Research within the interdisciplinary field of linguistic landscapes, traditionally concerned with the study of language on fixed signage in public places, has under the last decade broadened its focus to transient linguistic landscapes, including those that unfold during acts of protests and demonstrations. The present study examines a linguistic landscape of protest in a context that has previously been overlooked within the field, namely the Syrian revolution and the case of Kafr Nabl, a town that over several years attracted international attention to the creative protest signs displayed during weekly anti-regime demonstrations. Through a qualitative analysis of a sample of 177 protest signs from a six-month period in 2013, this study explores the discursive and linguistic resources and strategies employed in the protest signs. Focusing on a selection of actors identified in the data set and using the concepts of intertextuality, interdiscursivity, resemiotization, and entextualization, the analysis shows how different discursive and linguistic strategies were employed to counter other actors’ discourses about the Syrian revolution, and to construct images of the involved actors and of Kafr Nabl itself. The study contributes to research on linguistic landscapes of protests, especially in the Arab world, as well as to further an understanding of the use of discursive strategies in both textual and visual modes, multilingualism, and varieties of Arabic in protest discourse.

This Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) examines Nikki Haley's language on gender and reproductive rights. By examining Haley's language through a CDA lens, the thesis illuminates the intersection of gender, power, and ideology in political communication. Utilizing CDA as both a method and theoretical framework, complemented by feminist theory, the thesis analyzes Haley's spoken language to reveal implicit meanings within her communication. The analysis centers on key aspects of her language use, including lexical choices, problematization, argumentation, and intensification, unveiling the underlying narratives and values that shape her stance on gender-related issues. The findings reveal that Haley uses the notion of protecting women and girls to portray abortion and trans rights. She advocates for consensus regarding abortion laws, but as an effort to advance her messaging. Haley views trans rights and gender advocacy as private concerns rather than social issues. By delving into the communicative intent behind Haley's discourse, the thesis contributes to a deeper understanding of political communication by female conservative politicians in the United States. Ultimately, this thesis enhances our comprehension of gender, politics, and power dynamics by revealing how Nikki Haley uses language to advance her political objectives.

В современном мире в настоящее время происходит все больше и больше информатизация общества, следствием этого идет увеличение числа систем информационных потоков, всё это приводит к проявлению речевой агрессии. Влияние СМИ на современное общество за последнее десятилетие сильно возросло. Наше внимание стоит уделить изучению динамики реализации этих тактик и особенностей их использования, а также самому медиадискурсу. Речевая агрессия используется во многих типах дискурса, но именно в медиаполитическом дискурсе она является обдуманным и целенаправленным поведением человека. Целью диссертационного исследования является прослеживание динамики использования стратегии дискредитации в медиаполитическом дискурсе, а также их воздействие на массового адресата. Материал исследования составили 30 англоязычных изданий, взятых из сети интернета. В результате данного исследования было установлено, что политический дискурс СМИ обладает собственными механизмами влияния и рычагами давления на аудиторию, поскольку транслирует политико-идеологические постулаты и формирует точку зрения относительно личности политиков и их профессиональной деятельности. Исследования тактик дискредитации в медиаполитическом дискурсе позволяют более глубоко понять, какие методы используются для дискредитации, и как можно противодействовать этим тактикам. Исследования тактик дискредитации в медиаполитическом дискурсе являются важной областью изучения, которая позволяет понять, как противодействовать дискредитации и защитить свою репутацию. Анализ различных методов дискредитации позволяет выявить их особенности и ограничения, а также разработать стратегии контратаки. Это в свою очередь способствует созданию более демократичного и прозрачного медиаполитического дискурса, где истинная информация имеет приоритет перед манипуляциями и дискредитацией. / In the modern world, there is currently more and more informatization of society, as a result of which there is an increase in the number of information flow systems, all this leads to the manifestation of speech aggression. The influence of the media on modern society has greatly increased over the past decade. Our attention should be paid to studying the dynamics of the implementation of these tactics and the specifics of their use, as well as the media discourse itself. Speech aggression is used in many types of discourse, but it is in media political discourse that it is a deliberate and purposeful human behavior. The purpose of the dissertation research is to trace the dynamics of the use of discrediting strategies in media political discourse, as well as their impact on the mass addressee. The research material consisted of 30 English-language publications taken from the Internet. As a result of this study, it was found that the political discourse of the media has its own mechanisms of influence and levers of pressure on the audience, since it broadcasts political and ideological postulates and forms a point of view regarding the personality of politicians and their professional activities. Research on discrediting tactics in media political discourse allows for a deeper understanding of what methods are used to discredit, and how these tactics can be countered. Research on discrediting tactics in media political discourse is an important area of study that allows you to understand how to counteract discrediting and protect your reputation. The analysis of various methods of discrediting makes it possible to identify their features and limitations, as well as to develop counterattack strategies. This, in turn, contributes to the creation of a more democratic and transparent media political discourse, where true information takes precedence over manipulation and discrediting.

Mobilisant les concepts de l’analyse du discours combinés aux méthodes de la lexicométrie, cette thèse se propose de mettre en lumière, à travers l’analyse d’un corpus de 297 discours, les principales caractéristiques tant lexicales que rhétoriques et structurelles du discours du président de la République du Cameroun, Paul Biya, de 1982 et 2002. Après avoir dégagé quelques-uns des axes thématiques du corpus, on poursuit l’analyse lexicale par l’étude lexicométrique de l’évolution du vocabulaire. Les méthodes statistiques permettent ensuite d’appréhender certains phénomènes énonciatifs en fonction du temps lexical et de l’adaptation à l’auditoire. Enfin, dans un dernier temps, ce sont deux types de discours « rituels » qui sont analysés : les discours à la Jeunesse, prononcés par le président de la République le 10 février de chaque année pour célébrer la fête de la Jeunesse, et les discours de voeux de fin d’année. La prise en compte de ces deux types de discours permet de poursuivre l’étude du phénomène d’adaptation à l’auditoire : d’abord en confrontant les discours à la Jeunesse au reste du corpus présidentiel ensuite en faisant contraster les discours de voeux à la Nation avec les discours de voeux au diplomates. / The analysis of a corpus of 297 speeches made by the President of the Republic of Cameroon between 1982 and 2002, by means of the methods and the software of the textual statistics and the linguistic concepts of the discourse analysis, has brought to light lexical, rhetorical and structural characteristics of Paul Biya’s speeches. After the identification of some of the themes of the corpus, lexical analysis and lexicometric study of the evolution of vocabulary have been made. Statistical methods have helped to clarify the enunciation through the study of lexical time and the adaptation to the public targeted.Finally, the analysis of two types of speeches: speeches made by the President of the Republic every year on the eve of Youth Day’s celebration on February 10, and speeches made every end of year on December 31 to the Nation and to foreign diplomats has shown a diachronic change of vocabulary, showing a clear adaptation to the audience.

L’objectif de la thèse est l’analyse de l’évolution du discours politique en France et en Lituanie via les déclarations ou les interviews, consécutives à l’annonce des résultats des élections présidentielles (1995 – 2009). Notre méthode est basée sur les techniques modernes de l’approche : la pluridisciplinarité, l’analyse du discours et le traitement informatique du corpus. La politique contemporaine est de plus en plus formatée selon les règles du marketing. La télévision oblige les orateurs à renoncer au jargon - le raisonnement n’est plus hypothético-déductif mais associatif. Les présidents élus consacrent plus d’attention à l’ethos et les candidats vaincus au pathos. Les ethos s’opposent et cela dépend du contexte des élections présidentielles. Les Interviews appartiennent aux discours-bilans et au modèle dialogique. Les Déclarations sont plus proches des discours-appels et du monologue. Les deux genres possèdent aussi des traits du modèle propagandiste dont l’effet social est minimal. / Pas de résumé anglais / Disertacijoje analizuojama situacija, kai kandidatai į prezidentus Lieuvoje ir Prancūzijoje reaguoja į paskelbtus prezidento rinkimų rezultatus per savo pasisakymus. Pagrindinis disertacijos tikslas - suprasti bei įvertinti politikų, politinio diskurso pasikeitimus (nuo 1993 m. iki 2009 m.). Kitos aptariamos temos - pagrindinės kalbėtojų sakinių gramatinės ir sintaksinės formos, žodynas, kandidatų į prezidentus skirtumai ir panašumai. Darbe remiamasi retorikos, politikos istorijos, sociologijos, tekstynų ir diskurso analizės metodais. Nustatyta, kad televizijos vaidmuo vis stipreja. Visų politikų sakiniai paprasti, pasirenkama kalba yra tradicinė, visiems suprantama, abstrakti, temos pasikartoja bei yra panašios. Prezidentų kalbos optimistiškesnės, mažiau personalizuotos ir daugiau apeliuoja į visą tautą, o pralaimėjusių kandidatų kalbos daugiau angažuotos į ateitį, dinamiškesnės, mažiau suvienuodintos, jie naudoja trumpesnius sakinius. Abiejų šalių politikų pasisakymai primena reklamą, kurios pagrindinis tikslas - patikti ir pritraukti žmonių dėmesį, nelabai akcentuojant politinius klausimus.

This undergraduate thesis is written for an ethnological standpoint with the purpose of studying how concepts of masculinity is discursively constructed in relation to the women dominated work field of nursing. This is done by analysing the material gained from six interviews with male and female nurses with the poststructuralist theory of political discourse by the theorist Laclau and Mouffe. By doing this the thesis has concluded that masculinity is foremost constructed in relation to the nursing femininity within the work field and the strong masculinity from outside of it. While also being interconnected in systems of meaning where masculinity is created, reproduced and questioned in a continual cycle.

Étudier le règne agité de Jean II de Castille (1406-1454), c’est retracer une histoire politique marquée par d’intenses luttes de pouvoir et de longues périodes de "guerre civile" ; c’est s’interroger sur les différentes manifestations de ces conflits dans le discours historiographique ; c’est en somme entrer dans la polémique, dans la bataille des mots qui se joue alors. Un tel contexte de crise produit un discours de légitimation et de condamnation entre le faux et le vrai où la manipulation d’un argumentaire politique par les différents partis (luniste, henricien...etc.) donne lieu à une remise en cause de la pratique du pouvoir. Entre institutionnalisation de la monarchie et centralisation de son exercice, la noblesse tente de s’imposer comme un groupe de pressions à l’aide de stratégies de communication précises où l’argumentation se confond avec les notions floues de rumeur, d’opinion qui aboutissent bien souvent à un exercice propagandiste de l’écrit. Notre étude se centre sur les traces et les mécanismes de ce combat des mots dans les chroniques et autres lettres d’époque durant les premières années d’exercice du pouvoir. Une polémique qui ne va cesser de se répéter et de se réactualiser durant tout le règne. / To study the turmoil of the reign of John II of Castile (1406-1454) means to recount a political history marked by intense power struggles and long periods of "civil war". It also implies to question the different manifestations of these conflicts in the historical timeline and political discourse; so to speak, it means you must embrace and consider the arguments of every side, and to some extent you must take part in those battles of words which took place at the time. Such a crisis induces questions about what is legitimate and what is to be condemned, between what is fake and what is genuine. In addition, the uses of different political argumentations by the different political parties (luniste, henricien...etc.) leads to a questioning of their practice of the political power. Between the institutionalization and the centralization of the monarchy and its concrete enforcement, the nobility is trying to establish itself as a pressure group that gives rise to specific communication strategies, in which the arguments gets intertwined with some vague notions of rumors or opinions, which eventually leads quite often to the application of ideas developed in propagandist writings. Our study focuses on the sings and the mechanisms of this battle of words in the letters and other records during John II of Castille’s early years of power. This controversial phenomenon will keep on repeating -and sometimes improving- itself throughout his reign.

Le péronisme reste la première force politique de l’Argentine. Ce mouvement politique, qui se caractérise par l’absence d’une idéologie propre et une faible institutionnalisation, ne peut se comprendre, s’analyser qu’au regard des trajectoires des leaders qui l’ont incarné au cours du temps, chacun le transformant et le personnalisant de telle sorte que chaque courant qui a représenté le Parti justicialiste est aujourd’hui caractérisé par le nom de son leader du moment ; ainsi en est-il du péronisme, du ménémisme, du duhaldisme, du kirchnérisme et dorénavant du cristinisme. L’objectif de ce travail est de dresser un portrait des deux post-péronistes qui se sont succédé depuis la transition à la démocratie en 1983, à travers une comparaison de l’usage de la parole politique par ses principales figures représentatives que sont Carlos Menem (1989-1995) et Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007). Les thématiques clés des discours de ces deux hommes politiques, ainsi que leurs formes spécifiques de mise en discours, doivent être étudiées conjointement, afin de pouvoir comprendre le processus de légitimation énonciative qui leur a permis de se positionner en tant que leader, dans une certaine conjoncture, de la scène politique argentine. Ainsi, l’objet de cette recherche correspond à une analyse des discours de Carlos Menem et de Néstor Kirchner en tant que discours antagonistes en lutte pour la définition d’un même objet, d’une même réalité : la nation argentine. Quelles sont les valeurs de l’argentinité que ces deux figures politiques ont cherché à incarner ? Quels sont les modèles et les projets de société qu’ils ont proposés et tenté de construire discursivement afin de consolider leur légitimité et de fonder une identité, proprement ménémiste ou kirchnériste ? Quelles sont les valeurs qu’ils ont prônées et qu’ils ont réussi à instituer comme garantes et représentatives d’un nouvel ordre politique ? En se basant sur des antagonismes fondateurs, ces deux présidents ont donné naissance à de nouveaux imaginaires qui sont aujourd’hui liés et investis du sens qui leur a été attribué lors de leur émergence dans l’espace discursif post-péroniste et dont les multiples significations ne peuvent être abordées en dehors d’une analyse approfondie de la parole politique de ces deux leaders. Le discours de Carlos Menem et le discours de Néstor Kirchner se présentent donc comme des espaces énonciatifs concurrents, en lutte pour le sens de la réalité et de l’histoire argentines. / The Peronism remains the first political force in Argentina. Characterised by a lack of a proper ideology and a weak institutionalisation, this political movement can only be understood and analysed in the light of the political trajectory of its leaders. Each of its leaders transformed and personalised it in such a way that each mainstream within the Justicialist Party is today characterised by the name of the then-leader: Peronism, Menemism, Duhaldism, Kirchnerisms and henceforth Cristinism. The goal of this work is to produce a clear picture of the two post-peronists, who succeeded since the democratic transition in 1983, by comparing the use of political speech of its main leading figures: Carlos Menem (1989-1995) and Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007). The main themes as well as the specific structure of the speeches of both politicians need to be examined jointly in order to understand the enunciative legitimation process that allowed them to position themselves as leaders on the political scene in Argentina. Therefore, the objective of this research corresponds to a discourse analysis of the speeches of Carlos Menem and Néstor Kirchner as antagonistic ones struggling for a definition of the same object, the same reality: the Argentinian nation. What were the values of the Argentinian nation those two politicians were seeking to incarnate? What are the models and projects of society they proposed and tried to construct through their speeches in order to consolidate their legitimacy and create a menemist or kirchnerist identity? What are the values they praised and they succeeded in establishing as pillars and representatives of a new political order? Starting from the founding antagonisms, those two presidents gave rise to new collective imaginations which are nowadays linked and filled with the sense they were given during their emergence in the post-peronist discursive space. Their multiple meanings can only be addressed in a sound analysis of the political speech of these two leaders. The discourse of Carlos Menem and the one of Néstor Kirchner thus come across as competing enunciative spaces struggling for the sense of reality and of the Argentinian history.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T19:33:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Flavia Silveira Serralvo.pdf: 912605 bytes, checksum: 5987c49d6d523e5da2b49c5b9ab6b17b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-11-10 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work, based on the Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) studies, intends to investigate how the participants of a television political debate create a favorable image for themselves, and, at the same time, put in check the adversary s positive image. Based on the tridimensional model idealized by Fairclough (2001), we analyze the argumentative strategies used by the candidates to construct their ethos and to deconstruct the opponent s ethos. Moreover, we observe, as well, how the candidates divide their time between these two strategies, in other words, if there is a balance or the predominance of one. Our units of analysis are the oral texts of the candidates for president in 2006, Geraldo Alckmin (PSDB) and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT), during the last debate aired by TV Globo. The hypothesis is that the place taken by each candidate, in the context in which the debate is inserted (situation versus opposition), determines the posture adopted in their speech. Corpus analysis enabled to conclude that, in general, Lula has devoted more time to work his own image than to deconstruct the opponent s; Alckmin, on the other hand, spent more time deconstructing his rival s ethos than constructing his own / O presente trabalho fundamenta-se nos estudos da Análise Crítica do Discurso (ACD) e tem como objetivo verificar de que maneira os participantes de um debate político televisivo constroem para si uma imagem favorável, ao mesmo tempo em que colocam em xeque a imagem positiva de seu adversário. Com base no modelo tridimensional idealizado por Fairclough (2001), analisamos quais são as estratégias argumentativas utilizadas pelos candidatos para a construção de seu ethos e para a desconstrução do ethos de seu oponente. Além disso, buscamos ainda observar de que maneira os candidatos dividem seu tempo entre essas duas estratégias, ou seja, se há um equilíbrio ou a predominância de uma delas. Compõem nossas unidades de análise os textos orais dos candidatos à Presidência da República no ano de 2006, Geraldo Alckmin (PSDB) e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT), durante o último debate veiculado pela TV Globo. A hipótese é de que o lugar que cada candidato ocupa no contexto em que está inserido o debate (situação versus oposição) determina a postura adotada em seu discurso. A análise do corpus permitiu observar que, no geral, Lula dedicou tempo maior para trabalhar sua própria imagem do que para desconstruir a do adversário; Alckmin, ao contrário, voltou-se mais frequentemente à desconstrução do ethos de seu oponente do que à construção de seu próprio ethos

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T19:33:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Joao Caetano Campos Andrade.pdf: 370805 bytes, checksum: d665a5ed7fc45db8dd2c46ce61ef16ac (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present research brings up the subject on the discursive ethos constitution belonging to the political field and written by Joaquim Nabuco. Our main objective was to evaluate ethos constitution and verify discourse strategies used by the broadcaster in order to have it released in such discourse and obtain accesion from its cobroadcasters. Joaquim Nabuco was one of the most representative brazilian intelectuals regarding transition period from the XIX century and XX century. Its social and academic importance to such theme takes place due to the possibility of analyzing discourse through the methodological and theorical tool in Discourse Analysis in a french line of study more specifically on proposed approaches made by Maingueneau and Charaudeau. In our study, the procedure, first of all, laid on the introduction of historical and social production conditions where the selected discourse has been published aiming in inserting it in the context of ideas produced at that time and also aiming in understanding which ideas influenced in it. The next step was to select categories which assisted us on how to procede and base analysis performed by us. It seemed for us that the finding happened throughout the establishement of enunciation scenarios, discoursive ethos besides global semantic plans. In order to carry out the research, we´ve selected as a sample, the fragment post-scripto (sic), from the book called Balmaceda from Joaquim Nabuco and we´ve analyzed enunciation scenes, global ones, generalized and scenic also the diversed tracks on discoursive ethos and global semantic plans. The main theoriticians by which we have based our study on were Faoro, when it comes to historical issues, Charaudeau, regarding political discourse and Maingueneau, when it comes to understanding theory reference about Discourse Analysis. The research revealed us the constitution of a varied number of tracks on discoursive ethos by scenic discourse. It is a discourse strategy adopted as a way out to circumvent censorship imposed in the country by the republican regime stated at that time when Joaquim Nabuco´s discourses were released in a monarchist tenor. The broadcaster positioning towards it was clarified, although the adherence to the discourse when it comes to co-broadcasters demonstrates to be another step of this study and can be explored in future studies / Esta pesquisa discorre sobre a constituição do ethos discursivo em um discurso pertencente ao campo político, escrito por Joaquim Nabuco. Nosso objetivo foi examinar a constituição do ethos e verificar as estratégias discursivas utilizadas pelo enunciador, para se desvelar no discurso e obter a adesão de seus co-enunciadores. Joaquim Nabuco foi um dos intelectuais brasileiros mais representativos do período de transição do final do século XIX para o século XX. A relevância social e acadêmica do tema se dá em razão da possibilidade de se analisar seu discurso, fundamentandonos no aparato teórico-metodológico da Análise do Discurso de linha francesa, mais especificamente, pelas abordagens propostas por Maingueneau e Charaudeau. Em nosso estudo, procedemos, em um primeiro momento, à apresentação das condições sócio-históricas de produção em que foi publicado o discurso que selecionamos, a fim de inseri-lo no contexto das ideias que se produziam na época, além de entender quais efetivamente o influenciaram. O próximo passo foi a seleção das categorias, que nos auxiliaram a proceder e fundamentar as análises que empreendemos. Julgamos tê-las encontrado com a operacionalização das cenas de enunciação, do ethos discursivo, além dos planos da semântica global. Para efetivar a pesquisa, selecionamos como amostra o post-scripto (sic) do livro Balmaceda de Joaquim Nabuco e analisamos as cenas de enunciação cenas englobante, genérica e cenografia , os variados traços do ethos discursivo e os planos da semântica global. Os principais teóricos em que nos embasamos para realizar este estudo foram Faoro, em relação às questões históricas, Charaudeau em relação ao discurso político e Maingueneau, como base para a compreensão do referencial teórico da Análise do Discurso. A pesquisa revelou que a constituição de um número variado de traços do ethos discursivo, por meio da encenação do discurso, é uma estratégia discursiva que foi adotada como meio para se contornar a censura, que era imposta no país pelo regime republicano à época da divulgação dos discursos de Joaquim Nabuco, de teor monarquista. O posicionamento do enunciador ficou esclarecido, entretanto, a adesão a esse discurso por parte dos co-enunciadores é outra etapa de estudo, que pode ser explorada em futuros estudos