O reordenamento do Império português materializado na instalação da Corte na América (1808) e na elevação do Brasil à categoria de Reino Unido (1815) revigorou a capacidade de mediação com os residentes da Bahia que perceberam a dilatação das oportunidades e, de diversas maneiras, buscaram usufruir os benefícios propiciados pelas mudanças conjunturais. No entanto, a despeito dos vínculos estabelecidos com o regente e da censura imposta pelo governo absolutista, a província não ficou imune à difusão do ideário liberal e às experiências políticas em curso na América espanhola, evidenciados em sua adesão ao constitucionalismo em princípios dos anos 1820. O estudo discute como as alterações políticas no período de 1808-1823 influíram no processo de aprendizado individual e coletivo na Bahia, esgarçando os mecanismos que até então haviam possibilitado a sustentação do Estado português ao mesmo tempo em que demandaram novas articulações entre as classes dirigentes para o encaminhamento da instabilidade política e a conformação de uma nova estrutura de poder político. / The rearrangement of the Portuguese Empire materialized in instalation of the Court in America (1808) an the elevation of Brazil the United Kingdom (1815) reanimated the capacity of the mediation with the residents of Bahia conscious the dilatation of oportunities and, in many ways, sough enjoy the benefits gained by conjucture. However, in spite of the bond with the regent and the censorship imposed by absolutism, the province absorbed the liberal ideas and experiences in the hispanic America, as evidenced by its adherence to constitucionalism in the early 1820. The study analyses how the political changes in the years of 1808 and 1823 influenced the the private and collective learning process in Bahia, tearing the mechanisms which until then allowed the support of the Portuguese State at the same time that required news articulations between the ruling classes for the conduct of the political instability and conformation of a new strucuture of political power.

Neste trabalho, parto da última crise política boliviana para mostrar como a forte mobilização social, entre os anos de 2000 e 2005, rompeu com as fronteiras do campo da política institucional. Apesar da ascensão de representantes dos setores indígenas e camponeses, em 2006, a crise política não chegou ao fim. Ela adquiriu novas características. A partir de 2006, os papéis se inverteram: aqueles que haviam sido deslocados do controle do poder político nacional buscavam a desestabilização institucional; enquanto os movimentos sociais, que haviam levado à desestabilização dos governos anteriores, colocavam-se como defensores da nova ordem. Com a superação da crise e o retorno à conjuntura ordinária, as fronteiras do campo foram redefinidas e novos espaços de participação foram criados para os atores indígenas. A redefinição do campo da política institucional veio acompanhada do projeto de criação do Estado Plurinacional, que aponta para o reconhecimento de distintas formas de organizações sociais e políticas existentes dentro do território boliviano. Este trabalho procura explicar igualmente como a rearticulação do campo da política institucional influenciou na reestruturação estatal anunciada. Para tanto, analiso os debates sobre as autonomias indígenas e a criação da autonomia guarani no município de Charagua / The last Bolivian political crisis and the important associated social mobilization, between the years of 2000 and 2005, rendered the boundaries of the institutional politics field fluid. Despite the rising of indigenous and peasants groups in 2006, the political crisis was not overcome. Since 2006, the long standing roles in Bolivian politics have changed: those who had been replaced in control of national political power now tried to disrupt institutional power; the social movements, whose actions worked to destabilize previous governments, now became the defenders of the new order. Once the political crisis of those years was overcome, the boundaries of the field were restructured and new spaces for the participation of indigenous actors were created. The redefinition of the institutional politics field resulted in the creation of the Plurinational State of Bolivia, where different forms of social and political organization that operate in Bolivia are given recognition in the redefinition of the state. This work also aims to shed light on how the reorganization of the institutional politics field has influenced the announced state restructure. With this purpose, I analyse the debates concerning the indigenous autonomies and the experience of the Guarani autonomy in Charagua

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Milton Pinheiro de Souza.pdf: 1215040 bytes, checksum: 5a86c1192a84ae37ed14d7196e84d0bf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-15 / The main objective of this thesis in to unraveling the pathways that led to the great political and organizational crisis of PCB in the late 1980s. To this end, we sought investigate, with the focus on the period 1971-1991, as the PCB, in the search for space of formal democracy, broke with its historic tradition of struggle and submitted the working class in its wide range of theoretical and political interpretation. Our raised hypothesis is that policy formulations developed by leading core stagnant (CC), which was mostly exiled on account of bourgeoismilitary dictatorship, led the PCB to the exile of political during Brazilian long democratic transition. This party, political operator built for defends the political and social program of the proletariat, succumbed to the legality of the bourgeois order by virtue of their formulations and subaltern political practice developed by his direction during the studied period. Its analytical framework was inherited from of March Declaration (1958) and helped to defeat the party during the political process of transition from the bourgeois-military dictatorship to the formal (bourgeois) democracy / O objetivo central desta tese é contribuir para desvendar os caminhos que levaram à crise política e orgânica do PCB no final dos anos 1980. Para tanto, buscou-se investigar, tendo como balizas temporais o período de 1971 a 1991, como o PCB, na procura da democracia formal, rompeu com a sua tradição histórica de luta e subalternizou a classe operária no seu amplo conjunto de interpretação teórico-político. Nossa hipótese é que as formulações políticas desenvolvidas pelo núcleo dirigente estagnado (CC), que se encontrava majoritariamente exilado em virtude da ditadura burgo-militar, levaram ao exílio da política na conjuntura brasileira na longa transição democrática. Este partido, operador político que se formou para defender o programa políticosocial do proletariado, sucumbiu à legalidade da ordem burguesa em virtude das suas formulações e da prática política subalterna desenvolvida pela sua direção no período estudado. O seu arcabouço analítico foi herdeiro da Declaração de março de 1958 e contribuiu para derrotar o partido durante o processo de transição política da ditadura burgo-militar para a democracia formal (burguesa)

The aim of this paper is to analyze the measures taken by the viceroy conde de Castellar to clean up the Royal Treasury. As we will show, in the first half of the seventeenth century the treasury was managed by viceroys and royal officials in close collaboration with the financial and commercial sectors which were under the guardianship, or enjoyed the favor, of the representatives of the monarch. When Castellar arrived, in 1674, he tried to correct some of the irregularities that existed in the treasury, and this policy was successful insofar as he succeeded in increasing the income of the Caja of Lima after the destruction of the 1660s. However, he had to confront the royal officials and, above all, the Consulado of Lima, which was responsible for the most important income of the Caja of Lima after remittances from mining. In the blink of an eye, the viceroy changed the terms of the relationship between the commercial elite, the viceroys and the Royal Treasury. / El objetivo de este artículo es analizar las medidas que tomó el virrey conde de Castellar con el fin de sanear la Real Hacienda. Como se demostrará, en la primera mitad del siglo XVII el erario era manejado por los virreyes y oficiales reales en estrecha colaboración con los sectores financieros y comerciales que estaban bajo la tutela o gozaban del favor de los representantes del monarca. Cuando llegó Castellar, en 1674, intentó corregir parte de las irregularidades que existían en el erario, y esta política fue exitosa en tanto logró aumentar los ingresos de la Caja de Lima después de la hecatombe de la década de 1660. Sin embargo, en el camino hubo de enfrentarse a los oficiales reales y, sobre todo, al Consulado de Lima, que era el responsable de los ingresos más importantes de la Caja de Lima después de las remesas mineras. En un cerrar de ojos, el virrey desacomodó los términos en los cuales se habían establecido las relaciones entre la élite comercial, los virreyes y la Real Hacienda.

Les XIVe et XVe siècles sont une époque de bouleversements des valeurs spirituelles et morales accompagnés d’un éveil de l’opinion publique. L’État se construit et autour du roi une société politique se constitue : ce sont les principaux protagonistes des chroniques. L'étude du scandale aux XIVe et XVe siècles d'après les chroniques contemporaines offre un panel d'exemples variés permettant l’analyse de pratiques ou de discours que l’on peut qualifier d’émotionnels. Ces recherches se tournent vers une histoire politique plus attentive aux acteurs qui jouent un rôle important dans l’histoire des pouvoirs. Les textes permettent de retrouver la définition du scandale donnée par les chroniqueurs. Elle sort des cadres officiels pour devenir celle de l'auteur, lui-même se faisant le reflet des sensibilités. C’est un événement qui choque, sort de la norme et provoque du bruit et du tapage. Il heurte la morale et cause l'indignation lorsque les affaires sont mises au grand jour. Les chroniqueurs partagent avec leurs contemporains une peur réelle du scandale et de ses conséquences. Il faut le dénoncer et y mettre fin pour échapper à la colère divine qu'il peut susciter. L'analyse du vocabulaire et de la communication construite autour de cette notion permet de comprendre comment le scandale est perçu et défini par ses acteurs. Le rôle joué par le pouvoir royal dans la gestion de ces affaires montre que celui-ci, à la fin du XVe siècle tend vers une institutionnalisation du scandale. / The fourteenth and fifteenth centuries are times of upheavals in spiritual and moral values followed by a wakening of public opinion. The State is arising as well as a political society which represents, along the king, the main actors in chronicles. The study of scandal in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries according to contemporary chronicles offers a range of diversified examples which enable the study of practices or speeches that can be qualified as emotional. These studies are part of a political history more attentive to the actors who seem to play an important role in the history of powers. Texts allow to find the definition of the scandal given by the chroniclers. It goes beyond official frameworks to become that of the author who reflects himself the sensibilities. Scandal appears to be shocking and it represents what oversteps the norm and triggers rumour and fuss. It goes against all conventions and causes indignation when the light is thrown on. Chroniclers share with their contemporaries a real fear of scandal and its consequences so it has to be denounced and ended in order to avoid the divine wrath that can be lead to.The analysis of the vocabulary and the communication built around this notion allow to understand how the scandal is perceived and defined by the actors. The role played by the royal power in the management of its affairs shows that this one, at the end of the fifteenth century, moves towards an institutionalization of the scandal.

Depuis plusieurs années, un nombre non négligeable d’Etats africains, sont confrontés à la problématique de la remise en cause des acquis démocratiques. Aussi, en 2008, l’actualité politique de la Mauritanie et la Guinée est-elle secouée par les coups d’Etat qui ont lieu respectivement en août et décembre. Au fil des jours qui s’égrènent, ces deux Etats entrent dans une crise politique avec un air de guerre larvé. La communauté internationale porte une attention particulière à l’évolution de ces derniers, d’autant plus qu’ils font partie, pour la Mauritanie, de la zone sahélosaharienne, et pour la Guinée, de la sous-région ouest-africaine, deux espaces géographiques en proie à l’instabilité. Ainsi, conformément aux dispositions prévues par le droit international, la communauté internationale au nom desquelles l’Union Africaine, la CÉDÉAO, la France et les Etats-Unis, s’implique afin de conduire le processus de sortie de crise dans chaque pays. La présente thèse investit de ce fait les contours de cet interventionnisme étranger, tout en mettant en lumière les facteurs déclencheurs sousjacent de ces deux crises politiques. Ce faisant, nous examinons les principes et enjeux fondamentaux régissant cette ingérence. Une dynamique qui, dans sa globalité, permet d’apprécier les postures contrastées adoptées par les acteurs étrangers face à chaque putschiste / Over many years, numerous African States are facing serious issues due to the reappraisal or challenges of their so called democratic political system. Also, in the year 2008, the existing political conditions in both Mauritania and Guinea were destroyed by a coup d'état known as coup (e.g., putsch, or an overthrow), respectively in August and December of the same year; And over the days, these two states entered into political crisis considered as implying actions to be taken or steps toward civil war. The international community is highly considering these above mentions two states, for they are respectively parts the very geographical spaces threatened by constant instability such as the Sahel-Saharan zone (e.g., Mauritania) and the west-African sub-region (e.g., Guinea). In accordance with regulations and provisions by international law, we could acknowledge the involvement of the international community amongst the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), France and the United States, in order to lead the post-crisis process in each country. This thesis endeavors to investigate all the aspects with respect of these foreign interventionists, while highlighting the factors that trigger off these two political crises. Meanwhile, this thesis contributes to examine the principles and fundamental stakeholders of this external interference from these countries. Hence, the overall system, allows understanding the versatility of external forces or foreign actors standing out each coup d'état or "stroke of state"

Debt crisis is seen as a spiral which has been launched by failure of American financial market and which final stage is global economic depression. But we can not speak only about financial market crisis. Current world crisis is at the same time political crisis and social crisis; it is a multi-sector crisis. Actors which try to manage the crisis, their abilities, possibilities to act and their strategies in each sector will be identified and described in the thesis. Complexity of current crisis demands global solutions involving cooperation of different actors throughout all three mentioned sectors.

MAAS / Department of Development Studies / See the attached abstract below

El tema de la presente tesis es la influencia de la figura del héroe en la cobertura periodística durante la crisis política en Perú en noviembre de 2020. Análisis de las noticias publicadas en el Twitter de los diarios La República y El Comercio, casos: Policía Nacional del Perú (PNP) y la Generación del Bicentenario. La investigación realizada es descriptivo comparativa pues busca describir la influencia de la figura del héroe en la cobertura periodística y comparar cómo éste fue construido en las notas periodísticas publicadas en el Twitter los diarios La República y El Comercio. El enfoque metodológico fue cualitativo. El sentido es el de la descripción y comparación para determinar cómo ambos medios construyeron o se vieron influenciados por la figura del héroe. En el caso de La República el medio reconoció a Inti y Bryan como jóvenes pertenecientes a la Generación del Bicentenario que salieron a “luchar” en una época de crisis política; su muerte y “sacrificio” los elevó a la categoría de héroes. De otro lado, El Comercio, medio que optó por una postura más reservada, no les otorgó esa denominación en sus titulares. Sin embargo, en ambos medios, en las noticias publicadas acerca de las vidas de Inti y Bryan, se destacaron sus virtudes y se narró su final trágico. De esta forma, en la narración de las notas periodísticas, se identificaron características pertenecientes al arquetipo del héroe. / The subject of this thesis is the influence of the figure of the hero in the journalistic coverage during the political crisis in Peru in November 2020. Analysis of the news published in the Twitter feed of the newspapers La República and El Comercio, cases: National Police of Peru (PNP) and the Bicentennial Generation. The research carried out is descriptive comparative as it seeks to describe the influence of the figure of the hero in the journalistic coverage and to compare how this was constructed in the news published in the Twitter of the newspapers La República and El Comercio. The methodological approach was qualitative. The sense is that of description and comparison to determine how both media construct or are influenced by the figure of the hero. In the case of La República, the media recognized Inti and Bryan as young people belonging to the Bicentennial Generation who went out to "fight" in a time of political crisis; their death and "sacrifice" elevated them to the category of heroes. On the other hand, El Comercio, with a more reserved stance, did not give them that denomination in its headlines. However, in both media, in the news published about the lives of Inti and Bryan, their virtues were highlighted, and their tragic end was narrated. Thus, in the narration of the news, characteristics belonging to the archetype of the hero were identified. / Tesis

The thesis aimed at explaining why some Zimbabwean teachers have migrated to South Africa while others have not despite experiencing the same economic and political crisis. The focus was on external secondary brain drain, which is the movement of human resources from one country to another within the Southern African Development Community region (SIRDIC, 2008). It was premised on the theoretical argument that uneven development in the SADC region sustains the movement of human resources from the poorer countries to the richer or ‘core’ countries in the region particularly South Africa. The thesis reviewed literature on the Zimbabwean crisis and conducted a quantitative field survey, which was supplemented by a qualitative aspect, in order to analyse the determinants of teacher migration to South Africa. The field survey involved the self-administration of questionnaires by 200 Zimbabwean teachers, half of them teaching in South Africa and the other half in Zimbabwe, as well as collected life stories from five migrant teachers, interviewed four school heads, and perused circulars. The research found that Zimbabwe’s reversed economic growth and social development constituted the background on which teacher migration occurred. This brain drain, which mainly involved highly qualified and specialised mathematics and science teachers, coincided with the peak of the Zimbabwean crisis around 2008 indicating its survival significance. Teacher migration continued after 2008 due networks and teachers’ salaries that remained inadequate as they were close to the poverty line. Several recommendations were made including strategies for reducing the brain drain. / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Development studies)