system due the home inviolability principle, as well as the difficulty of producing proof on an eventual court litigation. At last, the study confronts the present scenario of the domestic labour in Brazil with the principles of human dignity, citizenship and the social value of work; and analyzes how the instruments from the affirmative actions are being used by the State on the combat agains inequality of this labour relation. The research concludes that the acknowledgment of ratified rights when confronting the inequalities have not produced any effects, as this occupation is widely socially devalued. This way, the implementation of actions aiming to promote a decent work for this category is indispensable, consisting on an important tool to include these historically excluded individuals. For this research there were used, essentially, the historical and bibliographic methods. The pertinence for this study advent from the rising debate around the legal regulation of the domestic employees which involves thousand of women. / O trabalho trata da igualdade formal ante a desigualdade material na relação empregatícia doméstica. Embora os empregados domésticos sejam detentores dos direitos mínimos fundamentais para uma vida digna, as constantes violações de direitos humanos revelam que a conquista da igualdade ainda se mostra distante quanto ao reconhecimento e respeito da sociedade por esta categoria. Mas por que é tão difícil assegurar os direitos dos empregados domésticos? Em busca de compreender tal fato, a pesquisa parte da premissa que o emprego doméstico é desvalorizado por ser ponto de embate de discriminações de gênero, raça e classe, além desta atividade não ser considerada geradora de lucro. Essa discriminação que afeta o trabalho doméstico é fruto de uma construção histórica, social e jurídica, por isso, primeiramente, analisam-se os contextos social e histórico do surgimento da classe dos domésticos, bem como, os posicionamentos legais adotados referentes à profissão, inclusive no plano internacional, através da análise da Convenção 189 da Organização Internacional do Trabalho. Seguidamente, o trabalho traz a concepção do princípio da igualdade e demonstra, através da perspectiva de gênero, que o trabalho doméstico é bastante discriminado devido aos resíduos sociais da escravidão e do patriarcado, além de ser um alvo fácil para a exploração capitalista. Além disso, registra-se a peculiaridade do trabalho doméstico não contar com um sistema de fiscalização do trabalho devido ao princípio da inviolabilidade domiciliar, bem como, a dificuldade na produção de provas em eventuais litígios trabalhistas. Por derradeiro, o estudo confronta o atual cenário do trabalho doméstico no Brasil com os princípios da dignidade da pessoa humana, da cidadania e do valor social do trabalho; e analisa como os instrumentos das ações afirmativas estão sendo utilizadas pelo Estado no combate às desigualdades desta relação de trabalho. A pesquisa conclui que o reconhecimento de direitos positivados no enfrentamento das desigualdades não tem operado efeitos, na medida em que, esta profissão é bastante desvalorizada socialmente. Deste modo, imprescindível se faz a implementação de ações que visem promover o trabalho digno para esta categoria, que consiste em uma importante ferramenta na inclusão de indivíduos historicamente excluídos. Para a pesquisa foi utilizado, essencialmente, o método bibliográfico e histórico. A pertinência para o estudo adveio do crescente debate que gira em torno da regulamentação jurídica das empregadas doméstica e que envolve milhares de mulheres.

O presente estudo tem por escopo analisar o caso da jovem Siwa-Akofa Siliadin, aliciada no Togo, em 1994, para prestar serviços na França como doméstica. Ao chegar no país foi submetida à servidão, impedida de completar os seus estudos e sem receber qualquer remuneração pelos serviços prestados, tampouco direitos laborais mínimos como o limite da jornada de trabalho diária, o descanso semanal remunerado e a habitação adequada lhe foram fornecidos. Trata-se de um leading case que aborda as práticas de tráfico humano, de trabalho forçado e de servidão doméstica. A escravidão contemporânea ocorre através do trabalho forçado, este se dividindo em espécies dentre as quais estão o trabalho escravo, a servidão e a servidão por dívida. Com quaisquer destas práticas pode ocorrer simultaneamente o tráfico de pessoas. A prática da escravidão doméstica, também chamada de servidão doméstica, inclui-se no rol de trabalhos forçados, verificando-se no caso concreto a qual das espécies de servidão pertence. Ocorre tanto em países ricos quanto em países emergentes e tem como grupo de pessoas mais vulnerável aos aliciadores as mulheres, os menores de idade, os migrantes, os pobres, os de baixa escolaridade. Normas internacionais laborais proíbem a escravidão contemporânea em todas as suas formas e obrigam os Estados a legislar a fim de coibir tenazmente em seu território tais condutas. Quando um Estado falha em prestar a necessária proteção ao trabalhador, não sendo possível a este se socorrer sequer no Poder Judiciário, pode a vítima pleitear alguma reparação nas Cortes Internacionais de Direitos Humanos. No caso ora analisado, as decisões das cortes nacionais francesas poderiam ter sido proferidas com base em normas da Organização Internacional do Trabalho internalizadas pela França, bem como normas não ratificadas poderiam ter sido utilizadas em caráter interpretativo da vaga e escassa legislação pátria. Em âmbito internacional, o Tribunal Europeu de Direitos Humanos não é o único órgão dotado de capacidade punitiva, a própria Organização Internacional do Trabalho pode ser acionada por meio de reclamação ou queixa contra Estados Membros que ratificam normas e as descumprem ou negligenciam sua efetividade, podendo esta punição ser aplicada concomitantemente à proferida pela supracitada Corte. O estudo é dividido em três partes: a primeira aborda as especificidades do caso Siliadin, conceitos pertinentes aos fatos narrados, estudo do processo judicial em âmbito francês e análise da decisão do Tribunal Europeu de Direitos Humanos; a segunda analisa as normas da Organização Internacional do Trabalho como normas de jus cogens laboral e núcleo duro de direito laboral, ressaltando como consequências à violação das referidas normas as reclamações e as queixas à Organização Internacional do Trabalho; a terceira analisa a incorporação e aplicação do direito internacional no âmbito interno dos Estados, frisando a possibilidade do emprego de normas da Organização Internacional do Trabalho na solução do litígio entre Siliadin e os empregadores.O método utilizado no presente trabalho é o indutivo, bem como se valeu da análise de caso com base em normas específicas da Organização Internacional do Trabalho sobre trabalho forçado (nº 29 e nº 105), discriminação (nº 100 e nº 111), trabalho doméstico (nº 189), trabalho infantojuvenil (nº 138 e nº 182) e trabalho do migrante (nº 143). Por fim, conclui-se pela necessária aplicação do direito internacional laboral na esfera processual interna dos Estados e a maior ingerência dos organismos internacionais trabalhistas a fim de garantir a efetividade das normas internacionais laborais. / This study aims to analyze the case of Siwa-Akofa Siliadin, a teenager enticed in the Togo, in 1994, into providing services as a domestic servant in France. Upon arriving in the country she was subjected to bondage, could not go to school and received neither payment for her services nor the minimum labor rights, such as limit to daily working hours, weekly paid rest and an adequate housing. It is a leading case which deals with human trafficking practices, forced labor and domestic servitude. Contemporary slavery takes place through forced labor, comprised into species among which are slave labor, servitude and debt bondage. With any of these practices trafficking of persons can occur simultaneously. The practice of domestic slavery, also called domestic servitude, is included in the list of forced labor, verifying to which species of bondage each case belongs. It occurs both in rich countries and emerging countries and the most vulnerable persons are women, minors, migrants, the poor, and the less educated. International labor standards prohibit contemporary slavery in all its forms and require states to legislate to curb such conduct tenaciously in their territory. When a state fails to provide the necessary protection to workers, not making possible for them even to seek help from the judiciary power, the victim can claim some compensation in the international human rights courts. In the case under analysis, the decisions of the French national courts could have been rendered based on standards of the International Labour Organization internalized by France, and unratified standards could have been used to interpret vague and scarce national legislation. Internationally, the European Court of Human Rights is not the only body with punitive capacity, the International Labour Organization itself can be activated by means of complaint or claim against member states that ratify standards and then violate or neglect their effectiveness, and this punishment may be applied simultaneously to that decided by the above cited court. The study is divided into three parts: the first one dealing with the specificities of the Siliadin case, concepts related to the facts narrated, the study of the judicial process in French courts and analysis of the decision of the European Court of Human Rights; the second examining the norms of the International Labor Organization as labor jus cogens and labor law hard core, highlighting as consequences to the violation of these rules complaints and claims to the International Labor Organization; the third analyzing the incorporation and application of international law in the domestic sphere of the States, emphasizing the possibility of the use of International Labor Organization rules in resolving the dispute between Siliadin and the employers. The method used in this work is the inductive, and also the case analysis based on specific standards of the International Labour Organization on forced labor (no. 29 and no. 105), discrimination (no. 100 and no. 111), domestic service (no. 189), child labor (no. 138 and no. 182) and migrant labor (no. 143). Finally, it is concluded by the necessary application of international labor law in the domestic procedures of the States and the greater interference of international labor organizations in order to ensure the effectiveness of international labor standards.

Magister Legum - LLM / In this mini-thesis, I will present a historical development of the manner in which South African courts have tested the fairness of dismissals, for misconduct. South African Labour history has been marred by confusion and inconsistency in relation to the test to be adopted in determining the fairness of dismissals. This has been so, because there have been two dominant schools of thought, one referred to as the ‘own opinion’ approach, whereby the commissioner/court has the discretion to express his/her own view based upon value judgments on the fairness of the dismissal. The other approach is known as the reasonable employer test ( ‘ defer to the employer’ approach), whereby the commissioner had to defer to the decision of the employer, unless the dismissal is one that no reasonable employer would impose, or is so excessive that it would shock one’s sense of fairness, then the commissioner may interfere.This thesis will reveal the inconsistency that has been caused, by these two approaches, and the South African courts dissent as to the approach consistent with our law. This dissent, as shall be shown in this thesis, has led to our courts contradicting themselves as to the test consistent with the law.There will be a critical discussion on the source of the reasonable employer test and its application in South Africa during the Labour Relations Act 28 of 1956 ( old LRA ) and the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995 ( new LRA). With a further discourse on the development of the ‘own opinion’ approach during the periods of both the old LRA and the new LRA.This will lead to me looking at the provisions of the South African Constitution, together with the meaning of the right to fair labour practice as provided in the Constitution. Based upon a critical analysis of past jurisprudence, the provisions of the ILO Convention, the provisions of the old LRA and new LRA, foreign law and the Constitutional imperatives, I will attempt to illustrate the approach most consistent with our law.This thesis will culminate with a critical analysis of the Supreme Court of Appeal’s judgment, in the case of Rustenburg Platinum Mines Ltd vs Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration and the ruling of the Constitutional court in Sidumo and Another v Rustenburg Platinum Mines Ltd and Others.The purpose of providing this historical journey, is to further highlight the rulings of past judgments, that have developed the concept of fairness, as was consistent with the Constitution. It is envisaged that the body of judgments cited in this thesis, may be used as authority, whenever the issue of determining the fairness of dismissal for misconduct arises, before a court or tribunal, such as the Commission for Conciliation Mediation and Arbitration(CCMA). It is may further be used by employers and employees, in obtaining clarity of the law in relation to the test for fairness of dismissals for misconduct.

Cette thèse se propose d’étudier les relations entre l’Organisation Internationale du Travail (OIT), créée en 1919 par le traité de Versailles, et les milieux chrétiens, c’est-à-dire les chrétiens organisés en Eglises, syndicats, et associations, depuis la fondation de l’OIT jusqu’au voyage de Paul VI à Genève pour son cinquantenaire, en 1969. Alors que l’OIT est, dès sa création, soumise à des influences sociales-démocrates, incarnées notamment par la personnalité du premier directeur, le socialiste français Albert Thomas, des relations sont nouées très tôt avec les syndicats chrétiens, puis avec l’ensemble des groupes se réclamant de la doctrine sociale de l’Eglise, du Saint-Siège et du christianisme social. Albert Thomas demande lui-même la nomination d’un prêtre au sein du Bureau International du Travail, le secrétariat de l’OIT, obtenue en 1926. Un fonctionnaire est également nommé pour les relations avec les milieux protestants. Il s’agit de mettre en évidence dans quelle mesure la collaboration des milieux chrétiens a pu constituer un intérêt et un appui pour l’OIT, dans les missions que celle-ci s’est vu confier à sa naissance – établissement d’une législation internationale du travail, recension d’informations sur les conditions de travail dans le monde – et après 1945 – notamment la coopération technique - et dans son développement et sa pérennité par delà la dissolution de la SDN. Il convient aussi de voir quelles ont été les conséquences pour les milieux chrétiens de l’inclusion dans le système international créé par l’OIT, tant en termes de diffusion de leurs idées que par la confrontation qui s’y produit avec les doctrines sociales-démocrates, communistes et, dans une moindre mesure, fascistes. / This thesis aims to study the relationship between the International Labour Organization, created in 1919 by the Treaty of Versailles, and Christian “milieus”. In other words, the relationship between the ILO and all the Christian churches, trade unions and associations, from the birth of the ILO to Pope Paul VI’s trip to Geneva on the occasion of the ILO’s fiftieth anniversary in 1969. Since its creation, the ILO has been heavily influenced by socialist trade unions and parties, beginning with Albert Thomas, the first Director-General, who was himself a French socialist. However, since 1921, relationships have also been established with Christian trade unions and other Christian groups which had previously been involved before 1914 in the first attempts to set up international labour standards. An official position was created in 1926 at the International Labour Office when Albert Thomas requested that a Jesuit priest be appointed as “counselor in religious matters”. From 1927 to 1940, the ILO also had a Protestant counselor in charge of the relations with Protestant churches and organizations. The objective of my research is to show, on the one hand, that ILO had an interest in a strong relationship with Christian churches and organizations in order to promote its own objectives – objectives such as establishing internationally binding labour standards, collecting information on labour around the world and, mainly after 1945, developing technical cooperation programmes. The aim here is to analyze the extent to which this relationship played a role in the ILO’s development and survival after the end of the League of Nations. Conversely, my research also intends to highlight how Christian organizations were impacted as a result of their participation in activities of international organizations such as the ILO. There are two aspects which are important to explore: first, the role the ILO played in supporting the dissemination of Christian ideas; and secondly, the ideological confrontation with socialist, communist and – to a lesser extent – fascist ideas and their supporters.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ruth Olivier Moreira Manus.pdf: 1409871 bytes, checksum: d11a1d0fae8b5afaab09aa2aa3f9bfdc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-28 / According to recent data from the International Labour Organisation, Brazil is the country with the highest number of domestic workers in the world. This fact makes the Organization to deliver a special look to Brazil about this issue. Recently approved, the Brazilian Constitutional Amendment No. 72/2013 expands the list of rights of domestic workers in the country. Therefore, this research analyses if this new Brazilian protection law suits the guidelines of the International Labour Organization, especially in regard to the content of Convention 189 and Recommendation 201, which have not yet been ratified by Brazil. This research situates the real dimension of the extension of international protection in order to deliver a critical analysis of the Constitutional Amendment adopted by Brazil. Also, it seeks to understand how Brazil, a developing country with a historical culture of slavery, can walk towards a fair and appropriate protection towards these workers / O Brasil é o país do mundo que mais concentra trabalhadores domésticos, de acordo com dados recentes da Organização Internacional do Trabalho (OIT). Esse fato faz com que a Organização dispense um olhar especial ao Brasil, no que tange ao referido tema. Recentemente, foi aprovada a Emenda Constitucional n. 72/2013, ampliando o rol de direitos de tais trabalhadores em território brasileiro. Ante a essa perspectiva, analisa-se, neste presente estudo, se essa proteção se adequa às diretrizes da OIT, especialmente no que diz respeito ao teor da Convenção 189 e da Recomendação 201, que ainda não foram ratificadas no Brasil. Situa-se, com isso, a real dimensão da extensão da proteção internacional por meio de uma compilação que tem como base uma análise crítica da alteração constitucional aprovada em nosso País. Trata-se, portanto, de pesquisa que busca entender como o Brasil, país em desenvolvimento e de cultura escravocrata, pode caminhar na direção de uma proteção que seja, para essa parcela da população, justa e adequada

La tesi studia l’impatto degli standard internazionali sulla libertà di associazione sindacale negli ordinamenti nazionali e a livello europeo, al fine di verificare se essi favoriscano un innalzamento del livello di tutela dei diritti sociali collettivi. La ricerca parte dallo studio delle fonti Oil sulla libertà di associazione, considerata diritto fondamentale da promuovere universalmente, e dalla qualificazione dello sciopero come suo “corollario intrinseco” operata dagli organi di controllo dell’organizzazione. Si sofferma poi sull’utilizzo degli international labour standards da parte dei giudici di diversi ordinamenti e sul fenomeno della cooperazione tra autorità giurisdizionali e organismi non giudiziari specializzati. In particolare, la ricerca prende in esame alcune pronunce della Corte europea per i diritti dell’uomo, come Demir e Enerji Yapi, in cui gli strumenti Oil, insieme alla Carta sociale europea e alle decisioni del Comitato per i diritti sociali, sono stati impiegati per ampliare il contenuto dell’art.11 Cedu, includendovi il diritto di contrattazione e azione collettiva. Alla luce delle modifiche introdotte dal Trattato di Lisbona, successive alle sentenze Viking e Laval, si considera se e in che modo gli standard Oil e la giurisprudenza di Strasburgo possano avere un impatto positivo sull’Ue, stimolando un bilanciamento più equilibrato tra diritti sociali e libertà economiche. / The thesis analyses the impact of international labour standards about freedom of association on national legal systems and on the European level, to verify if they can reinforce the protection of collective social rights. The research starts from a survey of ILO sources on freedom of association, considered as a fundamental right to be promoted universally, and from the definition, provided by the supervisory bodies, conceiving strike as an “intrinsic corollary” of the right to organize. The thesis focuses on the use of international labour standards by judges in the context of the cooperation among judiciary authorities and quasi-judicial specialized bodies. In particular, the research considers some judgments of the European Court of Human Rights, as Demir and Enerji Yapi, where ILO instruments, together with the European Social Charter and the decisions of the European Committee of Social Rights, were used to extend the scope of art. 11 ECHR so as to cover the right to collective bargaining and collective action. In the light of the Lisbon Treaty modifications, the thesis considers, after the ECJ rulings in the Viking and Laval cases, if and how ILO standards and the recent ECHR case-law may have a positive impact on EU, stimulating a fairer balancing between economic freedoms and social rights.

Law and development mainstream conceptions of labour market policies, while still marked by long-dominant views of contract law as economically superior to any labour regulation, have recently incorporated certain specific labour (human) rights. Core labour rights are thus accepted by global policy-makers, on the basis of their radical distinction from non-core labour standards and their rationalization according to certain foundational principles. This thesis criticizes the prevailing dichotomies between core labour rights and non-core standards, on the one hand, and contract law and regulation, on the other, bringing to bear the post-legal realist idea of legal indeterminacy. It argues that the organizing legal concepts that justify these dichotomies contain gaps and ambiguities that often lead to contradictory and indeterminate outcomes. It thus suggests that the core/non-core labour standards and contract/regulation distinctions are unproductive and should be rejected if a better conception of labour governance is to come to fruition.

Law and development mainstream conceptions of labour market policies, while still marked by long-dominant views of contract law as economically superior to any labour regulation, have recently incorporated certain specific labour (human) rights. Core labour rights are thus accepted by global policy-makers, on the basis of their radical distinction from non-core labour standards and their rationalization according to certain foundational principles. This thesis criticizes the prevailing dichotomies between core labour rights and non-core standards, on the one hand, and contract law and regulation, on the other, bringing to bear the post-legal realist idea of legal indeterminacy. It argues that the organizing legal concepts that justify these dichotomies contain gaps and ambiguities that often lead to contradictory and indeterminate outcomes. It thus suggests that the core/non-core labour standards and contract/regulation distinctions are unproductive and should be rejected if a better conception of labour governance is to come to fruition.

L’année 1919 a été décisive dans l’histoire sociale. En effet, elle fut marquée par la création de l’Organisation internationale du travail (OIT), issue de la partie XIII du traité de Versailles. Cette institution à vocation universelle se plaçait dans la continuité d'expérimentations et de réflexions menées, depuis le XIXe siècle, sur le Vieux Continent. L’objectif des puissances européennes était de définir un cadre international de règles, communes aux Etats, pour empêcher à la fois les excès de certains patrons, les conflits avec les travailleurs, tout en combattant la pratique du dumping social et en garantissant une concurrence loyale, non seulement entre eux mais aussi à l’échelle internationale. La France joua un rôle majeur dans la rédaction de ces textes et dans la création de l’OIT, chargée de poursuivre ce travail. De ce fait, cette institution dut concilier l’européocentrisme dominant le BIT et sa vocation universelle. La solution apparut, durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, à travers l’interrégionalisme développé par Paul van Zeeland, et que l’institution tenta de mettre en œuvre durant l’après-guerre et la guerre froide. Il s’agissait de créer des regroupements régionaux et de les faire coopérer dans les domaines politique, économique et social pour garantir la paix dans le monde ; l’Europe occidentale devait en être le laboratoire. Cette région, notamment la France, influença donc durablement les réflexions de l’OIT. / The year 1919 was decisive in the social history. Indeed, it was marked by the creation of the International Labour Organization (ILO), resulting from part XIII of the treaty of Versailles. This institution with universal vocation placed itself in continuity of experiments and of carried out reflections, since the 19th century, on the Old continent. The objective of the European powers was to define an international framework of common rules for States, to prevent at the same time excesses of some managers, the conflicts with the workers, while fighting the practice of the social dumping and guaranteeing a fair competition, not only between them but also on an international scale. France played a major role in the writing of these texts and the creation of the ILO, charged to continue this work. So this institution had to reconcile the europeocentrism dominating the International Labour Office and its universal vocation. The solution appeared, during the Second World War, through the interregionalism developed by Paul van Zeeland, and that the institution tried to implement during the post-war period and the cold war. It was a question of creating regional regroupings and of making them cooperate in the policy fields, economic and social to guarantee peace in the world; Western Europe had to be the laboratory about it. This region, in particular France, thus influenced durably the reflections of the ILO.