Abstract Title: Foreign news coverage. Does the media influence the action in international crises? (Utrikesbevakning. Påverkar media agerandet i internationella kriser?) Number of pages: 39 Author: Charlotta Andrésson Tutor: Professor Lowe Hedman Course: Media and Communication Studies C University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala University. Date of submission: 2007-01-03, autumn term of 2006 Purpose/Aim The purpose of the essay is partly to examine if foreign news coverage influence the political agenda setting and the incentives of the public’s willingness to give charity for humanitarian crises. It is also to answer if the media are responsible for the possible consequences of the news coverage. My main questions at issue are: 1. Does the foreign news coverage influence the political agenda setting and the incentives of the public’s willingness to give charity for humanitarian crises? 2. Is media responsible for the possible consequences of their foreign news coverage? I also ask a question at issue in a research of Swedish foreign news coverage in my essay to get a clearer picture of the foreign news coverage: 3. How does Swedish foreign news coverage relate to prior research? Method: The second chapter of the essay is a literature research of news selection and news values. The third chapter of the essay is a research of media’s influence on the world politics and humanitarian aid. These two chapters are literature studies based on prior research, theories and debates. The fourth chapter is an empirical study of a news programme on a Swedish TV-channel during a five months period between 2004 and 2005. My interest in the empirical study was to examine how the material was divided geographically and as regards contents. The fifth and sixth chapter of the essay consists of an analysis and a discussion. Main results: As my main result I concluded that the media influence the political agenda setting and the the incentives of the public’s willingness to give charity for humanitarian crises. The media throw light upon which crises that should be given priority to. The theories for news selection and news value agrees with the result of my research of Swedish foreign news coverage. I also concluded that the media alone was not responsible for the possible consequences for their foreign news coverage but that they are the premier channel of information about the world for most people. Keywords: Foreign news, news selection and news value, CNN-effect, Media and political agenda setting, Media influence of humanitarian aid.

The United States' enemy image of North Korea has been on its political agenda since the Korean war. Weapons of mass destruction has, since the Cold War, shown the complexity it brings on conflictual interests and decision-makers persuading efforts. Enemy image, per se, brings difficulties in achieving cooperation, substantially when both parties contempt high levels of enmity. However, the newly established U.S.-DPRK relationship brings hope for cooperative possibilities regarding denuclearization on the Korean peninsula. The relationship between Donald Trump and Kim Jong-Un is not based on trust, instead, it is dependent on the concrete steps taken by the other. The enemy image of North Korea has been settled on the U.S. political agenda firmly because of the principles regarding denuclearization and security. The enemy image is also an important factor to consider when examining political agendas, since the changing dynamics are dependent on how state A interpret state B and vice versa. What has articulated the dynamics of the U.S. enemy image against North Korea? and how has its enemy image changed? To answer the question at issue, a theory consumption of Eriksson and Noreen’s explanatory model is necessary. Which consists of context-dependent external and informal factors that will contribute different but coherent hypotheses.

Presidents are said to exert their influence mainly through addressing the public and public speaking. Setting the media agenda is considered as one of the presidents' main strategic powers. Although the contemporary Czech president Václav Klaus enjoys substantial media attention, it is not granted that the media report on everything he says and emphasises. This research focuses on the interaction between presidential speeches at important occasions, represented by the 1 January, 28 October, and 17 November address, and the media represented by three nation-wide dailies Mladá fronta DNES, Právo and Blesk. The time span of the research is 2007 to 2011. The analysis seeks to examine how often were the presidential speeches reported by the media, and which particular topics from them generated press coverage. The results show that the media were mostly attracted by the 1 January address, while the 17 November speech received least attention. It has also emerged that the media reporters have been choosing selectively which topics from the speeches to cover. The scope of the space dedicated to each of the topics by the president in his speeches has not been reflected by the journalists. Therefore, significant differences in the topical priorities between the presidential and media agenda were...

This dissertation thesis follows from a wide stream of considerations of the relationship between the mass media, public and politics; in particular detail, it deals with a specific concept which attempts to grasp, model and empirically examine this relationship. The main goals of the thesis can be in short divided into two interrelated areas. The first aim is to introduce the concept of agenda setting to the Czech academic environment, with its theoretical, terminological and research frame for an analysis of relationships between the mass media content, dynamics of public opinion, and the political sphere. The second aim is to analyze how agenda setting processes are theoretically grounded and studied in the Czech social studies. The theoretical part of the thesis is structured according to two perspectives: diachronic and synchronic. In the diachronic perspective, I try to grasp the social context and historical origins of agenda-setting as a concept, its development, main trends, and developmental lines. This way, I move forward to the synchronic perspective and describe academic grounding of agenda-setting; I give a detailed analysis of the present level of the agenda-setting research and the main research areas through available classifications. The second fundamental area of the dissertation consists...

Submitted by Geandra Rodrigues (geandrar@gmail.com) on 2018-08-01T19:22:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 anacarolinadesouzacaetano.pdf: 2777922 bytes, checksum: 5d8b8a318afa3f96e6c9e18b044b391a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-08-01T19:25:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 anacarolinadesouzacaetano.pdf: 2777922 bytes, checksum: 5d8b8a318afa3f96e6c9e18b044b391a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-01T19:25:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 anacarolinadesouzacaetano.pdf: 2777922 bytes, checksum: 5d8b8a318afa3f96e6c9e18b044b391a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-27 / PROQUALI (UFJF) / Trata do levantamento de temas para a formação de uma agenda pública para as bibliotecas universitárias federais brasileiras, no que concerne ao atendimento das necessidades informacionais da pós-graduação e da pesquisa. Utilizou-se por método a revisão bibliográfica do tema das políticas públicas para as bibliotecas universitárias, recuperando a visão dos bibliotecários e a dos pesquisadores sobre estas no prisma abordado, e também um estudo investigativo que teve por subdivisão as áreas de fontes de informação e seu acesso, atendimento da biblioteca, planejamento e ação da biblioteca e formação de agenda. Os participantes da pesquisa foram alunos, professores e bibliotecários de três áreas do conhecimento e de dez universidades federais mineiras. Foram identificados e analisados os principais problemas que a biblioteca universitária sofre atualmente para atender a pósgraduação e a pesquisa e se construiu uma proposta de agenda baseada nesse panorama. Mapearam-se como possíveis ações para minorar a problemática, com alguns indicativos de sua efetivação, a capacitação dos bibliotecários, a constituição de infraestrutura para construção de repositórios institucionais acadêmicos, a elaboração de critérios para avaliação de bibliotecas acadêmicas, o desenvolvimento de coleções para pesquisa e pós-graduação, o planejamento de serviços, a capacitação de usuários, o registro de políticas da biblioteca e meios de quantificação de seus efeitos. / This survey of the themes for the formation of a public agenda for brazilian federal university libraries in regard to meeting the information needs of graduate studies and research. Method was used by the bibliographic review of public policies for university libraries, recovering the vision of librarians and researchers on these approached the prism, and also had an investigative study by subdividing the areas of information sources and their access, call the library, planning and action library and training agenda. Survey participants were students, teachers and librarians three knowledge areas and ten mining federal universities. Were identified and analyzed the main problems that the university library currently suffer to meet the postgraduate and research and built a proposed schedule based on these figures. Is mapped as possible actions to alleviate the problem, with some indications of its effectiveness, the training of librarians, the creation of infrastructure for construction of academic institutional repositories, the development of criteria for evaluating academic libraries, collection development for research and graduate, planning services, user training, registration of library policies and means of quantifying their effects.

La sélection de l'information intégrée à l'agenda politique représente une étape décisive pour les politiciens, influencée par des contraintes telles que les ressources limitées et la dispersion de l'attention nécessaire pour résoudre les problèmes prioritaires. Cette dynamique souligne l'importance croissante du rôle de la capacité de l'État dans la conception et la formation de l'agenda politique, un sujet sous-étudié dans la littérature sur les politiques publiques. Cette thèse se focalise précisément sur une question qui a été peu explorée jusqu'à présent : quelle est l'influence de la capacité de l'État sur la formation de l'agenda politique ? Afin de répondre à cette question, trois chapitres empiriques ont été développés, visant à examiner la dynamique complexe entre la capacité de l'État et l'agenda politique au Brésil. Le premier article (chapitre 3) met en lumière les mécanismes de changement de l'agenda législatif pendant les conflits agro-environnementaux au niveau national. Il souligne comment la capacité du secteur agricole et de l'environnement influence les informations intégrées dans l’agenda politique. L'article conclut que les secteurs agricoles dotés d'une plus grande capacité étatique ont tendance à bloquer les sujets environnementaux de l'agenda politique, mais que sous la pression médiatique, ils peuvent être amenés à concéder temporairement à ceux avec une capacité moindre. Le deuxième article (chapitre 4) examine l'influence de la capacité étatique sur l'utilisation de l'information scientifique pendant la pandémie de COVID-19 au niveau régional. Il révèle que les États avec une forte capacité épidémiologique ont tendance à privilégier l'information scientifique dans leur agenda politique, même lorsque d'autres approches sont disponibles. L'article souligne également que la capacité épidémiologique des États devient cruciale pour déterminer le type d'information intégrée dans l'agenda politique, en particulier en période de crise. Le troisième article de cette thèse (chapitre 5) explore l’influence de l'opinion publique sur la gravité des mesures prises lors de la pandémie de COVID-19 au niveau régional. Il met en évidence que les États avec des capacités épidémiologiques plus fortes tendent à accorder une plus grande importance aux préoccupations de santé publique dans leurs décisions politiques, tandis que ceux avec des capacités moindres peuvent être davantage influencés par les préoccupations économiques. L'article conclut que la capacité étatique influence la manière dont les ii gouvernements interprètent et utilisent l'information de l'opinion publique pour définir leur agenda politique. En conclusion, ces articles démontrent le rôle crucial de la capacité étatique dans la formation de l'agenda politique. Cette capacité influence la sélection et la priorisation de l'information, ce qui en retour détermine les sujets abordés par les décideurs politiques. Comprendre le fonctionnement de la capacité étatique est donc indispensable pour appréhender pleinement les mécanismes de la formation de l'agenda politique. / The selection of information integrated into the political agenda represents a crucial step for politicians, influenced by constraints such as limited resources and the dispersion of attention needed to address priority issues. This dynamic increasingly emphasizes the importance of the state's capacity in shaping and forming the political agenda, a topic under-explored in the literature on public policy. This thesis specifically focuses on a question that has been relatively unexplored until now: what is the influence of state capacity on the formation of the political agenda? To address this question, three empirical chapters were developed, aiming to examine the complex dynamics between state capacity and the political agenda in Brazil. The first article (Chapter 3) highlights the mechanisms of legislative agenda change during agroenvironmental conflicts at the national level. It emphasizes how the capacity of the agricultural and environmental sectors influences the information integrated into the political agenda. The article concludes that agricultural sectors with greater state capacity tend to block environmental issues from the political agenda, but under media pressure, they may be temporarily compelled to concede to those with lesser capacity. The second article (Chapter 4) examines the influence of state capacity on the use of scientific information during the COVID-19 pandemic at the regional level. It reveals that states with strong epidemiological capacity tend to prioritize scientific information in their political agenda, even when other approaches are available. The article also emphasizes that the epidemiological capacity of states becomes crucial in determining the type of information integrated into the political agenda, especially during times of crisis. The third article of this thesis (Chapter 5) explores the influence of public opinion on the severity of measures taken during the COVID-19 pandemic at the regional level. It highlights that states with stronger epidemiological capacities tend to prioritize public health concerns more in their policy decisions, while those with weaker capacities may be more influenced by economic concerns. The article concludes that state capacity influences how governments interpret and use public opinion information to shape their political agenda. In conclusion, these articles demonstrate the crucial role of state capacity in shaping the political agenda. This capacity influences the selection and prioritization of information, which in turn determines the topics addressed by policymakers. Understanding the functioning of state capacity is therefore essential for fully grasping the mechanisms of agenda formation.

The purpose of this thesis is to probe into Goodhart’s theory of Somewheres and Anywheres in the Swedish society. Goodhart’s theory states that a population in the modern 21st century can be divided into the groups Somewhere and Anywhere. This thesis examines if the theory is viable in the Swedish society and if the categories determines the electorates feeling of being able to impact the political agenda. The method used in this thesis is semi-structured interviews with eight electorates — in a younger age bracket (19-29), and an older age bracket (52-63), in four different categories of residential areas. The result indicates that the theory is viable in Sweden and that the Somewhere-electorates feel like they cannot impact the political agenda. The Anywhere-electorates feel like they can, and is the group that has dominated the politics. This may be a explanation for the unstable politics we see in the western society, since Somewheres, according to Goodhart, is half the population, while Anywheres only make up 20-25 percent but is the group ruling politics which leads to discontent, and can be a factor leading to unstable politics.

This essay aims to explore the complex interplay between race, religion, and violence as depicted in The Autobiography of Malcolm X by Alex Haley. Through an exploration of Frantz Fanon's theories regarding recognition and violence, alongside James H. Cone’s concept of Black theology, the essay establishes a foundation for the analysis. This analysis will analyze Malcolm X’s evolving transformative identity and political agenda. The essay aims to understand Malcolm X’s engagement with Islamic teachings, his critique of Christianity, and his experiences with violence, and how these themes together shape his social and political agenda in his pursuit of liberation. Malcolm X challenges the racial narrative and argues that White people are devils. This perception undergoes a profound shift after his pilgrimage to Mecca. This transformative journey sheds light on the factors that shaped Malcolm X’s perspective on religion, racial separation, self-defense, and liberation. This essay argues that Malcolm X underwent a profound evolution of ideological perspectives after his affiliation with the NOI and his trip to Mecca, leading to a deeper understanding of Black liberation and the complexities of racial identity.