O presente trabalho desenvolve o tema da dissuasão nuclear, partindo de uma discussão teórica sobre alguns conceitos desenvolvidos pela escola neorrealista de Relações Internacionais. Especificamente entra em consideração a obra de Kenneth Waltz e de John Mearsheimer, com vistas à elucidação de termos como poder, polaridade e capacidade nuclear. Num segundo momento, para fazer um contraponto à escola neorrealista, são abordados autores dos Estudos Estratégicos, com destaque para Bernard Brodie, Thomas Schelling, Lawrence Freedman, Colin Gray e Eugenio Diniz. Procura-se retratar, entre outros fatores, a evolução do pensamento estratégico nuclear ao longo da Guerra Fria. O trabalho também é permeado por questões relacionadas com uma elaborada explanação do que vem a ser dissuasão nuclear, aqui entendida como capacidade de poder. Embora grande parte do esforço desse trabalho esteja voltada para questões de cunho teórico, o refinamento da literatura permite, inerentemente, que o debate se estenda para o campo prático/político. Verificar quais são os pré-requisitos para um país ser considerado uma potência nuclear, bem como o significado e as implicações práticas disso tudo, permeiam grande parte da presente pesquisa. Acima de tudo, cabe verificar quem a Índia é capaz de dissuadir com as suas forças estratégicas/nucleares. Após a apresentação de um breve panorama securitário do subcontinente indiano, para que se tenha uma maior e melhor compreensão do que levou a Índia a se nuclearizar, o capítulo final desenvolve o tópico das implicações da dissuasão nuclear como capacidade de poder, aplicado ao caso indiano. / This dissertation deals with the topic of nuclear deterrence and takes as its starting point a theoretical discussion of some of the concepts presented by the neorealist school of International Relations. In particular, this paper focuses on the work of Kenneth Waltz and John Mearsheimer, explaining terms like power, polarity and nuclear capacity. Secondly, in order to provide a kind of foil or counterpoint to the neorealist school, this dissertation presents the views of various authors from the field of Strategic Studies, particularly Bernard Brodie, Thomas Schelling, Lawrence Freedman, Colin Gray and Eugenio Diniz. Among other things, the investigation traces the evolution of nuclear strategic theory during the period of the Cold War. The dissertation also deals with issues related to the meaning of nuclear deterrence, seen here as power capability. Although the main focus of this research has to do with theoretical matters, the literature that was taken into consideration also allows one to branch out into the more practical field of politics. Thus, a good deal of the research centers on the prerequisites that have to be met before a nation can be considered a nuclear power and the meaning and practical implications of this. Above all, what needs clarification is whom or which countries India is able to deter with the nuclear or strategic power at its disposal. Therefore, after a brief presentation of the security landscape of the Indian subcontinent, which will allow one to gauge why India decided to go nuclear, the last chapter of this dissertation takes up the implications of nuclear deterrence as power capability, as it applies to India.

Esta dissertação apresenta os resultados de uma análise do filme La terra trema (1947), dirigido pelo italiano Luchino Visconti. Considerando a feição política da obra, procuramos evidenciar o modo como Visconti articula temática e formalmente em seu filme as contradições históricas da Itália do pós-guerra. Para refletirmos a concepção de realismo na cinematografia de Visconti, analisamos alguns artigos que Visconti, Mario Alicata e Giuseppe De Santis publicaram na revista italiana Cinema, no início da década de 1940. Por meio desses artigos, apresentamos o empenho dos autores em retomar a narrativa de Giuseppe Verga para a criação de um novo cinema. Também apresentamos uma leitura do ensaio Alguns temas da questão meridional (1926), de Antonio Gramsci. Com essa leitura, indicaremos linhas de convergências entre pensamento do marxista sardo, e os problemas figurados pelo filme. Através do diálogo com a crítica italiana, e da análise de algumas cenas do filme, refletimos a forma como essa constelação de problemas se configurou no filme La terra trema. / This dissertation presents the results of an analysis of La Terra Trema (1948), directed by Luchino Visconti. Considering the political particularity of the movie, we tried to underline how Visconti articulates in his films thematically and formally the historical contradictions of the post-war Italy. In order to speculate the idea of realism in Viscontis filmography, we analyze articles written by Visconti, Mario Alicata e Giuseppe de Santi published in the Italian magazine Cinema, in the early 1940s. Through these articles, we present the effort of the authors to resume Guiseppe Vergas narrative for the creation of a new cinema. We also present a reading of Antonio Gramscis essay Some Aspects of the Southern Question (1926). With such a reading, we will indicate lines of convergence between Sardian Marxist thought and the problems figured by the film. Through the dialogue with the Italian criticism, and the analyzes of some scenes from the movie, we speculate the form how this constellation of problems have been set in the film La Terra Trema.

Orientador: Francisco Elinaldo Teixeira / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Artes / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T12:54:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mendes_EuclidesSantos_D.pdf: 1403678 bytes, checksum: 99882588c5a417d98f7a94f8e9331831 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: O cineasta italiano Federico Fellini aprendeu o ofício de roteirista nos anos 1940, enquanto colaborava em filmes neorrealistas, e o manteve ao longo da sua vida. Consagrou-se internacionalmente como diretor no início dos anos 1960, ao transformar seu primevo olhar de matriz neorrealista numa reelaboração realístico-subjetiva. Fellini, por meio do neorrealismo, levou a imagem puramente ótica e sonora para além do neorrealismo, moldando-a, segundo o filósofo Gilles Deleuze, como um cristal de tempo / Abstract: The Italian filmmaker Federico Fellini learned the art of screenwriting in the 1940s, while collaborating in neorealistic movies, and mantained it throughout his life. He established himself internationally as a director in the early 1960s, when he transformed his primal neorealist matrix approach into a subjective-realistic reelaboration. Through neorealism Fellini took the pure optical-sound image beyond the neorealism, shaping it as a crystal of time, according to the philosopher Gilles Deleuze / Doutorado / Multimeios / Doutor em Multimeios

[pt] Em busca de um novo cinema português discorre acerca da gênese do referido movimento que se tornou conhecido por tratar-se de uma transformação ampla no modo de ver e fazer cinema em Portugal. Como se mostrou evidente, inúmeros debates acerca da função social da arte nasceram das discussões em torno do impasse estabelecido entre uma arte de viés modernista e outra, de feições neo-realistas. A dupla vinculação do cinema com a literatura, em Portugal, faz-se não apenas através de inúmeras adaptações literárias ao longo de todo o século XX, como também a partir da atuação de escritores e poetas no interior do campo cinematográfico. Argumentando através da atuação exatamente de alguns desses escritores, o objetivo central e estruturante deste trabalho é re-discutir e apresentar a tetralogia do cinema neo-realista português e re-pensar a gênese do novo cinema. O novo cinema, como se afirma aqui, nasce da efervescência da vida cultural portuguesa ao longo dos anos 1950, contrariando o ponto de vista consensual, que percebe a mencionada década como os anos negros do cinema português. A experiência do cineclubismo, a enorme difusão e veiculação das revistas especializadas, bem como a atuação de Manuel Guimarães, Alves Redol e Leão Penedo são o ponto de partida para o debate em torno das feições de um novo cinema que se dá, sobretudo, ao longo dos anos 1950 e dos anos 1960. Para tanto, o trabalho reveste-se de uma componente histórica que é imprescindível, apesar do interesse maior estar contido na interpretação e, sobretudo, na avaliação destes dados. / [en] In search of a new Portuguese cinema talks about the genesis of this movement that became known as this is a huge transformation in the way of seeing and making movies in Portugal. As shown clearly, many debates about the social function of art grew out of discussions on the impasse reached between the art of modernist bias, and the other features neorealists. The dual link between cinema and literature, in Portugal, it is not only through numerous literary adaptations throughout the twentieth century, but also with the work of writers and poets within the field of film production. Arguing over the exact role of some of these writers, the central and structuring of this work is re-discuss and display the portuguese neorealist cinema tetralogy and re-think the genesis of the new cinema. The new film, as stated here, born of the churning of the Portuguese cultural life over the years 1950, against the consensus view, which perceives the aforementioned decade as the dark years of the Portuguese cinema. The experience of cinema clubs, a huge spread and propagation of journals, as well as the performance of Manuel Guimarães, Alves Redol and Leão Penedo are the starting point for debate about the features of a new film that takes place mainly due to the throughout the 1950s and 1960s. To this end, the work is of a historical component that is essential, despite the increased interest is contained in the interpretation and, above all, in assessing this.

Vast amounts of energy resources have equipped Russia with powerful means of influence on energy dependent Ukraine. This essay places Russia’s current energy policy towards Ukraine into a broader theoretical perspective. Drawing on the work of John Mearsheimers theory of Offensive Neorealism and Joseph. Nye’s theory of Hard and Soft Power, the essay explains why and how Russia as regional hegemon use its energy weapon to build regional spheres of influence. How Russia chooses to use its energy resources depends on the level of external pressure. Essays analysis shows that the essays chosen theories goes a long way to explain the overall pattern of Russia’s energy policy toward Ukraine from 2004-2014. The thesis concludes that Russia was in fact using its energy resources as a geostrategic foreign and security policy instrument.

This thesis aims to introduce Moravia's Roman Tales as inspiration for several 1950's and 1960's Italian films. Individual chapters focus on literary and historical context, characteristics of film and literature relationship, an analysis of selected stories and an analysis of films with respect to their linking with their literary basis. Based on the analysis of the selected short stories and films, the concluding part summarizes how individual elements (environment, characters, plot) are worked with, whether the choice of the cast manifested itself, how were the film means, which literature can not take advantage of, used, and to which extent do the films preserve the intention of the original text. A subjective review of the films touched upon is a part of the final part as well. General trends connected with the devolopment of Italian cinematography of the 1950's and 1960's are also mentioned. The appendices briefly introduce work and lives of Alberto Moravia and the directors and scriptwriters of the given films.

The aim of the thesis was to show the weakness of SAARC right from its origins as well as a great flaw in the making of the charter which excluded the notion of security as well as "bilateral" and "contentious" issues to be discussed in the organization. South Asia has for long been an area prone to violence and mistrust and the exclusion of elements of vital importance has further added to the weakness of SAARC. In the following work I will portray the dynamics and working of the region of SAARC as well as individual countries on how it affects the region as a whole and also why SAARC continues to be a toothless organization in-spite knowing the origin of the problem and why nothing is being done. Also, with the case study of India and Pakistan, it shows us that when two nations of totally opposite ideologies and bloody beginnings since independence exist within the region, the idea of integration is a far fetched dream.

Ever since the outbreak of the Syrian civil war two countries have been outspoken about the situation, Russia and the United States. As the conflict has developed these two actors have been active within the conflict both militarily and diplomatically. This outlines the research problem, why these actors have had an interest in Syria. The aim of this research is to find explanations of why the two countries have acted like they have in the conflict. The actions and events are analyzed through several concepts drawn from two international relations theories, namely neoliberalism and neorealism. Some core concepts of the theories are operationalized into several indicators which make up the model used in the analysis. Furthermore, the thesis is considered as being a most similar comparative case study using qualitative methods. The main findings in the analysis shows that many of the actions by both Russia and the United States can be explained through both theories. Neorealism shows of being more suitable when explaining military events and neoliberalism is found to be better at explaining diplomatic or non-military matters.

of Master thesis Russia's Syria policy: geopolitical interests or defense of great power identity? Marcel Hirling Abstract: Russia has been the dominating actor in Syria since the outbreak of the civil war in 2011. Researchers disagree what Russia motivates to block UN resolutions, support Assad, and intervene militarily in 2015. Academics have mainly focused on neorealist explanations. Constructivist arguments have been shortcoming so far as they miss a detailed theoretical justification and empirical evidence. This thesis aims to fill this gap by arguing that the objective utility of Syria is marginal. Instead, Syria provided Russia the opportunity to present itself as a global power, able to shape world affairs on eye level with the US. Therefore, this paper conducts a congruence analysis, which evaluates each theory's explanatory power. The analytical section is split into three parts. The first shows that events before Syria did not make a Russian intervention in Syria necessary, but that recognition of Russia's global power identity has been denied. That Russia's actions in Syria are not entirely congruent with neorealist expectations is shown by the second part. Finally, by conducting a content-analysis, several Russian narratives are evaluated that support the argument that Russia seeks...

As this essay goes we have come to believe that an explanation for the Iraq war cannot be found in either the rhetoric or the claim that it was a legally internationally sanctioned war under international law. This is a theory-testing study where we use a theoretical perspective in political science from the international relations studies; Realism is examined, we want to see if it can better explain why the United States invaded Iraq. The main problem in the essay is to identify the reasons why the Iraqi invasion became a fact. In the C-thesis, we go through the perspectives content in a detailed way and briefly describe its views. We have collected material both about the Iraqi invasion and about the theory we want to test. Based on our pre-understanding of the theories, we interpret the developments in Iraq and try to explain them. We have come to the conclusion that realism is very much relevant to our subject and argues for it well. In realism it is the state that is the main actor and concepts like anarchy, self-help, survival and balance of power can best explain USA:s actions. This essay focuses on the means it took (the bush-doctrine) to legitimize such an act, but the mainspring of this essay is how we can understand the reasoning USA must have had behind the decision to invade Iraq. We believe that a realistic approach is the best way to explain what led the US to invade Iraq and through this perspective we can across chosen concepts from Realism, categorize different events that might have had played a vital role in this matter that are relevant with our theoretic perspective.