O tema desta dissertação é a relação entre Supremo Tribunal Federal e executivo militar no período de institucionalização do regime militar brasileiro (1964-1969). O trabalho examina (i) o papel desempenhado pelo Supremo durante tal período, (ii) as causas e os mecanismos pelos quais o tribunal foi enquadrado no espírito da Revolução, e (iii) como o regime militar de 1964 interferiu no exercício pela corte de suas funções de poder político e protetor dos direitos e garantias individuais. A pesquisa foca os acórdãos proferidos pelo Supremo entre 1964 e 1969. A dissertação está dividida em duas grandes partes. A primeira parte tem por objetivo contextualizar o leitor, descrevendo, entre outros tópicos, (i) o impacto da doutrina da segurança nacional no direito e no ordenamento jurídico, e (ii) a importância do bacharéis da UDN para história da corte durante tal período. A segunda parte do trabalho é o coração da dissertação. O capítulo 2 explica o novo direito constitucional brasileiro criado pelo preâmbulo do Ato Institucional nº 1. O capítulo 3 analisa dezenas de decisões proferidas pelo Supremo entre o Ato Institucional nº 1 (9.4.1964) e o Ato Institucional nº 2 (27.10.1965). Demonstra como a jurisprudência do Supremo evoluiu da incompetência declarada pela própria corte para julgar os habeas corpus ajuizados pelos inimigos da Revolução à concessão de dezenas desses habeas corpus, mesmo contra os interesses do executivo militar. Os militares responderam editando o Ato Institucional nº 2, pelo qual o número de ministros foi aumentado de 11 para 16 e a competência da justiça comum para julgar habeas corpus relativos a crimes políticos foi transferida para a justiça militar. O capítulo 4 explica as conseqüências do Ato Institucional nº 2 para a jurisprudência do STF, revelando que, mesmo com a nomeação de novos ministros pelos presidentes militares, dezenas de habeas corpus continuaram a ser concedidos em favor dos adversários do regime. Em resposta, o presidente Costa e Silva editou o Ato Institucional nº 5, aposentando à força três ministros e proibindo a concessão pelo judiciário de novos habeas corpus em casos de crimes políticos. Em 1969, o número de ministros foi reduzido pelos militares de 16 para 11. Em conclusão, a dissertação comprova que o processo de enquadramento do Supremo executado pelos militares foi finalmente concluído em 1969. / This paper addresses the relationship between the Brazilian Supreme Court (Supremo Tribunal Federal) and the executive branch during the organization of the Brazilian military regime (1964-1969). It examines (i) the role played by Supremo during such period, (ii) the causes and mechanisms whereby the court was framed in the spirit of the Revolution, and (iii) how the military regime of 1964 interfered in the exercise by the court of its functions of police maker and protector of personal rights and guarantees. The research focus on the rulings rendered by Supremo between 1964 and 1969. This paper is divided in two main parts. The first one contextualizes the reader, describing, among other matters, (i) the impact of the national security doctrine (doutrina da segurança nacional) in Law and in the legal system, and (ii) the significant role played by the UDN bachelors of Law for the history of the court during such period. The second part is the heart of the paper. Chapter 2 explains the new Brazilian Constitutional Law created by the prologue of Ato Institucional nº 1. Chapter 3 analyses tens of Supremo rulings rendered between Ato Institucional nº 1 (4.9.1964) and Ato Institucional nº 2 (10.27.1965). It addresses how Supremos case law shifted from denying its own jurisdiction to rule on the writs of habeas corpus filed by the enemies of the Revolution to granting tens of such habeas corpus, even against the will of the military regime. The military responded enacting Ato Institucional nº 2, whereby the number of justices was increased from 11 to 16 and the jurisdiction of the civil courts to rule on habeas corpus regarding political offenses was transferred to the military courts. Chapter 4 explains the consequences of Ato Institucional nº 2 to Supremos case law, revealing that, despite the appointment of new justices by the military presidents, tens of habeas corpus continued to be granted in benefit of the political opponents of the regime. President Costa e Silva responded enacting Ato Institucional nº 5, forcing the retirement of three justices and forbidding the granting by the judiciary of new habeas corpus regarding political offenses. In 1969, the number of justices was reduced by the military from 16 to 11. In conclusion, this paper proves that the framing of Supremo Tribunal Federal carried out by the military regime was finally accomplished in 1969.

Submitted by Pedro Mizukami (pedro.mizukami@fgv.br) on 2011-08-17T22:00:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DMPPJ - MARGA TESSLER.pdf: 878306 bytes, checksum: 06d4c8dfbaa29f5f2f71f83aadac8ccc (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pedro Mizukami (pedro.mizukami@fgv.br) on 2011-08-19T17:44:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DMPPJ - MARGA TESSLER.pdf: 878306 bytes, checksum: 06d4c8dfbaa29f5f2f71f83aadac8ccc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-09-02T14:18:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DMPPJ - MARGA TESSLER.pdf: 878306 bytes, checksum: 06d4c8dfbaa29f5f2f71f83aadac8ccc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / This study reflects a personal preocupation about effectivity of jurisdiction regarding the fundamental right to health and the dilemas profered to the judge obliged to decide about issues that go beyond the juridical matter. The Federal Constitution has established it is everybodies right and a duty of the State, made available by the State, through public policies. The access to the service is universal and free, with the SUS (Public Health System) constituting the only backing or support to the majority of the population in case of illness. The reality of the services offered is far from the constitutional formulations. There are some aspects for which the service is exemplary and internationaly praised, such as the public policy of medication for bearers of AIDS. The Judiciary grants medicines not available through the public service, causing a strong impact on the budgets, creating tension points with the public managers. The Judiciary is then seen as an element of disruption, while the number of judiciary actions grows continously. In order to contribute to the comprehension of the problem, with no pretention of exhausting it, the study summarizes the history of public health services throughout its course in the Brazilian constitutions. It approaches the structural principles of the SUS. The public policies in matters of medication, its formulators and beneficiaries. It examines judicial decisions, fundamentation and criteria used. To end, it identifies an innovative initiative of the STF (Supreme Federal Court) with the summons to the Public Hearing number 4 and the consequences and results obtained. / Este estudo reflete uma preocupação pessoal com a efetividade da jurisdição na questão do direito fundamental à saúde e os dilemas que se apresentam ao juiz, o- brigado a decidir sobre questões complexas e que transcendem à matéria jurídica. A Constituição Federal de 1988 estabeleceu, no artigo 6o, que a saúde é um direito social a ser disponibilizado pelo Estado. Já o artigo 196 diz que a saúde é direito de todos e dever do Estado, garantindo mediante políticas sociais e econômicas. O acesso às ações e serviços é universal e gratuito, constituindo o SUS em patrimônio social e o único respaldo da maioria da população em caso de doença. A realidade dos serviços oferecidos está distante das formulações constitucionais. Há aspectos, contudo, em que ele funciona e é elogiado, como a política pública de medicamentos para portadores de AIDS. As demandas judiciais são crescentes, em especial em busca de medicamentos, sempre dispendiosos e diferentes dos disponibilizados pelo serviço público. Esta atuação judicial tem se dado de forma pouco racional, não havendo uma fundamentação das decisões, causando fortes impactos nos orçamentos. O Judiciário passa a ser visto como um elemento perturbador, criando pontos de tensão com os gestores públicos. Para contribuir com algum elemento, sem ter a pretensão de esgotar a matéria, a- presento um resumo do percurso histórico-social da matéria na evolução da socie- dade brasileira. A construção das políticas públicas em saúde e seus formuladores. Os princípios em direito sanitário e as políticas em torno dos medicamentos. Reunidos estes elementos, verificam-se as decisões judiciais, procurando identificar os fundamentos e os critérios que orientaram os julgados e as tendências observa- das. Investiga-se sobre a Audiência Pública no 4, percebida como prática inovadora na administração da Justiça, que não se esgota em si, e prossegue gerando repercussões. Constata-se e conclui-se que o direito à saúde se afirma de forma preponderante por políticas públicas e o Poder Judiciário esforça-se por construir uma política institucional para melhor cumprir o seu papel.

O tema desta dissertação é a relação entre Supremo Tribunal Federal e executivo militar no período de institucionalização do regime militar brasileiro (1964-1969). O trabalho examina (i) o papel desempenhado pelo Supremo durante tal período, (ii) as causas e os mecanismos pelos quais o tribunal foi enquadrado no espírito da Revolução, e (iii) como o regime militar de 1964 interferiu no exercício pela corte de suas funções de poder político e protetor dos direitos e garantias individuais. A pesquisa foca os acórdãos proferidos pelo Supremo entre 1964 e 1969. A dissertação está dividida em duas grandes partes. A primeira parte tem por objetivo contextualizar o leitor, descrevendo, entre outros tópicos, (i) o impacto da doutrina da segurança nacional no direito e no ordenamento jurídico, e (ii) a importância do bacharéis da UDN para história da corte durante tal período. A segunda parte do trabalho é o coração da dissertação. O capítulo 2 explica o novo direito constitucional brasileiro criado pelo preâmbulo do Ato Institucional nº 1. O capítulo 3 analisa dezenas de decisões proferidas pelo Supremo entre o Ato Institucional nº 1 (9.4.1964) e o Ato Institucional nº 2 (27.10.1965). Demonstra como a jurisprudência do Supremo evoluiu da incompetência declarada pela própria corte para julgar os habeas corpus ajuizados pelos inimigos da Revolução à concessão de dezenas desses habeas corpus, mesmo contra os interesses do executivo militar. Os militares responderam editando o Ato Institucional nº 2, pelo qual o número de ministros foi aumentado de 11 para 16 e a competência da justiça comum para julgar habeas corpus relativos a crimes políticos foi transferida para a justiça militar. O capítulo 4 explica as conseqüências do Ato Institucional nº 2 para a jurisprudência do STF, revelando que, mesmo com a nomeação de novos ministros pelos presidentes militares, dezenas de habeas corpus continuaram a ser concedidos em favor dos adversários do regime. Em resposta, o presidente Costa e Silva editou o Ato Institucional nº 5, aposentando à força três ministros e proibindo a concessão pelo judiciário de novos habeas corpus em casos de crimes políticos. Em 1969, o número de ministros foi reduzido pelos militares de 16 para 11. Em conclusão, a dissertação comprova que o processo de enquadramento do Supremo executado pelos militares foi finalmente concluído em 1969. / This paper addresses the relationship between the Brazilian Supreme Court (Supremo Tribunal Federal) and the executive branch during the organization of the Brazilian military regime (1964-1969). It examines (i) the role played by Supremo during such period, (ii) the causes and mechanisms whereby the court was framed in the spirit of the Revolution, and (iii) how the military regime of 1964 interfered in the exercise by the court of its functions of police maker and protector of personal rights and guarantees. The research focus on the rulings rendered by Supremo between 1964 and 1969. This paper is divided in two main parts. The first one contextualizes the reader, describing, among other matters, (i) the impact of the national security doctrine (doutrina da segurança nacional) in Law and in the legal system, and (ii) the significant role played by the UDN bachelors of Law for the history of the court during such period. The second part is the heart of the paper. Chapter 2 explains the new Brazilian Constitutional Law created by the prologue of Ato Institucional nº 1. Chapter 3 analyses tens of Supremo rulings rendered between Ato Institucional nº 1 (4.9.1964) and Ato Institucional nº 2 (10.27.1965). It addresses how Supremos case law shifted from denying its own jurisdiction to rule on the writs of habeas corpus filed by the enemies of the Revolution to granting tens of such habeas corpus, even against the will of the military regime. The military responded enacting Ato Institucional nº 2, whereby the number of justices was increased from 11 to 16 and the jurisdiction of the civil courts to rule on habeas corpus regarding political offenses was transferred to the military courts. Chapter 4 explains the consequences of Ato Institucional nº 2 to Supremos case law, revealing that, despite the appointment of new justices by the military presidents, tens of habeas corpus continued to be granted in benefit of the political opponents of the regime. President Costa e Silva responded enacting Ato Institucional nº 5, forcing the retirement of three justices and forbidding the granting by the judiciary of new habeas corpus regarding political offenses. In 1969, the number of justices was reduced by the military from 16 to 11. In conclusion, this paper proves that the framing of Supremo Tribunal Federal carried out by the military regime was finally accomplished in 1969.

Les facteurs historiques, politiques, sociologique ou culturel propres à chacun des deux pays, que nous évoquons dans l’introduction, traduisent une interprétation différente de la notion d’indépendance du juge en France et en Thaïlande. L’exigence d’indépendance attachée à la fonction des juges va de pair en France avec la crainte d’un retour du « gouvernement des juges », et la méfiance à l’égard du corporatisme et du pouvoir des juges. Si l’indépendance du juge est bien établie en France, elle est « une indépendance surveillée ». Cela ne signifie pas pour autant que cette indépendance est moins grande que l’indépendance sans surveillance. En Thaïlande, d’une manière générale, la Justice n’est pas regardée avec méfiance, mais elle a été délaissée. Depuis l’Ancien régime, elle n’a fait l’objet d’une réforme qu’en 1997 où la Constitution thaïlandaise a créé, sans obstacle, selon une interprétation rigide du principe de la séparation des pouvoirs, un vrai corps judiciaire puissant, séparé et isolé du gouvernement et peut-être de la société. Cela ne signifie pas pour autant qu’elle installe une véritable indépendance. L’arbitraire de l’exécutif, qui est la justification de la protection, peut être remplacé par l’arbitraire du corps lui-même. Le statut des juges judiciaires de ces deux pays que nous traitons dans les deux parties de cette thèse exprime cette diversité. / The historical, political, and cultural factors of each country, which we will describe in an introduction, give a different interpretation of judicial independence concept in Thailand and France. The requirement of judicial independence attached to the profession of judge is along with French tradition of fear regarding to return of the "government of judges", corporatism, and the power of judges. If independence of judiciary is well established in France, it would be the "supervised independence". This does not mean that it is less independent than independence without supervision. In Thailand, justice, in general, has not been suspicious by the other powers, but it has been abandoned. The Constitution of Thailand, without obstacle, because of the rigid and strict separation of powers, made Justice which has just been reformed in 1997 since the Ancien Regime, to become a real powerful judiciary, separated and isolated from Government and maybe from society. However, this does not mean that a true independence of judge is established. The arbitrariness of the executive power, which is the justification of protection, can be replaced by the arbitrariness of judge itself. The legal status of judges in both countries which we treat in both parts of this thesis will reflect this diversity.

Este trabalho tem por estudo a relação entre o Legislador e o Intérprete, relacionando esse conflito de papéis nas instituições com a figura de grupos minoritários, utilizando-se da decisão da ADPF 132/ADI 4277 como exemplo desse enfrentamento. Dessa forma um fenômeno recente da realidade brasileira, acompanhado de um forte crescimento é o desempenho ativista do Poder Judiciário, o protagonismo exercido por este é amplamente discutido e polemizado. Essa postura alcança desdobramentos dos mais diversos níveis, e engloba variados preceitos desde a estrutura dos poderes; harmonia institucional; desempenho funcional e repercussão social. Pautada por uma sociedade cada vez mais complexa e plural a figura das minorias aparece como vulnerável. Nesse contexto social e político atualmente se baseia o fenômeno de uma relação desarmônica entre as instituições detentoras do poder, mais explicitamente entre o Poder Legislativo e o Poder Judiciário. O método e o mérito da resolução de conflitos consiste em uma espécie de analogia com relação ao enfrentamento e interferências nas prerrogativas essencialmente atribuídas aos parlamentares e a resolução de conflitos por parte do judiciário, realçando a eficaz decisão em relação ao mérito da questão, mas em conflito com a ilegitimidade do órgão que a exerceu. Ou seja, com o questionamento da necessidade- excesso de judicialização. Trata-se de um debate fundamental e de grandiosa importância para o desenrolar do Estado Democrático de Direito; a realidade social e a sua relação com a democracia. Leva- se ao entendimento que a postura é um fenômeno posto e se não estabelecido com o cuidado e merecedora atenção, pode ocasionar efeitos colaterais e riscos severos de entrave ao respeito do ideal democrático. Situação que revela a vulnerabilidade e instabilidade da sociedade e principalmente das minorias em relação aos poderes e a problemática e polêmica do ativismo judicial. Utiliza-se uma pesquisa bibliográfica, qualitativa com método dedutivo, para buscar compreender as causas e consequências da relação de grupos minoritários, exemplificados pela decisão do STF na ADPF132/ADI 4277, com a ligação do conflito entre o Legislador e o Intérprete. / This research's goal is to study the relationship between the legislator and the interpreter, relating this conflict of roles in these institutions to the figure of minority groups, using the decision of ADPF 132/ADI 4277 as an example of this confrontation. This is a recent phenomenon in brazilian reality, accompanied by a strong growth performance of the activist judiciary, and its widely discussed role. This attitude reaches consequences of different levels, and encompasses a variety of precepts from the structure of powers, institutional harmony, functional performance and social impact. Guided by an increasingly complex and pluralistic society, minority figures appear as vulnerable. The phenomenon of a disharmonious relationship between the institutions that hold power, more explicitly between the Legislature and the Judiciary, is based on this social and political context today. The method and the substance of the conflict resolution consist in a kind of analogy related to confrontation and interference to the prerogatives attributed mainly to parliamentarians and conflict resolution by the judiciary, highlighting the effective decision related to the merits, but illegitimate for this institution. In other words, questioning the need - over judicialization. This is a fundamental debate and has its great importance for the development of the democratic state with rule of law; the social reality and its relation to democracy. It leads to the understanding that this is a phenomenon that if not established with the required care and attention, may cause severe side effects and severe risks to the respect of the democratic ideal. This situation reveals the vulnerability and instability of society, especially the minorities in relation to the controversy of the judicial activism. A bibliographic research is used, qualitative with deductive method, seeking to understand the causes and consequences of the relation of minority groups, exemplified by the decision of the Supreme Court in ADPF132/ADI 4277, linked to the conflict between the legislator and the interpreter.

Linnaeus University Supervisor: Anders Fröjmark Examiner: Erik Wångmar Author: Hanna Jansson Title: Prison penitentiary in the late 1800:s. Hard labor prisoners in Karlskrona and Landskrona prison and their sentences. The purpose with this paper is to examine how Swedish prisons alter over time. In this paper two prisons are compared in various times to illustrate the changes over time. The prisons go from only having a few inmates to an increase with over 40 inmates. The two prisons are also compared which similarities and differences they have. How the courts make their judgements is also a question that is treated in this paper. The judgements are similar which indicates a strong central control. This paper will also focus on how you can use the source material in secondary school teaching. There is found, among of other things, a source exercise.

On February 5, 1937, President Franklin Roosevelt submitted to Congress “The Judiciary Reorganization Act of 1937,” often simply called the Court-packing bill. The president hoped to circumvent the Court, which for years had been overturning New Deal programs, by appointing six new justices. However, the bill disguised its true intentions behind a veil of improving judicial efficiency. This misdirection backfired; the bill failed and Roosevelt’s popularity plummeted just months after a landslide reelection. This thesis examines the origins of the infamous Court-packing bill. It argues that Roosevelt was largely a background figure in the development of the plan, as he charged Attorney General Homer Cummings with finding a solution to the Court’s obstinacy. Cummings was the driving force behind the bill, particularly with regards to keeping it secret from other advisers and hiding its true intentions. Roosevelt’s most crucial mistake was in relying almost exclusively on his cunning attorney general.

This thesis deals with the formation and development of the Supreme Administrative Court of the Republic of Czechoslovakia. Given that this institution in our country was built on similar principles as the previous administrative court in Vienna, there is a part of the work given to the development of Supreme Administrative Court in Vienna and also briefly discusses the development of directions of administrative judiciary in Europe, because only in mutual relations you can understand why after an establihment of the independent Republic of Czechoslovakia, the concept of the Supreme Administrative Court in Vienna used in our conditions as well. In particular, thanks to this and the legislative framework, the Supreme Administrative Court of Republic of Czechoslovakia could be constitued in a very short time after the establishment of the Republic of Czechoslovakia. The following is gradual evolution of the court changes its powers and jurisdiction, including amendments to the Act made about him. In addition, this work also addresses the issue of the seat of the Supreme Administrative Court, staffing its decision-making.

It is often accentuated - not only by legal scholars, but also by political scientists - that law, politics, and society in the modern West have been marked by the increasing power of the judge. Therefore in my thesis I have decided to describe the current problems in the constitutional judiciary, including the issue of the so-called goverment of judges (or judicial tyranny) and the role of constitutional courts and judges in modern society. Needless to say, my work is based on extensive use of the fundamental book "Constitutional Courts and Democratic Values: A European Perspective" written by Victor Ferreres Comella, which provides the most detailed analytic description of the centralized model of constitutional review currently available. My thesis consists of an introduction, four chapters and a final conclusion. In the first chapter, the history of Czechoslovak and Czech constitutional judiciary is described from the beginning in the 1920s to the birth of the Czech Republic in the 1990s. In the second part of my thesis, the models of constitutional judiciary in contemporary world in brief are dealt with. French, American and German model are characterized and the specific way in which they function is investigated. In the third chapter I focus on the so-called problem of judical republic,...

The US Supreme Court, its formation and first key decisions The thesis offers an insight of an era in which the Supreme Court of United States was founded and established itself as one of the major government institutions as well as a strong powerhouse of American politics. Essential for understanding of the future importance and role of the Court is to perceive not only its own early history but also an understanding of broader context concerning a development of the early American society as a whole. The thesis based on this implied layout consists of three main chapters. The first attempts to grasp a vast set of conditions which served, each to a different extent, as an inspirational background influence for the Founders in the creation of an American statehood. The natural rights philosophy, a product of the Age of Enlightenment, introduced by the work of John Locke set a foundation for American political thinking. The natural rights approach gloriously manifested itself in the Declaration of Independence (1776) and from then on runs as a red thin line throughout the entire legal history of United States. The Founders in the creation of a new American order amalgamated their knowledge of past human endeavors in various state systems and social structures into a constitutional based system of...