Submitted by Aelson Maciera (aelsoncm@terra.com.br) on 2017-06-12T19:59:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissGC.pdf: 2563495 bytes, checksum: fd5ca1cd7079816cbe9e87424435b22d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-06-13T19:53:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissGC.pdf: 2563495 bytes, checksum: fd5ca1cd7079816cbe9e87424435b22d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-06-13T19:53:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissGC.pdf: 2563495 bytes, checksum: fd5ca1cd7079816cbe9e87424435b22d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-13T19:58:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissGC.pdf: 2563495 bytes, checksum: fd5ca1cd7079816cbe9e87424435b22d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-06 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / During the pre-election period of the presidential election in 2014, the news and commentaries about the political campaigns of the presidential candidates portrayed aggressive speeches in debates, on social media, in television campaigns, and even on official websites. This occurred both in the first round of the election and in the second, however, in a fierce dispute for winning the presidency, the second round between the President Dilma Rousseff (PT) and the former Senator Aécio Neves (PSDB) was marked by confrontation, characterized as aggressive and heated. It is important to emphasize that these news and comments about the aggressiveness of the campaign are also discursive constructions, present an impression that attest to an increase in aggressiveness, reason why we cannot consider them as a presupposition and a starting point for analysis. However, the constant reproduction of discourses that characterize the campaign of 2014 as aggressive, already constitutes a pertinent indicator for analysis of what was understood as insult, aggression. Other important issues that drive us to look at this campaign are the change in the organization of television debates - direct interaction between the candidates, positioned face to face -, the intensification of the use of social networks, as well as the candidates' official sites, among other aspects that would favour a possible increase of the aggressiveness or the production of a greater visibility of what is considered aggressive. Given the peculiarities of the organization and functioning of the mediums (debates, sites, social networks and blogs) in this campaign, and the emergence of discourses that characterize it as aggressive, we attempt to analyze the discourse said aggressive, trying to understand its formulation and materialization in the political discourse through the resources of irony, theme selection, derisive speech, swearing, gestures, tone of speech, allusion, among others. What would be the aggressive, bitter, disrespectful discourse? How does it materialize in political discourse? Guided by these research questions and based on the theory of French Discourse analysis, we propose the analysis of televised political debates, images that circulated in social networks (Facebook, Blogs), as well as on the official websites of the campaigns, during the pre-election period, with the goal of understanding, currently, the production and circulation of the discourse so-called aggressive in Brazil. / Durante o período pré-eleitoral das eleições presidenciais no pleito de 2014, as notícias e os comentários acerca das campanhas políticas dos candidatos à presidência foram de que nelas se adotaram discursos agressivos, seja nos debates, nas redes sociais, nas campanhas televisivas, ou mesmo nos sites oficiais de campanha. Isso se deu tanto no primeiro turno quanto no segundo, entretanto, em um quadro de disputa mais acirrada pela sucessão presidencial, o período referente ao segundo turno, entre a presidente Dilma Rousseff (PT) e o ex-senador Aécio Neves (PSDB), foi marcado pelo confronto também dito ainda mais agressivo e acalorado. É importante ressaltar que estas notícias e comentários sobre a agressividade da referida campanha são também construções discursivas, apresentam uma impressão que atestam um aumento da agressividade, motivo pelo qual não podemos tomá-las como pressuposto e ponto de partida para análise. Porém, a constante reprodução de discursos que caracterizam a campanha de 2014 como agressiva, já constitui um indício pertinente para análise do que se compreendeu como insulto, agressão. Outras importantes questões que nos impulsionam a olhar para esta campanha é a própria mudança da organização dos debates televisivos – interlocução direta entre os candidatos, posicionados frente a frente - , a intensificação do uso das redes sociais, bem como dos sites oficiais dos candidatos, dentre outros aspectos que favoreceriam um possível aumento da agressividade ou a produção de uma maior visibilidade do dito agressivo. Tendo em vista as particularidades referentes à organização e funcionamento dos médiuns (debates, sites, redes sociais e blogs) nesta campanha, e a emergência de discursos que a caracterizam como agressiva, elegemos como objetivo deste trabalho a análise do discurso dito agressivo, buscando compreender sua formulação e materialização no discurso político, a qual pode se dar pelos recursos da ironia, da seleção temática, do dizer derrisório, do escracho, da gestualidade, do tom de fala, da alusão, dentre outros. O que seria o discurso agressivo, ácido, desrespeitoso? Como ele se materializa no discurso político? Orientados por essas perguntas de pesquisa e pelo arcabouço teórico da Análise do discurso de linha francesa, propomos a análise de fragmentos dos debates políticos televisivos, imagens que circularam nas redes sociais (Facebook, Blogs), bem como nos sites oficiais de campanha, no período pré-eleitoral, tendo o objetivo de compreender como se produz e circula o que, no Brasil, se denomina agressivo no discurso político na atualidade.

Esta tese tem por objetivo analisar neologismos no contexto da política nacional coletados na imprensa, no início do século XXI. Busca-se compreender como estão se refletindo as mudanças sociais e políticas em nossa língua e em que medida a língua reflete essas mudanças. O dispositivo teórico são os princípios contidos na Análise do Discurso, com suporte, essencialmente, em estudiosos como Patrick Charaudeau, Dominique Maingueneau e Michel Pêcheux, e nos conceitos articulados no campo da Linguística Cognitiva no que diz respeito à mobilização das relações de sentidos. Investiga-se a presença ou não de traços de pejoratividade e ironia nesses novos termos, bem como os aspectos intertextuais e interdiscursivos envolvidos nesse jogo de criação verbal, o que conduz às noções de palavra-chave, palavra-testemunha, palavra-escudo e palavra-espada, levando-se em conta que os termos representam e incorporam as marcas da sociedade e dos processos políticos vivenciados. Traz-se, ao final, uma análise do corpus coletado, um total de 215 verbetes / This thesis aims to analyze neologisms collected in national politics in the press, in the beginning of this century. We seek to understand how they are reflecting the social and political changes in our language and what extent the language reflects these changes. The theoretical approach are the principles contained in Discourse Analysis, supported mainly in scholars such as Patrick Charaudeau, Dominique Maingueneau and Michel Pêcheux, and in the concepts articulated in the field of Cognitive Linguistics, as regards to the mobilization of relationships meanings. It investigates the presence of traces of depreciation and irony in these new therms, as well as intertextual and interdiscursive aspects involved in this game of verbal creation, which leads to the notions of keyword, witness-word, shield-word and sword-word, taking into account that the terms represent and embody the brand of society and political processes experienced. We bring, at the end, an analysis of the collected corpus, a total of 215 entries

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / FundaÃÃo Cearense de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Cientifico e TecnolÃgico / Este trabalho tem como objetivo investigar a expressÃo da evidencialidade e sua relaÃÃo com os graus de comprometimento dos oradores com os conteÃdos enunciados na construÃÃo da argumentaÃÃo no discurso polÃtico. Para tal fim, analisamos trinta discursos (subdivididos em dois grupos temÃticos: 1 grupo â a vinda da Refinaria de PetrÃleo para o CearÃ; 2 grupo â a TransposiÃÃo do Rio SÃo Francisco), proferidos no Pequeno Expediente de SessÃes OrdinÃrias na AssemblÃia Legislativa do Estado do CearÃ, durante o perÃodo de 2005 e 2006. A evidencialidade à analisada, neste trabalho, quanto aos aspectos sintÃticos (meio lingÃÃstico, posiÃÃo no enunciado), semÃnticos (tipo de fonte, estratÃgia de veiculaÃÃo da informaÃÃo no enunciado, o que està diretamente relacionado ao modo como o enunciador deseja demonstrar que obteve a informaÃÃo por ele apresentada) e pragmÃticos (graus de comprometimento do polÃtico com o conteÃdo do seu discurso, imagens por ele suscitadas no processo argumentativo, papÃis discursivos assumidos pelos itens evidenciais). Sustentamos a hipÃtese de que fatores de ordem conceptual, interacional e contextual, como os propÃsitos enunciativos do polÃtico, as condiÃÃes de produÃÃo e a imagem que esse polÃtico deseja construir de si ante o auditÃrio, condicionam a manifestaÃÃo da evidencialidade, o tipo de qualificaÃÃo evidencial, bem como os efeitos de sentido de (des)comprometimento do polÃtico com o seu discurso. Adotamos, principalmente, a base teÃrica funcionalista, em que o usuÃrio assume papel central na investigaÃÃo; a descriÃÃo lingÃÃstica inclui, portanto, referÃncia ao falante, ao ouvinte e a seus papÃis e estatutos definidos na interaÃÃo verbal (DIK, 1989). Os resultados obtidos revelam que, na construÃÃo da argumentaÃÃo no discurso polÃtico, predomina o uso de marcas evidenciais do tipo relatado de fonte definida, comprovando que o polÃtico prefere nÃo se comprometer com a informaÃÃo reportada, assegurando ao interlocutor a possibilidade de avaliar por si sà a validade da informaÃÃo, de acordo com a qualidade da fonte expressa. Com relaÃÃo Ãs marcas evidenciais que assumimos como atinentes ao eixo do enunciador (experienciais, inferenciais e subjetivas), verificamos que, embora em menor quantidade, constituem estratÃgias importantes na construÃÃo de imagens legitimadoras da aÃÃo polÃtica, jà que o enunciador se mostra como alguÃm convicto de suas idÃias e projetos. Quanto aos aspectos morfossintÃticos da evidencialidade, observamos que o verbo à o meio de expressÃo mais freqÃente dessa categoria, ocupando, majoritariamente, a posiÃÃo intercalada (entre a fonte e o conteÃdo enunciado). / The present research aims at investigating the expression of evidentiality and its relation to the degrees of public speakerâs commitment with the contents uttered in political speech argumentationâs construction. Thirty speeches, subdivided in two thematic groups: 1) the arrival of a petrol refinery in the state of CearÃ; and 2) the transposition of SÃo Francisco River, and delivered in the Small Expedient of Ordinary Sessions in the State legislature of CearÃ, from 2005 to 2006, consisted the corpus of analysis. In this work, evidentiality analysis is concerned with the syntactic aspects (linguistic contexts, position in the statement), semantic (type of source, strategy of informationâs dissemination in the statement, what is directly related to the way as the speaker desires to demonstrate that he got the information presented by himself) and pragmatic (degrees of commitment of the politician with the content of his speech, elicited images in the argumentative process, discursive roles assumed by the items of evidence). We support the hypothesis that factors of conceptual, interacional and contextual order, as the communicative intentions of the politician, the conditions of production and the image that this politician desires to construct of himself before the audience, condition the evidentiality manifestation, the type of evidential qualification, as well as the (lack of) commitmentâs effects of meaning from the politician with his speech. We adopted, mainly, the functionalist theoretical basis, in which the user assumes a central role in the inquiry; the linguistic description includes, therefore, reference to the speaker, to the listener and to their roles and statutes defined in the verbal interaction (DIK, 1989). The results reveal that, in political speech argumentationâs construction, the use of evidences marks from the cited defined type of source prevails, proving that the politician prefers not to commit himself to the reported information, assuring to the interlocutor this responsibility to evaluate the validity of the information, in accordance with the quality of the expressed source. With regard to the evidential marks that we assume as referents of the speakerâs axis (inferential and subjective experiences), we verify that, although in lesser amount, they constitute important strategies in the construction of political actionâs legitimating images, since the speaker shows confidence in his ideas and projects. Concerning the morphosyntatic aspects of the evidentiality, we observe that the verb is the way of more frequent expression of this category, occupying, mainly, the intercalated position (between the source and the declared content).

Submitted by JÚLIO HEBER SILVA (julioheber@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-03-29T19:56:38Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertação - Lais Carolina Machado e Silva - 2017.pdf: 5820388 bytes, checksum: 2d84ad7f24a7c7fc0c5a79ea20fa2353 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-03-31T10:27:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertação - Lais Carolina Machado e Silva - 2017.pdf: 5820388 bytes, checksum: 2d84ad7f24a7c7fc0c5a79ea20fa2353 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-31T10:27:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertação - Lais Carolina Machado e Silva - 2017.pdf: 5820388 bytes, checksum: 2d84ad7f24a7c7fc0c5a79ea20fa2353 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-21 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The study object of this dissertation is the political discourse of Marina Silva. Political discourse, full of social and ideological values, has become research object of investigation in academia, in various areas: linguistics, anthropology, history, communication, etc. However, after research found that political discourse has never been studied from the perspective of Analysis of Ecological Speech. Thus, the theme of this dissertation arose: the study of political Marina Silva speech from the perspective of Analysis of Ecological Speech henceforth ADE. Marina Silva stood out in 2014 in her campaign because talk about the promotion of a "new policy" as opposed to "Old Policy" for her criticism, which aroused the interest in understanding which direction policy in the speeches of the former candidate. Also in this campaign Marina was considered inconsistent for some changes made in their proposals, which raised more concern in understanding the developments that led to change some issues, for example, LGBT causes. Thus, we have as main objective to analyze the Marina interview in order to understand what is the make political and as can to be seen from de perspective of ADE. We define specific objectives: to describe the effects of sense produced in the speech of Marina Silva; checking for agreement and disagreement between the statements of the candidate in interviews and in his government plan, in relation to the themes education, economy, environment and issues relating to the law of minorities, as well as understanding the interactions that led to possible changes between these speech and, finally, analyze the proposals of Marina, seeking to understand how they aim to build new political stances. We selected as analysis corpus an interview with Marina Silva during the presidential campaign of 2014. As a theoretical framework, we used the analisys ecological of discourses. Thus, we present, at first, the Ecolinguistics with their bases, as well as the categories of analysis and some of his views. Even as theoretical support, we present a discussion of different perspectives to think about politics. Therefore, we bring to discussion the Deep Ecology, the Ecopolitics and ecoética. We use the methodology of ADE (ecometodologia), which is the focus, the crop given field interactions, but without neglecting the whole (GARNER, 2004), is characterized mainly for being a multimethodological discipline (COUTO; ALBUQUERQUE, 2015). It was observed that from the perspective of the Analisys ecological of discourses political make Marina is positive for society to working with the diversity that permeates both the field of politics and the community as a whole, which allows the demands of society are better embraced and providing for protection of the environment. / O objeto de estudo desta dissertação é o discurso político de Marina silva. O discurso político, carregado de valores sociais e ideológicos, se tornou objeto de investigação de pesquisas na academia, nas mais variadas áreas: linguística, antropologia, história, comunicação, etc. No entanto, após investigação verificamos que o discurso político nunca foi estudado da perspectiva da Análise do Discurso Ecológica. Assim, surgiu o tema desta dissertação: o estudo do discurso político de Marina Silva sob a perspectiva da Análise do Discurso Ecológica, doravante, ADE. Marina Silva se destacou na campanha de 2014 por, na maioria das entrevistas, falar sobre a promoção de uma “Nova Política”, em oposição à “Velha Política” por ela criticada, o que nos despertou o interesse em compreender qual o sentido de política nos discursos da ex-candidata. Também nesta campanha Marina foi considerada como incoerente por algumas alterações que fez em suas propostas, o que despertou mais uma inquietação em compreender os desdobramentos que a levaram a alterar algumas questões como, por exemplo, as causas LGBT. Desse modo, temos como objetivo geral analisar a entrevista de Marina no sentido de entender qual o fazer político da ex-candidata, com base na perspectiva da ADE. Definimos como objetivos específicos: descrever os efeitos de sentido produzidos no discurso de Marina Silva;verificando se há concordâncias e discordâncias entre os enunciados da candidata nas entrevistas e em seu plano de governo, em relação aos temas educação, economia, meio ambiente e questões ligadas ao Direito das minorias, bem como compreender as interações que levaram às possíveis mudanças entre esses discursos e, por fim, analisar, as propostas de Marina, buscando entender como se propõem a construir novas posturas políticas. Para tanto, selecionamos como corpus de análise uma entrevista realizada com Marina silva durante a campanha presidencial de 2014. Como aporte teórico, utilizamos a Análise do Discurso Ecológica, a qual surgiu no seio da Ecolinguística. Desse modo, apresentamos, em um primeiro momento, a Ecolinguística com suas bases, bem como as categorias de análise e algumas de suas concepções, para contextualizarmos e prepararmos o terreno para a apresentação da Análise do Discurso Ecológica. Ainda como suporte teórico, apresentamos uma discussão acerca de diferentes perspectivas para se pensar a política, já que, da forma como se constitui nos dias atuais, ela é extremamente voltada para valores capitalista. Para tanto, trazemos à discussão a Ecologia Profunda, a Ecopolítica e a ecoética. Fazemos uso da metodologia da ADE (ecometodologia), que é a focalização, ou seja, o recorte de dado campo de interações, mas sem desprezar o todo (GARNER, 2004), caracterizando-se, principalmente, por ser uma disciplina multimetodológica (COUTO; ALBUQUERQUE, 2015). Foi possível observar que da perspectiva da Análise do Discurso Ecológica o fazer político de Marina é positivo para a sociedade no sentido de que trabalha com a diversidade que permeia tanto o campo da política quanto a comunidade como um todo, o que permite que as demandas da sociedade sejam melhor abarcadas e que prevê a defesa do meio ambiente.

nÃo hà / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar os discursos polÃticos do Senado Federal, nos pronunciamentos ordinÃrios, com o fim de constatar a legitimaÃÃo do discurso da corrupÃÃo, nos perÃodos de crise do governo do Presidente Luis InÃcio Lula da Silva. Como os perÃodos de crise polÃtica sÃo perÃodos de crise de legitimaÃÃo, torna-se viÃvel observar como o discurso em favor da corrupÃÃo polÃtica à legitimado nestas crises. Duas principais crises polÃticas sÃo analisadas: a âMÃfia dos Sanguessugasâ e o âprojeto Ficha Limpaâ. O corpus da anÃlise à composto por setenta e sete pronunciamentos cuja temÃtica sÃo as duas crises anteriormente mencionadas e a corrupÃÃo polÃtica. A dissertaÃÃo à dividida em quatro seÃÃes, das quais a primeira à a de conteÃdo teÃrico. A perspectiva teÃrica de van Dijk (2003, 2006, 2008) fundamenta a pesquisa com sua abordagem dos Estudos CrÃticos do Discurso e sua proposta multidisciplinar que relaciona a cogniÃÃo, a sociedade e o discurso. A segunda seÃÃo apresenta uma contextualizaÃÃo histÃrico-polÃtica da corrupÃÃo polÃtica no Brasil, a partir das representaÃÃes sociais, segundo a perspectiva de Moscovici (2009) e Jovchelovitch (2010). A terceira seÃÃo apresenta a metodologia da pesquisa, que à qualitativa de cunho subjetivo-interpretativa. A retÃrica e os topoi sÃo as categorias de anÃlise, baseadas na teoria da retÃrica argumentativa de Billig (2008), que serÃo construÃdos a partir da teoria das metÃforas conceituais, devido seu aspecto sÃcio-cognitivo (Lakoff; Johnson, 1980; Kovecses, 2002). A quarta seÃÃo à a anÃlise dos discursos polÃticos que legitimam o discurso em favor da corrupÃÃo, apontando como resultado a legitimaÃÃo velada por meio de atores/redatores polÃticos, que buscam exercer o abuso de poder no campo polÃtico. Os topois construÃdos pelos pronunciamentos dos Senadores confirmam o discurso polÃtico de legitimaÃÃo da corrupÃÃo parlamentar, e a relaÃÃo de abuso de poder entre grupos sociais. / This study aims to analyze the political discourse of the Senate, in the ordinary pro-nunciamentos with in order to verify the legitimacy of the discourse of corruption, in times of crisis the government of President Luis Inacio Lula da Silva. As the crisis periods are periods of political crisis of legitimacy, it becomes possible to observe how the speech in favor of political corruption is legitimized these crises. Two major political crises are examined: the "Mafia Leeches" and "Project Clean Record." The corpus of the analysis consists of seventy-seven statements whose themes are the two aforementioned crises and political corrup-tion. The dissertation is divided into four sections, the first of which is the theoretical con-tent. The perspective of van Dijk (2003, 2006, 2008) fundamental research with its approach of Critical Studies in Discourse and its proposed multi-tidisciplinar that relates cognition, so-ciety and discourse. The second section presents a historical-political context of political cor-ruption in Brazil, as of social representations, from the perspective of Moscovici (2009) and Jovchelovitch (2010). The third section presents the research methodology, which is qualita-tive, subjective nature of interpretation. The rhetoric and topoi are categories of analysis, based on the theory of argumentative rhetoric of Billig (2008), which will build on the theory of conceptual metaphors, due to their socio-cognitive aspects (Lakoff, Johnson, 1980; Ko-vecses, 2002 ). The fourth section is the analysis of the discourses that legitimate political speech in support of corruption, pointing as a result veiled by the legitimacy of actors / writers politicians who seek to exercise the abuse of power in politics. The topoi built by the pro-nouncements of the Senate confirm the legitimacy of political discourseparliamentary corrup-tion, and the relationship of abuse of power among social groups.

Between 1919 and 1934, as members of China's Guomindang (Nationalist Party) struggled to take control of and transform the country, they increasingly appropriated language and symbols associated with the fallen Qing Dynasty. At the same time, these were accompanied in party discourse by radical appeals that included strong critiques of China's past. In this they were far from unique: studies of nationalisms around the world have found them to combine appeals to the new and the old. Yet in China this combination incited particular controversy, as Guomindang members and others, wrestling with the cultural legacy of the empire, put forward powerfully radical critiques not only of the culture of the past but also of traditionalist appeals to it. The result was distinctive textual practices I term 'revolutionary traditionalism', which appropriated cultural elements of the imperial orthodoxy while reconciling these appropriations with radical language. Yet this revolutionary traditionalism could not unproblematically form a unified modern nationalist orthodoxy. Radical and traditionalist positions in regard to culture recurred through power struggles within and beyond the party. Through these struggles, by the end of the 1920s revolutionary traditionalism came to characterise the new Nationalist Government formed by Guomindang members in Nanjing. While like other nationalists Guomindang members reinvented the language and symbols to which they appealed, however, the case of Confucius shows that they could not unilaterally control these reinterpretations. The central place of Confucius in national culture was established through a process of negotiation, as groups identifying themselves as 'Confucian' petitioned the state, appropriating its own traditionalist discourse, for recognition and commemoration. Yet these Confucians, pursuing their own often religious agendas, also cast doubt on the authenticity of the state's commitment. Revolutionary traditionalism thus remained unstable, repeatedly challenged both from radical and traditionalist positions.

The thesis aspires to convey a comprehensive and methodologically well-grounded image of the ideological dimension of political interaction between the EU and Russia. The research is based on the linguistic analysis of four key foreign policy documents, conceived as a continuous dialogue between the EU and Russia, and covering the period between 1994 and 2007. A model comprising several methods used in the study of international relations is applied to the aforementioned documents. The methods in question focus on discourse analysis. The methodological basis of the thesis incorporates the theoretical concepts of social constructivism, speech acts theory and dialogic analysis. Emphasis is placed on understanding the expectations and objectives of actors, the analysis of explicit and implicit messages in the dialogue, the definition of the actors' understanding of self, other and the third party. The thesis also tries to describe and explain the actors' changes in behavior towards each other.

Submitted by Ricardo Cedraz Duque Moliterno (ricardo.moliterno@uefs.br) on 2016-09-05T21:15:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTA??O - FERNANDA DOS SANTOS ALMEIDA.pdf: 1466031 bytes, checksum: 8af122db6bcaef3418048d114efd8301 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-05T21:15:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTA??O - FERNANDA DOS SANTOS ALMEIDA.pdf: 1466031 bytes, checksum: 8af122db6bcaef3418048d114efd8301 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-16 / Funda??o de Amparo ? Pesquisa do Estado da Bahia - FAPEB / We analyze the realization of the future tense in the political discourse of the three largest cities of Bahia, Salvador, Feira de Santana, and Vit?ria da Conquista, based upon the Variacionist Sociolinguistics. Some sociolinguistic researches indicate a change in progress on the use of the future tense in Brazilian Portuguese, whereupon the standard variant, the simple future form, has been replaced for the periphrastic form (ir + infinitive). These researches show that this change has been completed in the speech and is already reaching writing. This research verify this change in progress in the political discourse, a formal textual genre with features of speech and writing. Some contexts promotes the progress of the periphrastic form, like: a) verbs with three or more syllables; b) younger age group; c) agent subject; d) less stylistic monitoring speech; e) second verbal person; f) regular verbs; g) first event in a serial (about parallelism). The results also show the superiority of the periphrasis ir ?to go? + infinitive; indicate the decline of simple future form; confirm that the simple present tense is used in very specific contexts; show the existence of periphrasis with gerundive forms, called ?gerundismo?, in the standard speech; and indicate the final stage of process of change analyzed. / Analisa-se a express?o do tempo futuro no discurso pol?tico das tr?s maiores cidades baianas, Salvador, Feira de Santana e Vit?ria da Conquista, com base na Sociolingu?stica Variacionista. Diversos estudos atestam que h? uma mudan?a em curso no uso do futuro verbal no portugu?s brasileiro, no qual a forma padr?o, futuro simples, est? sendo substitu?da pela forma perifr?stica ir + infinitivo, tais estudos mostram que a referida mudan?a est? sendo completada na fala e j? est? atingindo a escrita. Este estudo verifica o est?gio dessa mudan?a no discurso pol?tico, g?nero textual formal que apresenta caracter?sticas tanto da fala quanto da escrita. Determinados contextos mostraram favorecer o espraiamento da forma perifr?stica, tais como a) verbos com tr?s ou mais s?labas; b) faixa et?ria mais jovem; c) sujeito agente; d) menor monitoramento estil?stico; e) segunda pessoa verbal; f) verbos regulares; g) primeira ocorr?ncia de uma s?rie (tratando-se de paralelismo). Os resultados tamb?m revelam a predomin?ncia da per?frase ir + infinitivo; apontam a queda do futuro simples; reafirmam que o presente do indicativo ocorre em contextos bastante espec?ficos; revelam a ocorr?ncia de per?frase com ger?ndio, o chamado ?gerundismo?, na linguagem formal e indicam que o processo de mudan?a em an?lise est? em fase de completude.

The aim of this thesis is to provide a deeper understanding of the construction of identity in relation to European integration and to discover how identities are constructed in relation to each other. The paper will therefore answer the question: ‘How can we understand the identity constructions in Wales during the political changes of Brexit, and what do these constructions reveal about the effects of European integration’. The EU advocates being ‘united in diversity’. This statement provides direction for this research, as it allows for a discussion of how various identities relate to each other. The paper will look into the political discourse of the Welsh government by applying Critical Discourse Analysis. By examining the speeches of Assembly Members, an analysis can be given of the construction of identity in the political debate in Wales. Consequently, it will look at the effects of European integration on identity construction. The analysed discourse illustrates the importance of national identity in the debate and the rather weak constructions of European identity. It also depicts that even though European integration is an important topic in the political discourse, its influence on identity construction is not strongly established. There are multiple actors that exert influence in Wales. Though, the most important is the interaction between Wales and England. The dividing factor in regards of identity construction is thus not in relation to the EU, but in relation to governance in the UK. The framework of multi-level governance in the UK is therefore an important factor in the construction of identity. The analysis indicates that even though European integration is fundamental for the development of regions such as Wales, national heritage and culture are still the most predominant in the construction of identity.

The following essay aims to investigate recent transformations of the public sphere influenced by social media. The main goal is to use the philosophical frameworks and concepts developed by Arendt and Habermas as an analytic tool to better understand social media in their role as a public sphere. The first part outlines the concept of the public sphere and its related concepts as developed in Arendt’s The Human Condition and Habermas’ The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere. Central themes are discussed and juxtaposed primarily in between Arendt and Habermas, but also with the ideas of later philosophers. From this discussion emerges a theoretical framework in terms of two main headings; the properties of the public sphere, and; the character of the political discourse in the public sphere. The second part examines central features of present-day social media utilizing the conceptual framework deriving from Arendt’s and Habermas’ notions of the public sphere. Salient features of contemporary social media and political discourse are juxtaposed with properties of the analytical framework developed in the first part of the essay. The analysis shows that the public sphere and its discourse have changed in significant ways. The analysis also shows that the notion of the public sphere, developed 60 years ago, is still a useful tool for the analysis of our present-day public sphere.