Este trabalho teve como objetivo identificar as contribuições que um programa educativo da organização não governamental ambientalista IPÊ - Instituto de Pesquisas Ecológicas oferece para a área da educação ambiental voltada a conservação da biodiversidade, por meio da integração da pesquisa científica com o ensino formal. Utilizou-se neste estudo a adoção de processos de avaliação qualitativa e quantitativa nos quais os dados foram obtidos por diversos instrumentos de coleta. O estudo foi baseado nos referenciais da abordagem participativa e da pesquisa-ação e realizado na bacia hidrográfica do rio Pardo junto a 72 alunos do ensino formal, 05 professoras e 06 pesquisadores da área ambientalista. Os resultados indicam a pré-disposição entre pesquisadores ambientalistas e professores do ensino formal em se integrarem em ações de educação ambiental direcionadas a formação socioambiental dos estudantes e que, a troca de informações e conhecimentos são os principais fatores que motivam a ação participativa e integradora entre professor e pesquisador na inserção da temática ambiental nas salas de aulas bem como na conservação ambiental local. Os resultados indicam também que a estratégia educativa da ONG IPÊ, possibilitou aumento de aprendizagem, criatividade, socialização entre os alunos e interesses pelas questões ambientais locais. O estudo aponta ainda para a necessidade de haver maiores oportunidades de orientação e preparação dos docentes para a prática das atividades com a temática ambiental em ambientes extra-classes. / This study had the objective of identifying the contributions of an educational program conducted by a non-governmental conservation organization, IPÊ - Instituto de Pesquisas Ecológicas (Institute for Ecological Research) in the field of environmental education, geared to the conservation of biodiversity through the integration of scientific research and the formal educational system. Qualitative and quantitative evaluation processes were adopted, in which the data were collected using a number of instruments. The study was based on the principles of participatory approach and research-action, and took place in the surroundings of the Rio Pardo region, involving 72 students of the formal education system, 5 teachers and 6 researchers of the environmental field. Results indicate a predisposition among environmental researchers and teachers to become involved in environmental education actions that aim at students\' social and environmental enhancements. The exchange of information and of knowledge was the main factor to motivate participation and integration actions between teachers and researchers in the inclusion of environmental themes and local conservation in classrooms. Results also indicate that IPÊ\'s education strategy increased learning, creativity and socialization among students, besides stimulating their interest in local environmental aspects. The study shows the need to promote more opportunities to guide and prepare teachers to conduct extra-classroom activities with environmental focus.

Using critical feminist theories and methodologies, my research investigates the power relations and influences at play within the field of children's environmental health. I begin with the research question of how a parent's everyday purchase of a toy or other children's product is "hooked into" extra-local governance (agenda-setting, rule-making and monitoring). Focusing on Bisphenol A and phthalates as an example, in-depth interviews were conducted with six government officials (three federal and three municipal), three non-governmental organization (NGO) representatives, a politician, six higher education faculty members and a parent, as well as two focus groups of 23 parents. Legislation and other relevant documents from governments, NGOs, industry and media were analyzed together with reports of their activities and attitudes to theorize "how things work" in the identification and management of toxic substances in products for sale, with a special interest in how this affects children's environmental health. My research revealed the influence of neo-liberalism, corporate power and over-reliance on strictly evidence-based biomedical reductionism in slowing down assessment and regulation of chemicals while many health professionals and grassroots activists have called for swifter responses based on the precautionary principle, as favoured by European governments. That is, politics and bureaucracy, with the approval of industry, over the past two decades, have clung to reductionist science as the only paradigm for understanding toxicity, thus slowing down regulatory processes. Although the historical and epistemological power relations mapped in my research work together to legitimize scientific certainty rather than the precautionary principle, I argue that the resulting regulatory logjam has been and could be addressed by reference to European examples, knowledge produced by collectives and the establishment of upstream and equity-based public health strategies with public input into the process.

Using critical feminist theories and methodologies, my research investigates the power relations and influences at play within the field of children's environmental health. I begin with the research question of how a parent's everyday purchase of a toy or other children's product is "hooked into" extra-local governance (agenda-setting, rule-making and monitoring). Focusing on Bisphenol A and phthalates as an example, in-depth interviews were conducted with six government officials (three federal and three municipal), three non-governmental organization (NGO) representatives, a politician, six higher education faculty members and a parent, as well as two focus groups of 23 parents. Legislation and other relevant documents from governments, NGOs, industry and media were analyzed together with reports of their activities and attitudes to theorize "how things work" in the identification and management of toxic substances in products for sale, with a special interest in how this affects children's environmental health. My research revealed the influence of neo-liberalism, corporate power and over-reliance on strictly evidence-based biomedical reductionism in slowing down assessment and regulation of chemicals while many health professionals and grassroots activists have called for swifter responses based on the precautionary principle, as favoured by European governments. That is, politics and bureaucracy, with the approval of industry, over the past two decades, have clung to reductionist science as the only paradigm for understanding toxicity, thus slowing down regulatory processes. Although the historical and epistemological power relations mapped in my research work together to legitimize scientific certainty rather than the precautionary principle, I argue that the resulting regulatory logjam has been and could be addressed by reference to European examples, knowledge produced by collectives and the establishment of upstream and equity-based public health strategies with public input into the process.

This paper attempts to determine the theoretical requirements for a non-state actor to give peacekeepers to a Member state of the United Nations, who would in turn give those peacekeepers to the United Nations. The paper examines two case studies, specifically the contract between Blackwater and the United States Department of State and the SHIRBRIG series of treaties. The paper finds that there is some overlap between a Member state’s needs and a non-state actor’s needs and that there is a theoretical possibility of the donation stated above taking place.

Darbo objektas: Lietuvos kovinio sporto federacijų organizacinis efektyvumas. Darbo tikslas: Nustatyti kuo vienos Lietuvos kovinio sporto federacijos yra efektyvesnės už kitas. Darbo uždaviniai: 1. Apibūdinti nevyriausybinių organizacijų ir federacijų veiklą Lietuvoje; 2. Apžvelgti nevyriausybinių organizacijų vertinimo modelius; 3. Palyginti Lietuvos kovinio sporto federacijų organizacinį efektyvumą. Darbo metodai: mokslinių straipsnių ir statistinių duomenų analizė. Tyrimo metodologija: Tyrime yra naudojama statistinių duomenų bei federacijų vidinių archyvų analizė. Duomenys buvo analizuojami atliekant kelių dimensijų organizacijos efektyvumo vertinimą (sujungiant tikslų, išteklių ir daugialypį strateginių grupių modelius), remiantis atlikto tyrimo Italijos lengvosios atletikos federacijoje metodologija, kurią 2000 m. sudarė A. Madella bei Portugalijos, Italijos, Ispanijos, Graikijos plaukimo federacijų lyginamąja organizacinio efektyvumo analize atlikta 2005 m. Bayle ir kt. Rezultatai ir išvados: 1. Nevyriausybinės organizacijos Lietuvoje yra socialinių (tame tarpe ir sporto) paslaugų tiekėjai. Kiekviena sporto federacija Lietuvoje vysto bei plėtoja vieną sporto šaką ar šakų grupę. 2. Efektyvumo matavimo metodai nevyriausybinėse organizacijose yra skirstomi į tikslų, išteklių, vidinių procesų, konkuruojančių verčių ir daugialypių strateginių grupių modelius. Kiekvienas naujai atliekamas tyrimas turi pritaikyti modelį pagal organizacijos ypatumus arba, apjungus kelis... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Organizational effectiveness of Lithuanian martial arts federations.

Magistro darbo objektas yra nevyriausybinės organizacijos vidinė komunikacija ir jos įtaka reputacijos valdymui. Darbo tikslas – išanalizavus nevyriausybinės organizacijos reputacijos valdymo kontekstą, išnagrinėti nevyriausybinės organizacijos vidinės komunikacijos taikymo reputacijos valdyme galimybes. Darbo uždaviniai: išanalizuoti nevyriausybinės organizacijos reputacijos valdymo poreikius; išnagrinėti organizacijos reputacijos tematikos tyrinėtojų sukurtus organizacijos reputacijos valdymo modelius ir jų pritaikymo galimybes nevyriausybinės organizacijos reputacijos valdyme; išanalizuoti nevyriausybinės organizacijos vidinės komunikacijos veiksnius ir jų įtaką nevyriausybinės organizacijos reputacijos valdymui; išnagrinėti pasirinktos nevyriausybinės organizacijos vidinės komunikacijos veiksnius, turinčius įtakos organizacijos reputacijos valdymui ir pateikti rekomendacijas dėl vidinės komunikacijos taikymo reputacijos valdyme. Naudojantis mokslinės literatūros analizės metodu, padarytos išvados, kad nevyriausybinės organizacijos reputacijos valdyme svarbu atsižvelgti į pagrindinius nevyriausybinių organizacijų bruožus: institucionalizavimą, pelno nesiekiančios veiklos vykdymą, savivaldos ir savanoriškumo principus. Nevyriausybinės organizacijos reputacijos valdyme galima taikyti daugelį tyrinėtojų siūlomų reputacijos valdymo modelių, tačiau modeliai turi būti pritaikomi atsižvelgiant į konkrečios organizacijos specifiką, dydį, vidinių grupių skaičių, veiklos formas... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The object of this study is non-governmental organization’s internal communication and its role in reputation management. The aim of this study is to analyse the context of non-governmental organization reputation management and according to it find out the significance of the internal communication factors in non-governmental organization reputation management. The tasks of the study: to analyse the factors which have settled the need of non-governmental organization reputation management; to analyse organization reputation management models and opportunities for non-governmental organization reputation management; to analyse internal communication factors and application of these factors in non-governmental organization reputation management; to analyze chosen organization‘s internal communication factors what may have influence to organizations reputation management as well as make recommendations for the chosen organization‘s internal communication factors applying in reputation management. Analysis of science literature has indicated that in non-governmental organizations reputation management it is important to take account of the main features of non-governmental organizations: institutionalization, non-profit activity, self-government and voluntary principles. In non-governmental organizations reputation management could be used many researchers proposed reputation management models, but these models would be adapted to the specificities of a particular organization... [to full text]

A consagração do neoliberalismo como ideologia dominante, em meados dos anos 1980 veio acompanhada de diversas mudanças no papel do Estado, principalmente no que concerne às questões sociais, que passaram a ser repassadas ao setor social. Tal mudança vem abrindo espaço para que se questione o lugar de certas organizações – as ONG -, as quais, nos anos 1960/70/80, atuaram na América Latina como verdadeiros partidos políticos em defesa dos grupos socialmente mais vulneráveis (CARRION; COSTA, 2011). Paralelamente, em um contexto no qual o neoliberalismo tem se consagrado não somente como ideologia, mas como práxis, modificações na paisagem urbana das cidades têm privilegiado a valorização fundiária, acompanhada da expulsão dos grupos social e economicamente desfavorecidos para regiões periféricas das cidades. Assim, em tempos de preparação para a Copa do Mundo de Futebol de 2014, que resultará em diversas mudanças na paisagem urbanística de Porto Alegre, esta pesquisa teve como objetivo investigar as ações da ONG Cidade – tradicional defensora dos interesses urbano-ambientais das camadas mais vulneráveis da população - a fim de analisar em que medida sua presença na esfera pública contribui para que o planejamento urbano em Porto Alegre seja democraticamente construído. Para tanto, estudo caracterizou-se como qualitativo e exploratório, possuindo como método o estudo de caso. As técnicas de coleta de dados foram a observação participante e a análise documental. Para a análise dos dados colhidos, que foi baseada na análise de conteúdo, utilizou-se como referencial teórico o pensamento habermasiano e, em especial, o debate acerca das teorias de mundo da vida e mundo do sistema (1992; 2002). Como resultados, a pesquisa desvelou, de um lado, as dificuldades que a ONG Cidade tem enfrentado para se fazer ouvir nos canais formais de participação popular, estabelecidos para o debate relacionado às questões urbanas e, de outro, a cumplicidade do Estado com os interesses do capital. Esses fatores têm contribuído para a disseminação de um modelo de „cidade da exclusão‟, o qual, em nome da mais valia fundiária, está transferindo a população de baixa renda para regiões periféricas da cidade. Diante do exposto, fica claro que a lógica habermasiana de mundo do sistema é a que predomina na esfera pública que trata do planejamento urbano de Porto Alegre. Por fim, evidencia-se que a ONG Cidade mantém sua autonomia política de ação diante do Estado e contribui para a construção democrática à medida que foca seu trabalho na articulação dos movimentos sociais em torno de alternativas de resistência ao modelo excludente apresentado pelo governo municipal. Entretanto, em um mundo que está em constantes mudanças, onde o papel do Estado é sucessivamente redefinido, pode-se questionar: Até quando entidades tradicionalmente defensoras dos interesses das camadas mais vulneráveis da população, como a ONG Cidade, vão conseguir manter sua lógica de atuação e defender os interesses daqueles que representam? / The consecration of neoliberalism as the dominant ideology in the mid-1980s was accompanied by several changes in the role of the state, especially regarding social issues, which came to be passed on to the social sector. This change has opened space for questioning whether the place of certain organizations - NGOs - which, in the years 1960/70/80, worked in Latin America as real political parties in the interests of socially vulnerable groups (CARRION; COAST, 2011). In parallel, in a context in which neoliberalism has been enshrined not only as an ideology, but as practice, changes in the urban landscape of cities have tended to increase in land values, accompanied by the expulsion of the socially and economically disadvantaged groups to the outskirts of cities.Thus, in times of preparation for the FIFA World Cup 2014, which will result in several changes in the urban landscape of Porto Alegre, this research aimed to investigate the actions of NGO Cidade - traditional defender of urban-environmental vulnerable population layers interests - in order to analyze to what extent its presence in the public sphere contributes so that the urban planning in Porto Alegre could democratically be built. For this reason, the study characterized as qualitative and exploratory, and the method used was a case study. The techniques of data collection were participant observation and document analysis. In order to analyze the data collected, which was based on content analysis, was used a theoretical Habermas's thought, in particular, the debate about the theories of the life world and the world of system (1992; 2002). As the survey results unveiled, on one side, the difficulties that the NGOs Cidade has faced to be heard in formal channels of popular participation established for the discussion related to urban issues, and, on the other hand, the complicity of state with the interests of capital. These factors have contributed to spread a model of a „city of exclusion', which, on behalf of the more valuable land, is shifting to low-income city peripheral areas. In the view of the forgoing, it is clear that the logic of Habermas about world of system is the one that prevails in the public sphere which treats urban planning in Porto Alegre. Finally, it is evident that the NGO Cidade keeps its political autonomy of action against the state and contributes to a democratic building as it focuses its work on the articulation of social movements around resistence alternatives to the exclusionary model presented by the municipal government. However, in a world that is constantly changing, where the role of the state is successively redefined, the question remains: Even when entities traditionally champions of the interests of the most vulnerable population, such as NGOs Cidade, will get his logic performance and protect the interests of those they represent?

The purpose of this research study was to assess the control function of social work managers. The basic focus of the study is on how they perceive this management function of control as they exercise it, as well as how it is exercised to them. Out of two research methods that one can choose from, namely quantitative and qualitative, the quantitative was chosen as the relevant one to use because of the specific close-ended questions that were to be answered by respondents regarding the exercise of control as a management function. Out of twenty five (25) questionnaires, an analysis of data was done on twenty (N = 20), because that was the original target and the five were just distributed in case some could not answer for whatever reason. The findings and responses from the respondents were analysed and interpreted to meet the main objectives of the study. / Die doel van hierdie studie was om vas te stel wat die kontrole funksie van ’n maatskaplikewerk-bestuurder is. Hierdie studie is gefokus op hoe die bestuursfunksie beleef word soos dit beoefen word. Van die twee navorsingsmetodes waaruit gekies kan word, naamlik kwalitatief en kwantitatief, is daar besluit dat die kwantitatiewe metode meer relevant sal wees omdat dit spesifieke geslote vrae vra wat ingestel is op die bestuursfunksie van kontrole. Uit die 25 vraelyste is die data van 20 (N = 20) vraelyste ontleed, aangesien dit die aanvanklike teiken was. Daar is 5 ekstra uitgedeel net ingeval daar persone sou wees wat nie die vraelys kon voltooi nie. Die bevindinge en reaksie van die 20 ondervraagdes is ontleed en geïnterpreteer om die basiese doel van die studie te bereik. / Social Work / M. Diac. (Social Work)

A consagração do neoliberalismo como ideologia dominante, em meados dos anos 1980 veio acompanhada de diversas mudanças no papel do Estado, principalmente no que concerne às questões sociais, que passaram a ser repassadas ao setor social. Tal mudança vem abrindo espaço para que se questione o lugar de certas organizações – as ONG -, as quais, nos anos 1960/70/80, atuaram na América Latina como verdadeiros partidos políticos em defesa dos grupos socialmente mais vulneráveis (CARRION; COSTA, 2011). Paralelamente, em um contexto no qual o neoliberalismo tem se consagrado não somente como ideologia, mas como práxis, modificações na paisagem urbana das cidades têm privilegiado a valorização fundiária, acompanhada da expulsão dos grupos social e economicamente desfavorecidos para regiões periféricas das cidades. Assim, em tempos de preparação para a Copa do Mundo de Futebol de 2014, que resultará em diversas mudanças na paisagem urbanística de Porto Alegre, esta pesquisa teve como objetivo investigar as ações da ONG Cidade – tradicional defensora dos interesses urbano-ambientais das camadas mais vulneráveis da população - a fim de analisar em que medida sua presença na esfera pública contribui para que o planejamento urbano em Porto Alegre seja democraticamente construído. Para tanto, estudo caracterizou-se como qualitativo e exploratório, possuindo como método o estudo de caso. As técnicas de coleta de dados foram a observação participante e a análise documental. Para a análise dos dados colhidos, que foi baseada na análise de conteúdo, utilizou-se como referencial teórico o pensamento habermasiano e, em especial, o debate acerca das teorias de mundo da vida e mundo do sistema (1992; 2002). Como resultados, a pesquisa desvelou, de um lado, as dificuldades que a ONG Cidade tem enfrentado para se fazer ouvir nos canais formais de participação popular, estabelecidos para o debate relacionado às questões urbanas e, de outro, a cumplicidade do Estado com os interesses do capital. Esses fatores têm contribuído para a disseminação de um modelo de „cidade da exclusão‟, o qual, em nome da mais valia fundiária, está transferindo a população de baixa renda para regiões periféricas da cidade. Diante do exposto, fica claro que a lógica habermasiana de mundo do sistema é a que predomina na esfera pública que trata do planejamento urbano de Porto Alegre. Por fim, evidencia-se que a ONG Cidade mantém sua autonomia política de ação diante do Estado e contribui para a construção democrática à medida que foca seu trabalho na articulação dos movimentos sociais em torno de alternativas de resistência ao modelo excludente apresentado pelo governo municipal. Entretanto, em um mundo que está em constantes mudanças, onde o papel do Estado é sucessivamente redefinido, pode-se questionar: Até quando entidades tradicionalmente defensoras dos interesses das camadas mais vulneráveis da população, como a ONG Cidade, vão conseguir manter sua lógica de atuação e defender os interesses daqueles que representam? / The consecration of neoliberalism as the dominant ideology in the mid-1980s was accompanied by several changes in the role of the state, especially regarding social issues, which came to be passed on to the social sector. This change has opened space for questioning whether the place of certain organizations - NGOs - which, in the years 1960/70/80, worked in Latin America as real political parties in the interests of socially vulnerable groups (CARRION; COAST, 2011). In parallel, in a context in which neoliberalism has been enshrined not only as an ideology, but as practice, changes in the urban landscape of cities have tended to increase in land values, accompanied by the expulsion of the socially and economically disadvantaged groups to the outskirts of cities.Thus, in times of preparation for the FIFA World Cup 2014, which will result in several changes in the urban landscape of Porto Alegre, this research aimed to investigate the actions of NGO Cidade - traditional defender of urban-environmental vulnerable population layers interests - in order to analyze to what extent its presence in the public sphere contributes so that the urban planning in Porto Alegre could democratically be built. For this reason, the study characterized as qualitative and exploratory, and the method used was a case study. The techniques of data collection were participant observation and document analysis. In order to analyze the data collected, which was based on content analysis, was used a theoretical Habermas's thought, in particular, the debate about the theories of the life world and the world of system (1992; 2002). As the survey results unveiled, on one side, the difficulties that the NGOs Cidade has faced to be heard in formal channels of popular participation established for the discussion related to urban issues, and, on the other hand, the complicity of state with the interests of capital. These factors have contributed to spread a model of a „city of exclusion', which, on behalf of the more valuable land, is shifting to low-income city peripheral areas. In the view of the forgoing, it is clear that the logic of Habermas about world of system is the one that prevails in the public sphere which treats urban planning in Porto Alegre. Finally, it is evident that the NGO Cidade keeps its political autonomy of action against the state and contributes to a democratic building as it focuses its work on the articulation of social movements around resistence alternatives to the exclusionary model presented by the municipal government. However, in a world that is constantly changing, where the role of the state is successively redefined, the question remains: Even when entities traditionally champions of the interests of the most vulnerable population, such as NGOs Cidade, will get his logic performance and protect the interests of those they represent?

Submitted by Jamile Barbosa da Cruz (jamile.cruz@ucsal.br) on 2017-01-16T12:35:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 SERGIO VHZ 2014.pdf: 997211 bytes, checksum: a652c594311a589e226ac3a86b229c60 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rosemary Magalhães (rosemary.magalhaes@ucsal.br) on 2017-01-16T17:59:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 SERGIO VHZ 2014.pdf: 997211 bytes, checksum: a652c594311a589e226ac3a86b229c60 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-16T17:59:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Sergio.pdf: 997211 bytes, checksum: a652c594311a589e226ac3a86b229c60 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-07-30 / A presente dissertação tem como objetivo central realizar uma análise dos mecanismos de contratação de Organizações não Governamentais pelo poder público no Brasil, identificando os modelos impostos pelas leis vigentes, assim como analisando o novo Marco Legal. Neste intuito fez-se necessário buscar no referencial teórico algumas considerações sobre o Estado e a concepção de Estado do Bem-Estar Social e sua crise, com o fim de compreendermos a dinâmica na transferência da execução de serviços públicos para organizações da sociedade civil através da celebração de parcerias. Verifica-se que no caso brasileiro as parcerias foram incentivadas a partir da reforma administrativa que aconteceu em meados da década de 1990, com fundamento na Constituição Federal de 1988, que se mostra propícia à descentralização e terceirização de serviços. Neste trabalho o conceito de organizações da sociedade civil sem fins lucrativos está intimamente ligado a ideia de terceiro setor e ao modelo de instituições brasileiras sem fins lucrativos. Desta maneira, procuramos realizar uma análise sobre os elementos do desenho das parcerias das ONGs conveniadas com o poder público à luz da legislação atual e do Novo Marco Legal / The present work is mainly aimed to conduct an analysis of contracting mechanisms of non-governmental organizations by the government in Brazil, identifying the models imposed by applicable laws, as well as analyzing the new Legal Framework. To this end he was made in the theoretical framework necessary to seek some considerations about the state and the conception of the State Social Welfare and its crisis, in order to understand the dynamics of executing the transfer of public services to civil society organizations through the partnering. It appears that in the Brazilian case the partnerships were encouraged from the administrative reform that happened in the mid-1990s, based on the Federal Constitution of 1988, which shows favorable to decentralization and outsourcing services. In this work the concept of civil society organizations nonprofit is closely linked to the idea of third sector and the Brazilian nonprofit model. Thus, we tried to perform an analysis on the design elements of partnership agreements with the government in the light of current legislation and the New Legal Framework NGOs.