Целью диссертации являлось представить особенности техники аргументации в российском и литовском политических дискурсах 2000-2007 гг. Для достижения цели исследования были поставлены задачи установить, каковы в избранном для анализа материале: а) когнитивные структуры используемой аргументации, б) реализации элементов аргументативного дискурса: способы введения тезиса в текст и содержание и объем аргументов в поддержку тезиса. Предмет исследования – ежегодные выступления президентов России и Литвы В. Путина и В. Адамкуса с 2000 г. по 2007 г. Выбор президентских посланий в качестве предмета исследования мотивирован особой репрезентативностью этих текстов, играющих исключительную роль в политической жизни. Для анализа использовались следующие методы: когнитивный анализ – для установления структур сознания производителя идеологизированного текста; логико-риторический анализ – для исследования логической и нелогической сторон убеждения, сопоставительный метод – для сравнения полученных результатов. Каждая из перечисленных методик на первом этапе носила дескриптивный характер, в процессе интерпретации – критический характер. Внимание уделялось качественным признакам исследуемого объекта. Новизна исследования заключается в неразработанности поставленной проблемы: как в отношении предмета исследования (вопросам аргументации в литовском политическом дискурсе до сих пор не уделено достаточного внимания), так и в отношении разработки методов анализа аргументации (до сих пор не... [полный текст, см. далее] / Šio tyrimo tikslas buvo aprašyti argumentavimo technikos ypatumus metiniuose Rusijos prezidento Vladimiro Putino ir Lietuvos prezidento Valdo Adamkaus kreipimųsi tekstuose nuo 2000 iki 2007 m. Tyrimo tikslui pasiekti buvo iškelti šie uždaviniai: a) remiantis tyrimo medžiaga nustatyti kognityvines argumentacijos struktūras, b) aprašyti argumentacinio diskurso elementų realizacijas (tezės pateikimo tekste būdus, argumentų, kuriais grindžiama tezė, turinį ir apimtį). Darbe naudoti šie tyrimo metodai: kognityvinė analizė − ideologinio teksto kūrėjo sąmonės struktūroms nustatyti; loginė ir retorinė analizė − įtikinimo loginiam ir neloginiam aspektams ištirti; lyginamasis metodas − gautiems rezultatams palyginti. Tyrimo naujumas argumentuojamas tuo, jog darbe iškelta problema nėra išsamiai nagrinėta: tai pasakytina ir apie tyrimo medžiagą (argumentacijos klausimams lietuvių politiniame diskurse iki šiol nebuvo skiriama pakankamai dėmesio), ir apie argumentacijos analizės metodus (vis dar nėra sukurta išsami politinio diskurso argumentacijos analizės metodika). Disertacijai ginti teikiami šie teiginiai: 1. Prezidento kreipimasis yra hibridinio tipo kalbėjimo aktas, kuriame dera aprašomojo, vertinamojo bei argumentacinio kalbėjimo aktų savybės. 2. Tezė prezidento kreipimesi neeksplikuojama; klausytojas turi ją suprasti loginės indukcijos būdu, apibendrindamas pavyzdžius, kurie atlieka argumentų vaidmenį. 3. Kognityvinių struktūrų realizacija yra prezidentų kreipimųsi argumentacijos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The goal of the present research was to describe the peculiarities of argumentation technique in Russian and Lithuanian Presidents’ (Vladimir Putin and Valdas Adamkus, respectively) annual speeches covering the period of 2000-2007. In attempt to achieve the goal of the research, the following objectives have been pursued: a) what cognitive structures operate in particular argumentation, b) how the elements of argumentative discourse are realized (i.e. the ways of introducing a thesis statement into the text; the content and volume of arguments supporting the thesis). The methods employed are cognitive analysis (to distinguish the speaker’s structures of the conscious in attempt to generate an ideological text), logical-rhetorical analysis (to imply logical and illogical ways of persuading) and contrastive method (to examine and compare the findings). The novelty of the research lies in the fact that the research question has not been analysed in depth so far, i.e. neither the research subject (the issue of argumentation in Lithuanian political discourse has not received much attention yet), nor working out the methods of argumentation analysis (effective methods of argumentation analysis in political discourse have not been fully developed so far) were much of linguists interest. The claims of the dissertation: 1. Presidential annual speeches seem to be a hybrid type of a speech act which incorporates the qualities of descriptive, evaluative and argumentative speech acts. 2... [to full text]

The purpose of this research was to investigate how political leaders of the United Kingdom and Lithuania, David Cameron and Andrius Kubilius legitimize themselves and delegitimize their opponents through metaphors. To achieve this aim Critical Metaphor Analysis was employed and the following objectives were set: to identify metaphorical expressions used in political speeches; to interpret them and to classify them according to their underlying conceptual metaphor; finally, to explain the way conceptual metaphors and metaphorical expressions convey how political leaders legitimize themselves and delegitimize the opponents. The results of the study demonstrated that the conceptual metaphors used for legitimization and delegitimization are the same in both political leaders’ speeches. However, metaphorical expression used for legitimization and delegitimization displays different characteristics. It also demonstrated that politicians tend to use more metaphorical expressions to convey legitimization than delegitimization. / Magistro darbo tema „Konceptualios metaforos raiška legitimizacijos ir delegitimizacijos procesuose“. Šio tiriamojo darbo tikslas yra išsiaiškinti kokiomis konceptualiosiomis metaforomis Davidas Cameronas ir Andrius Kubilius legitimizuoja save ir delegitimizuoja savo oponentus. Buvo iškelti šie tiriamojo darbo uždaviniai: pirmiausia, surasti metaforinius pasakymus politinėse kalbose, tuomet suklasifikuoti šiuos pasakymus pagal priklausymą konceptualiąjai metaforai ir, galiausiai, paaiškinti kaip metaforiniai pasakymai atskleidžia būdus, kuriais politikai legitimizuoja save ir delegitimizuoja savo oponentus. Tyrime buvo naudojamas Kritinis metaforos analizės metodas pasiūlytas Charterio-Blacko, kuris susideda iš trijų dalių, tai: metaforinių pasakynų suradimas, jų priskyrimas konceptualiąjai metaforai ir galiausiai, paaiškinimas. Pagrindinis tyrimo klausimas buvo išsiaiškinti, kuo skiriasi konceptualiųjų metaforų naudojimas legitimizacijai ir delegitimizacijai Davidas Cameronas ir Andriaus Kubiliaus politinėse kalbose. Tyrimas parodė, kad tiek legitimizacijai tiek delegitimizacijai abu politikai naudoja tas pačias konceptualiąsias metaforas: POLITIKA YRA KARAS, POLITIKA YRA KELIONĖ, ir POLITIKA YRA PASTATAS. Taip pat tyrimas parodė, kad Davidas Cameronas ir Andrius Kubilius naudoja daugiau metaforinių pasakymų išreikšti legitimizacijai nei delegitimizacijai. Tai buvo pastebėta, kai delegitimizuodami savo oponentus politikai nenaudojo kai kurių konceptualiųjų atitikmenų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

The MA paper analyzes the conceptual metaphors which were used in pre- and post-elective speeches of presidents Bill Clinton and Valdas Adamkus and how the choice of metaphorical expressions influenced the voters' choice. / Darbas analizuoja konceptualias metaforas Bilo Klintono ir Valdo Adamkaus prieš ir po rinkiminėse politinėse kalbose ir kaip metaforų naudojimas įtakojo rinkėjų pasirinkimą.

This thesis analyses the change of the Albanian national identity and ideology during its contemporary history, beginning from the national awakening period up to post-communism. The break with the dictatorial Enver Hoxha regime marked the begining of a new era for the Albanian ideology and politics. To this regard, the political elite, played a prominent role in the process of transition and the opening of Albania to the world.The prospect for the EU membership became the major motivation of the Albanian political class for the break with the past authoritarian regime and change. The European integration process has notably affected political elite&#039 / s imagination of Albanian culture and history and Albania&#039 / s place in Europe. The desire for a rapid integration urged Albanian political elite to re-establish the relations with the neighbouring countries by re-designing the foreign policy in compliance with the new imperatives of geopolitics.

Submitted by Maria Medeiros (maria.dilva1@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-08-07T12:26:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LEANDRO JOSÉ SANTOS - TESE (PPGCS) 2018.pdf: 1647220 bytes, checksum: 082ed52f44810a3a8daa3ff50c7c95f7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-07T12:26:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LEANDRO JOSÉ SANTOS - TESE (PPGCS) 2018.pdf: 1647220 bytes, checksum: 082ed52f44810a3a8daa3ff50c7c95f7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02 / Apresentamos uma análise do personagem Lula no programa radiofônico Café com o presidente e a sua relação com o tipo de liderança que povoou o imaginário social brasileiro no primeiro mandato do governo petista. Para o atingimento dos objetivos, utilizam-se as noções de imagem pública e de mitologia política. Do ponto de vista metodológico, a arena política foi tomada como espaço dramatizado, propício a atuações cênicas. Acreditou-se que como acontece nas narrativas míticas e nas encenações teatrais, os participantes do jogo político se comportam em público como estivessem interpretando papéis. Na metodologia também são utilizados os conceitos da Nova Retórica, através dos quais foram analisados os acordos e estratégias discursivas que permitiram apreender o caráter da personalidade pública de Lula no programa radiofônico Café com o presidente. Aqui, o discurso se configurou como lugar onde as formas simbólicas e as disputas por elas realizadas tomam corpo e se concretizam. A partir de uma abordagem microscópica, o estudo pautou-se apenas nas edições produzidas no primeiro mandato dos governos Lula. O argumento básico da Tese é que apesar de sua materialidade como sujeito empírico, como um ser de carne e osso que existe no mundo real, no Café com o presidente Lula se comportou arquetipicamente como um homem comum, uma figura dramática concernente ao campo do imaginário social e das mitologias políticas. Partindo do contexto daquele programa de rádio, afirma-se que a liderança que ali se apresentou não foi o “Lula real”, mas uma imagem, um fenômeno simbólico produzido no imaginário e que se manifestou através da enunciação de uma forte argumentação política, objetivando a manutenção, o controle e o exercício eficaz do poder político. Apesar da estrutura e aparência, defende-se que Café com o presidente não foi um “autêntico” programa de radiojornalismo, mas o lugar estratégica e racionalmente escolhido para que Lula pudesse fortalecer e legitimar a imagem de homem simples e de líder preocupado com as demandas de “seu povo”. Argumenta-se que Lula é um comunicador inigualável, que vê o mundo a partir de sua experiência sensível, e de uma história de vida que subjetivamente o aproxima do eleitorado brasileiro, que o autoriza a se comunicar com os segmentos mais pobres utilizando a linguagem do homem comum. Percebe-se que naquele programa de rádio, o enunciatário do discurso presidencial não era uma instância abstrata e universal, mas uma imagem concreta a quem se destinava uma narrativa específica. No Café com o presidente, o discurso político lulista, apesar de emotivo, era minuciosamente calculado e consciente, ou seja, racionalizado. No rádio, o enunciador do discurso presidencial não encontrou dificuldades para mobilizar o imaginário dos segmentos pobres da população brasileira. Isso aconteceu não somente pelo fato de “o Lula real” ter vivenciado a pobreza, nem de ter atuado como sindicalista ou de ter conhecido de perto as mazelas brasileiras, mas por o personagem Lula ser um exímio conhecedor daquilo que move e comove os seus interlocutores, o que o autorizou a assumir o papel temático de homem comum e se colocar como o legítimo representante dos setores mais pobres da sociedade brasileira. Nesta Tese, compreende-se que em seu programa de rádio, Lula não apenas se pôs no lugar do pobre, ele se igualou ao seu interlocutor e velou os seus dramas. Ao procedermos a uma análise argumentativa dos discursos ali pronunciados, percebe-se que ao relatar as suas experiências, o ex-presidente estabeleceu uma identidade discursiva com os batalhadores e com a ralé que, tomados como protagonistas da ação governamental aderiram à máscara ritual que se lhes apresentava. No Café com o presidente, a identidade e reciprocidade entre Lula e seu público ocorreu através do reconhecimento e compartilhamento de subjetividades relativas às formas de ser, pensar e agir dos batalhadores e da ralé. Identidade e reciprocidade advindas da carência material e cultural e que passam pelo reconhecimento do drama e dor da fome, se estabelecem pelo sofrimento e estigma do trabalho diário e pesado e, no caso da ralé, também passam pela ausência de condições que permita aos indivíduos se apropriarem de elementos que possam dar às suas vidas algum sentido. / It presents an analysis of the character Lula in the Brazilian radio program Café com o presidente and its relationship with the type of leadership that populated the Brazilian social imaginary in the first term of the president’s party government. To achieve the objectives, the notions of public image and political mythology are used. From the methodological point of view, the political arena was taken as dramatized space, conducive to scenic performances. It was believed that as in mythical narratives and theatrical plays, participants in the political game behave in public as they were playing roles. In the methodology also the concepts of the New Rhetoric are used, which made possible to analyze discursive strategies that allowed apprehending the character of the public personality of Lula in the radio program Café com o presidente. Here, the discourse has been configured as a place where the symbolic forms and the disputes that they held take shape and materialize. From a microscopic approach, the study was based only on issues produced in the first term of Lula’s governments. The basic argument of the Dissertation is that despite its materiality as an empirical subject, as a flesh-and-blood being that exists in the real world, in the radio program Café com presidente, Lula behaved archetypically as an ordinary man, a dramatic figure concerning the field of social imaginary and political mythologies. From the context of that radio program, it is affirmed that the leadership presented there was not the "real Lula", but an image, a symbolic phenomenon produced in the imaginary and that was manifested by means of the enunciation of a strong political argumentation, aiming the maintenance, control and effective exercise of political power. Despite the structure and appearance, it is defended that Café com o presidente was not an "authentic" radio journalism program, but the place strategically and rationally chosen so that Lula could strengthen and legitimize the image of a simple man and a concerned leader of the demands of "his people". It is argued that Lula is an unequalled communicator, who sees the world from his sensitive experience, and a life story that subjectively brings him closer to the Brazilian electorate, which authorizes him to communicate with the poorer segments using the language of the ordinary man. It is noticed that in that radio program, the enunciator of the presidential speech was not an abstract and universal instance, but a concrete image to who a specific narrative was destined. In the Café com o presidente, Lula’s political discourse, although emotional, was meticulously calculated and conscious, that is, rationalized. In radio, the enunciator of the presidential discourse did not find difficulties to mobilize the imaginary of the poor segments of the Brazilian population. This happened not only because "the real Lula" had experienced poverty, or had acted as a syndicalist or has known the Brazilian maladies closely, but because the character Lula is a knowledgeable exponent of what moves and moves deeply his interlocutors, which allowed him to assume the thematic role of an common man and to place himself as the legitimate representative of the poorer sectors of the Brazilian society. In this dissertation, it is understood that in his radio program, Lula not only put himself in the place of the poor, he matched to his interlocutors and veiled sincerely their dramas. When we proceed to an argumentative analysis of the speeches pronounced there, it is noticed that in reporting his experiences, the former president established a discursive identity with the battlers and the rabble that, taken as protagonists of the governmental action, adhered to the ritual mask that presented them. In the Café com o presidente, the identity and reciprocity between Lula and his audience occurred through the recognition and sharing of subjectivities related to the ways of being, thinking and acting of the strugglers and the rabble. Identity and reciprocity arising from material and cultural deprivation which recognize the tragedy and pain of hunger, establishing by the suffering and stigma of daily and heavy work and, in the case of the rabble, also go through the absence of conditions that allow individuals to elements that can make their lives meaningful.

This study investigates the use of two communicative strategies in particular, namely self- repair and repetition, in political interviews with Jean-Claude Juncker where English is used as a lingua franca (ELF). While ELF has received increasing attention throughout the past years, with a variety of researched genres ranging from higher education (e.g. Björkman 2011; Kaur 2011; Mauranen 2006) and business (Bjørge 2010; Firth 1996; Ehrenreich 2009; Pullin Stark 2009) to domestic settings (e.g. Klötzl 2014; Pietikäinen 2014), the genre of political interviews remains largely under-researched – despite it being such a highly international and high-stakes domain. Therefore, the aim of the present research is to include this domain to the list of researched genres, and thereby to gain a better understanding of how a politician uses ELF in his official role. The data comprises four interviews with the president of the EU-commission, Jean-Claude Juncker, with a total interview-time of 35 minutes. The interviews have been transcribed in their entirety for the purpose of the present study, and the data was analysed drawing on conversation analytic approaches. Both self-repair and repetition were frequently identified as clarification strategies in the data and their functions comply to a large extent with previous findings from ELF research (e.g. Kaur 2011; Lichtkoppler 2007; Mauranen 2006). Repetition was found to be used as a strategy to specify utterances and ensure understanding and self-repair to either right the wrongs or raise explicitness. In addition to that, the use of repetition showed some interview-genre related functions as well, such as the use of repetition to influence and interrupt the regular turn-taking structure of interviews. This study shows that the use of ELF is in fact to a certain extent different in political interviews than in other researched genres, and therefore suggests that further studies within this genre would significantly contribute to the field of research into ELF.

Esta tese tem por objetivo analisar neologismos no contexto da política nacional coletados na imprensa, no início do século XXI. Busca-se compreender como estão se refletindo as mudanças sociais e políticas em nossa língua e em que medida a língua reflete essas mudanças. O dispositivo teórico são os princípios contidos na Análise do Discurso, com suporte, essencialmente, em estudiosos como Patrick Charaudeau, Dominique Maingueneau e Michel Pêcheux, e nos conceitos articulados no campo da Linguística Cognitiva no que diz respeito à mobilização das relações de sentidos. Investiga-se a presença ou não de traços de pejoratividade e ironia nesses novos termos, bem como os aspectos intertextuais e interdiscursivos envolvidos nesse jogo de criação verbal, o que conduz às noções de palavra-chave, palavra-testemunha, palavra-escudo e palavra-espada, levando-se em conta que os termos representam e incorporam as marcas da sociedade e dos processos políticos vivenciados. Traz-se, ao final, uma análise do corpus coletado, um total de 215 verbetes / This thesis aims to analyze neologisms collected in national politics in the press, in the beginning of this century. We seek to understand how they are reflecting the social and political changes in our language and what extent the language reflects these changes. The theoretical approach are the principles contained in Discourse Analysis, supported mainly in scholars such as Patrick Charaudeau, Dominique Maingueneau and Michel Pêcheux, and in the concepts articulated in the field of Cognitive Linguistics, as regards to the mobilization of relationships meanings. It investigates the presence of traces of depreciation and irony in these new therms, as well as intertextual and interdiscursive aspects involved in this game of verbal creation, which leads to the notions of keyword, witness-word, shield-word and sword-word, taking into account that the terms represent and embody the brand of society and political processes experienced. We bring, at the end, an analysis of the collected corpus, a total of 215 entries

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:25:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5231.pdf: 861386 bytes, checksum: 3ce4bd36c9073d8a0e59ae4bde50a338 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-04-10 / This work aims to analyze the meanings of the word "fear" in the brazilian electoral political discourse. More precisely, based on the principles of Discourse Analysis derived from Pêcheux and his group, the aim here is to interpret statements that were generated by the major candidates for president in the Free Television Time for Election (HGPE) campaign of the years 1989, 1994, 1998, 2002 and 2006. The specific objectives refer to the discursive description and interpretation of the acting of the word "fear", and will be guided by the hypothesis that the meaning of that word will be built as it is inserted in one or another discursive formation and employed in one or another condition of production. The corpus of research is constituted based on an initial triage undertaken on all HGPEs of these presidential campaigns, through exclusive selection of statements in which the lexeme "fear" is used explicitly. In order to achieve these goals, the first chapter presents some reflections on the various facets of fear in history, focusing on biological, cultural, historical and political aspects. Then the second chapter lists some aspects of what could be a brief history of fear of the left and right in Brazil. Finally, the last chapter presents some synthetic considerations Discourse Analysis, in order to, from them, the statements contained in the word fear can be analyzed in a discursive perspective. Regardless of the ideology of the candidate, that is, right or left, it is concluded that the use of the word "fear" is present in both discourses in order of slandering the opponent, and hence manipulate the voter. / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar os sentidos da palavra medo no discurso político eleitoral brasileiro contemporâneo. Mais precisamente, com base nos princípios da Análise do Discurso derivada de Pêcheux e seu Grupo, pretende-se interpretar aqui enunciados que foram produzidos pelos principais candidatos à Presidência da República nos Horários Gratuitos de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) das campanhas dos anos de 1989, 1994, 1998, 2002 e 2006. Os objetivos específicos referem-se à descrição e à interpretação discursiva do funcionamento da palavra medo , e serão orientadas pela hipótese de que os sentidos dessa palavra serão construídos à medida que ela seja inserida numa ou noutra formação discursiva e empregada numa ou noutra condição de produção. O corpus da pesquisa constitui-se a partir de uma triagem inicial empreendida sobre todos os HGPEs das referidas campanhas presidenciais, através da seleção exclusiva dos enunciados em que o lexema medo é empregado de modo explícito. Com vistas a atingir tais objetivos, o primeiro capítulo apresenta algumas reflexões sobre as diversas facetas do medo na história, abordando aspectos biológicos, culturais, históricos e políticos. Em seguida, o segundo capítulo enumera alguns aspectos do que poderia ser uma breve história do medo da esquerda e da direita no Brasil. Finalmente, o último capítulo apresenta algumas sintéticas considerações sobre a Análise do Discurso, para que, a partir delas, os enunciados em que constam a palavra medo possam ser analisados numa perspectiva discursiva. Independentemente da ideologia do candidato, ou seja, direita ou esquerda, conclui-se que o uso da palavra medo está presente em ambos os discursos, porém o sentido da palavra medo muda de sentido dependendo da formação discursiva, com o intuito de caluniar o adversário.

abstract: While Huntington’s (1996) theory of “The Clash of Civilizations” illuminated the concept of the gap between the Western and non-Western cultures, the framework of an opposite approach, which intensively emphasizes and strives for mutual understanding, cooperation and solidarity towards peace, has created a new and vital discursive perspective and practice through the establishment of The United Nations Alliance of Civilizations (UNAOC). As the domain of UNAOC has not received linguistic attention yet, the goal of the current dissertation is to investigate and reveal the notions and messages conveyed in the related context of Turkey’s accession to the EU by the Turkish Prime Minister (2003-2014) and the co- founder of the Alliance of Civilizations, Recep Tayyip Erdogan. It seeks answers to the following questions: How does Mr. Erdogan conceptualize Turkey, which has geopolitically bridged the Western and non-Western cultures throughout the centuries, and which borders the boiling pot of the Middle East? How does the Prime Minister construct identities in the context of the Western and non-Western countries especially in his discussion of Turkey’s accession to the EU? How does the Prime Minister further reconceptualize the urgent need for global peace and stability in the world, contributing to the UNAOC directly and indirectly? This dissertation employs a cognitive framework approach which entails speech act theory and analogical reasoning, in addition to Reisigl and Wodak’s (2001) Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA) to analyze Prime Minister Erdogan’s speeches in the international context. In conclusion, the discourse of UNAOC gives rise to new discursive practices for global peace, “countering the forces that fuel polarization and extremism” (http://www.unaoc.org/about/). The discursive construction of global phenomena, events and actions as defined in Erdogan’s speeches are reconceptualized on the basis of non-Western but secular pro-Western intertextuality and perspectivization. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation English 2016

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work is linked to the historiographical perspective of intellectual history. Based on that, it aims to analyze and to compare the content and form of the rhetoric of the partisan political discourse of the newspapers A Federação and Correio do Sul in the electoral process of Rio Grande do Sul in 1922. The analysis and the interpretation of partisan political discourse of the newspapers was carried out through the theoretical and methodological contributions of Pocock (2003), in the study of political discourse performance and the relationship between context and action; the operation modes of meaning and action of ideological symbolic strategies written by John Thompson (2009) and, particularly, the theory of argumentation of Perelman and Tyteca, with regard to the linking modes of argumentation. From the reading and interpretation of the rhetorical and ideological strategies applied in partisan political discourse of newspapers, it became possible to assume the way journalists perceived the events and how they interacted with the audience and readers. In the political context of 1922, the content and form of political discourse were defined according to the discursive situations that arose from events and confrontation with the political opponent. On one side was A Federação, representing the Partido Republicano Rio-Grandense; and on the other side, the Correio do Sul, representing the Partido Federalista and Aliança Libertadora. Once they were in opposing political boundaries, they developed a combative and competitive discourse in order to face the opponent and convince readers to join their political cause. / Este trabalho está vinculado à perspectiva historiográfica da história intelectual e objetiva analisar e comparar o conteúdo e a forma da retórica do discurso político-partidário dos jornais A Federação e o Correio do Sul no processo eleitoral do Rio Grande do Sul em 1922. A Análise e a interpretação do discurso político-partidário dos jornais parte dos aportes teórico-metodológicos de Pocock (2003), no estudo da performance do discurso político e da relação entre contexto e ação; dos modos de operação do sentido e da ação das estratégias simbólica de caráter ideológico de John Thompson (2009) e, principalmente, da teoria da argumentação de Perelman e Tyteca, no que diz respeito aos modos de ligação da argumentação. A partir da leitura e da interpretação das estratégias retóricas e ideológicas empregadas no discurso político-partidário dos jornais, torna-se possível traduzir a maneira como os jornalistas perceberam os acontecimentos e como interagiram com os interlocutores e leitores. No contexto político de 1922, o conteúdo e a forma do discurso político foram definidos em função das situações discursivas que surgiram dos acontecimentos e do confronto com o adversário político. De um lado, estava A Federação, que representava o Partido Republicano Rio-Grandense; de outro, o Correio do Sul, que representava o Partido Federalista e Aliança Libertadora. Por estarem em fronteiras políticas adversárias, desenvolveram um discurso combativo e competitivo para enfrentarem o adversário e convencerem os leitores a aderirem à sua causa política.