Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T19:33:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rudney Soares de Souza.pdf: 14308342 bytes, checksum: e193ffc1636bdb91139dc769da810674 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work is based on studies of French Discourse Analysis and aims at analyzing the first four speeches of President Dilma Vana Rousseff, pronounced on her victory in the 2010 presidential elections. The reason that motivated us to do this study was the possibility of understanding the changes in partisan political discourse of Brazil recent history, the moment when lawyers, engineers, former metalworker and only one woman were elected to the highest office of the Federal Republic of Brazil. We understand that a research like this can be useful for a better understanding not only of speech studies, but also the current party-political panorama of Brazil. Our specific objectives were: to identify and examine the construction of scenography and the constitution of discursive ethos; verify the linguistic-discursive strategies and to infer meaning effects created by the interdiscourse enunciator, and, from that route, unveiling the slips and subversions of meaning embodied in president speech and relate them to social and discursive memory. The results of the analysis allowed us to conclude that the emerging enunciator from Dilma Rousseff speech has a discursive ethos of "President of the continuity of Lula government." The life history of the enunciator and its woman condition act on her image ambiguously: sometimes strengthens and sometimes harms. The male social imaginary in policy still influences the discursive ethos legitimized by coenunciator (voter), even a speech with placements built around the premise "first Brazil female president / O presente trabalho fundamenta-se nos estudos da Análise do discurso de linha francesa e tem como objetivo geral analisar os quatro primeiros discursos da presidente Dilma Vana Rousseff, proferidos na ocasião de sua vitória nas eleições presidenciais de 2010. A razão que nos motivou a fazer este estudo foi a possibilidade de entender as mudanças no discurso político-partidário da história recente do Brasil, período em que advogados, engenheiros, exmetalúrgico e apenas uma mulher foram eleitos ao cargo mais alto da República Federativa do Brasil. Entendemos que uma pesquisa como essa possa ser útil para um maior entendimento não só dos estudos sobre discurso, mas também do panorama político-partidário atual do Brasil. Nossos objetivos específicos foram: identificar e examinar a construção da cenografia e a constituição do ethos discursivo; verificar as estratégias linguistico-discursivas e depreender os efeitos de sentido criados no interdiscurso pelo enunciador; e, a partir desse percurso, desvelar os deslizamentos e as subversões de sentido, materializados no discurso da presidente, e relacioná-los com a memória social e discursiva. Os resultados da análise nos permitiram concluir que o enunciador, que emerge nos discursos de Dilma Rousseff, tem um ethos discursivo de presidente da continuidade do governo Lula . O histórico de vida do enunciador e sua condição mulher agem sobre sua imagem de forma ambígua: ora o fortalece, ora o prejudica. O imaginário social masculino, na política, ainda influencia o ethos discursivo, legitimado pelo co-enunciador (eleitor), mesmo num discurso com posicionamentos construídos em torno da premissa primeira mulher presidente do Brasil

Ledit projet de recherche se propose d'étudier les réactions dans la presse écrite française face à la restructuration identitaire et politique de l'Allemagne unifiée entre 1998 et 2005. Le corpus est composé en premier lieu d'articles provenant de différents quotidiens et hebdomadaires français, mais également d'essais politiques. Afin d'appréhender la notion d'identité nationale dans toute sa complexité, la partie analytique se base sur huit études de cas concernant différents domaines tels que l'unification allemande, l'intégration européenne, la politique de sécurité et la politique mémorielle. A la fin du projet de recherche, une synthèse globale des résultats de l'analyse de presse est proposée. L'objectif de cette étude est de nous éclairer sur l'impact réel qu'a eu la fondation de la „République de Berlin“ sur les relations franco-allemandes. / This thesis investigates the reactions in French written press to the identity restructuring process and political reorientation in reunified Germany during the period between 1998 and 2005. The corpus is mainly constituted by French daily and weekly newspaper articles, but also political essays. In order to capture the notion of ‘national identity' in all its complexity, the analytic part is based on eight case studies in different fields such as ‘German unification', European integration', ‘Security policy' and ‘Memorial Policy'. At the end of this thesis, a global synthesis of the results of the press analysis is proposed. The objective of this study is to elucidate the real impact that the foundation of the „Berlin Republic“ had on the Franco-German relationship.

Ce travail analyse la manière dont les expressions de la troisième personne dénotant des êtres humains peuvent référer aux destinataires d’un énoncé – par opposition à l’allocutaire – en français, anglais et allemand. Les formes de la troisième personne incluent tout élément linguistique déclenchant un accord à la troisième personne, considérée comme une catégorie hétérogène : pronoms (il(s), elle(s), on, en français, he, she, they, one en anglais, er, sie, man en allemand), pronoms interrogatifs et indéfinis (qui, quiconque, whoever, anyone, wer), quantifieurs (tous, chacun, certains, all, every, anyone, some, alle, jeder, manche, etc.), relatives précédées par ceux (ceux qui, those who, diejenigen, die) et groupes nominaux contenant un nom dénotant un agent humain (peuple, personnes, citoyen, people, citizen, Volk, Leute, Menschen, Bürger, etc.). A partir d’un corpus de débats parlementaires en France, en Allemagne et au Royaume-Uni, nous montrons que les locuteurs peuvent référer aux destinataires, conçus comme un rôle discursif distinct des personnes empiriques, par des expressions de la troisième personne. L’accent mis sur la première et la deuxième personnes a conduit à un relatif oubli des formes de la troisième personne. Pourtant, la conceptualisation des destinataires par des expressions de la troisième personne est explicite, omniprésente, fonctionnelle et se produit à une fréquence égale dans l’ensemble du corpus. En se concentrant sur le rôle discursif du destinataire, une attention particulière est accordée au système constitué par la deuxième et la troisième personnes, prises dans leur continuité plutôt que leur opposition, dans l’acte de référence. / Based on a corpus of British, French, and German parliamentary debates, this research presents an integrated account of how third person expressions denoting human referents can encode the targets of an utterance – as opposed to the addressee. Third person forms include every linguistic item triggering third person agreement, regarded as a heterogeneous category: third person pronouns (he, she, one, they in English, il(s), elle(s), on in French, er, sie, man in German), interrogative and indefinite pronouns (whoever, qui, quiconque, wer), quantifiers (all, every, many, some, anyone, tous, chacun, beaucoup, certains, alle, jeder, viele, manche, etc.), relative clauses introduced by those (those who, ceux qui, diejenigen, die), and noun phrases containing a noun denoting a human agent (people, citizen, peuple, personnes, citoyen , Volk, Leute, Menschen, Bürger, etc.). I combine a trilingual contrastive research design with a qualitative discourse-analytic and a quantitative corpus- based perspective to determine how reference to the targets of an utterance, conceived as a speech role distinct from the empirical persons, can be achieved by third person expressions. With most existing research focusing on the first and second persons, third person reference has been considerably neglected. Yet, the conceptualisation of targets via third person expressions is explicit, pervasive, functional, and occurs with equal frequency throughout the political spectrum. By focusing on the newly refined speech role of the target, attention is given to the continuity between second and third grammatical persons as a system referring to addressees and targets of an utterance. / In dieser Arbeit präsentiere ich eine umfassende Analyse der Funktionsweisen von englischen, französischen und deutschen Ausdrücken der dritten Person zur Bezeichnung menschlicher Referenten, an die eine Äußerung gerichtet ist. Zu den Formen der dritten Person gehören alle sprachlichen Elemente, die in Bezug auf die grammatischen Kategorien Person und Numerus mit Verben in der dritten Person verwendet werden: Personalpronomen (er, sie, man im Deutschen, he, she, they, one im Englischen, il(s), elle(s), im Französischen), Interrogativ- oder Indefinitpronomen (wer, whoever, qui, quiconque), Quantifikatoren (alle, jeder, viele, manche, all, every, many, some, anyone, tous, chacun, beaucoup, certains), Relativsätze (diejenigen, die, ceux qui, those who), und Nominalsyntagmen, die ein Substantiv enthalten, das einen menschlichen Referenten bezeichnet (Volk, Leute, Menschen, Bürger, people, citizen, peuple, personnes, citoyen, etc.). Anhand eines Korpus britischer, französischer und deutscher Parlamentsdebatten kombiniere ich ein sprachkontrastives Forschungsdesign mit einer qualitativen Diskursanalyse und einer quantitativen korpusbasierten Perspektive, um zu bestimmen, wie der Bezug auf die gemeinten Referenten erfolgt. Bisher hat sich die Forschung auf Formen der ersten und zweiten Person konzentriert und die dritte Person vernachlässigt, obwohl explizite, funktionale Bezüge auf den intendierten Referenten einer Äußerung in der dritten Person allgegenwärtig sind und im gesamten politischen Spektrum vorkommen.

Tout énoncé consiste en un message, explicite ou implicite, qui met en relief les objectifs du locuteur et aiguille l’interlocuteur vers une réponse ou une interprétation attendue par le locuteur. Dans le cadre du discours politique, la parole du personnage politique a pour objectif de mettre l’interlocuteur et le spectateur de son côté. Le langage employé est donc très souvent persuasif. Les études montrent que la communication ne passe pas exclusivement par la communication verbale. Elles mettent en évidence la place occupée par la cognition dans toute communication. L’approche formaliste ne tient pas compte de la dimension psychologique de la communication, tandis qu’une approche psychologique ne tient pas compte de la cognition sans placer la communication dans une structure suffisamment élaborée. Dans le cadre théorique que nous avons choisi, le domaine de la cognition s’inscrit dans une approche conceptuelle. Par conséquent, il conviendra d’analyser non seulement la communication verbale mais aussi la communication non-verbale. Dans quelle mesure le message verbal passe-t-il par d’autres voies ? L’analyse procédera à la mise en relief de la dimension paralinguistique tant dans l’espace que dans le temps : geste, regard, posture.La montée au pouvoir du Parti conservateur au Royaume-Uni en 2010 a donné lieu à la première coalition britannique depuis 1945. C’est la participation de son adversaire, les Liberal Democrats, qui a suscité de nombreux débats sur la faisabilité d’une coalition en raison d’un décalage idéologique important. Il sera donc indispensable d’analyser le contexte politique par rapport à la nature du discours. Pour ce faire, il conviendra d’adopter une approche cognitive de l’analyse du discours. Dans quelle mesure les phénomènes linguistiques et paralinguistiques sont-ils volontaires ou involontaires ? Dans quelle mesure existe-t-il une concordance entre les différents phénomènes observés ? L’approche multimodale permettra de montrer le rapport entre sémantique, phonologie, lexique et grammaire afin de mesurer la pertinence du discours. Les théories cognitivistes élaborées par Leonard TALMY et Ronald LANGACKER seront le point de départ de cette approche conceptuelle. Celle-ci permettra d’aboutir à une analyse de tous les éléments linguistiques et paralinguistiques en fonction de la situation d’énonciation : discours, entretien, débat. / Every utterance is composed of an implicit or an explicit message which highlights the speaker’s aims and steers the interlocutor towards a response or an interpretation intended by the speaker. In the field of political discourse, the objective of the politician’s discourse is to make the interlocutor and the spectator take a partisan view. Consequently, the language used is often persuasive. Studies have shown that communication is not exclusively verbal. They reveal the role of cognition in all forms of communication. A formalist approach does not take into account the psychological dimension of communication, while a psychological approach fails to account for cognition by not addressing communication within a sufficiently detailed linguistic context. In the framework that we have chosen, the cognitive domain is located within a conceptual approach. As a result, it is necessary to analyse both verbal and non-verbal communication. To what extent is the spoken message transmitted through other means? Our analysis will highlight the paralinguistic dimension of language both in space and time – gesture, gaze and posture. The electoral success of the Conservative Party in the United Kingdom in 2010 gave rise to the first British coalition government since 1945. The role played by the party’s opponent, the Liberal Democrats, has led to many debates about the feasibility of a coalition due to the ideological divide. It is therefore essential to examine the political context with regard to the type of discourse. In order to achieve this, we have chosen a cognitive approach to discourse analysis. To what extent are the linguistic and paralinguistic phenomena intended or unintended? To what extent is there any coherence between these different observable phenomena? A multimodal approach will help us to identify the link between semantics, lexis and grammar in order to determine the relevance of the discourse. A number of theories of cognitive linguistics and Critical Discourse Analysis form the basis of our conceptual approach, with particular emphasis on the cognitive dimension put forward by Leonard Talmy. This will enable us to analyse all the linguistic and paralinguistic features of discourse, depending on different situations which include speeches, interviews and debates.

Le sujet de cette thèse est l’analyse comparative des débats parlementaires portugais, brésiliens et roumains, dans l’optique de l’organisation interactionnelle et de l’usage des formes d’adresse (Carreira 1997). Du point de vue théorique, notre étude s’appuie sur la linguistique interactionnelle (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1990), sur l’analyse du discours politique (Charaudeau 2005) et du discours parlementaire (Ilie 2006; Marques 2000). Après un préambule juridico-politique, qui présente le fonctionnement des parlements dans les trois pays choisis (Portugal, Brésil, Roumanie), nous analysons, dans la première partie de la thèse, les transcriptions officielles des réunions parlementaires en tant que corpus pour l’étude linguistique. Ensuite, nous nous concentrons sur les particularités de la structure séquentielle des débats – ouverture, corps, clôture –, la négociation du tour de parole et les stratégies d’éviter les réponses aux questions. La deuxième partie de la thèse se penche sur les usages de formes d’adresse dans la construction des auto-images et hétéro-images et dans la configuration de la distance interlocutive. Cette approche nous a permis de dégager quelques particularités de chaque sous-corpus: les débats portugais sont plus proches du protocole parlementaire (structure micro-séquentielle plus rigide, usage quasi exclusif des formes nominales d’adresse institutionnelles), alors que dans les débats brésiliens et roumains il y a plus de flexibilité dans la construction micro-séquentielle (les actes rituels sont plus fréquents) aussi bien que dans l’usage des formes d’adresse plus variées (relationnelles, académiques, professionnelles, génériques). / The subject of this thesis is the comparative analysis of Portuguese, Brazilian and Romanian parliamentary debates, from the point of view of interactional organization and address terms uses (Carreira 1997). Our theoretical framework is interactional linguistics (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1990), political discourse analysis (Charaudeau 2005) and parliamentary discourse analysis (Ilie 2006; Marques 2000). After a legal and political preamble that presents how parliaments in the three selected countries (Portugal, Brazil, Romania) work, we analyse, in the first part of the thesis, the official transcripts of parliamentary sittings as a corpus for linguistic studies. Then we focus on the characteristics of the sequential structure of the debates – opening, body, closing –, negotiation of turn taking and evasion strategies in answering questions. The second part of the thesis focuses on the uses of address terms in constructing images of the self and of the others and the configuration of interlocutive distance. This approach has allowed us to identify a few characteristics of each sub-corpus: Portuguese debates are closer to the parliamentary protocol (the micro-sequential structure is more rigid, nominal institutional address forms are used almost exclusively), while in Brazilian and Romanian debates there is more flexibility both in the micro-sequential construction (ritual acts are more frequent) and in the wider range of address forms used (relational, academic, professional, generic).

Given that the basic functions of parliamentary Question Time are to provide information and to hold the Government accountable for its actions, the possibility of evasion occurring in such a context is of crucial importance. Evasion (equivocation) has been identified as a matter of concern in political interviews, but no systematic study has been undertaken in the context of parliamentary discourse, notably Question Time, anywhere in the world. This study applies and adapts Harris's (1991) coding framework on various types of responses, Bull and Mayer's (1993) typology of non-replies and Clayman's (2001) work on how politicians 'resist' answering questions, all of which are based on political news interviews, to the study of evasion in Australia's House of Representatives' Question Time. A comprehensive, unified framework for the analysis of evasion is described, a decision flow-chart for the framework is provided, and an illustrative example of the applied framework is given based on Australia's Federal House of Representatives' Question Time. Put simply, the study was undertaken to determine if evasion occurred, how frequently it occurred and how it occurred. It involved the classification of responses as 'answers' (direct or indirect), 'intermediate responses' (such as pointing out incorrect information in the question), and 'evasions' based on specific criteria. Responses which were considered evasions were further analysed to determine the levels of evasion, whether they were covert or overt in nature and the types of 'agenda shifts' that occurred, if any. The thesis also involved a discourse-analytical study of other factors that appear to facilitate Ministerial evasion in Australia's House of Representatives, including the Speaker's performance and the use of 'Dorothy Dixers'. The research data was sourced from Question Time transcripts from the House of Representatives Hansard for the months of February and March 2003, dealing only with questions and responses on the topic of Iraq. In those months there were 87 questions on the topic of Iraq, representing more than two thirds of all questions on Iraq for the whole of 2003. Of these 87 questions, the majority (48) came from the Opposition party, through its leader. The balance (39) was asked by Government MPs. Analysis of the question/answer discourse for all 87 questions revealed that every question asked by Government members was answered compared to only 8 of the 48 Opposition questions. Of the 40 remaining Opposition questions, 21 were given intermediate responses and 19 were evaded outright. The fact that the overwhelming majority (83%) of Opposition questions were not answered together with other findings such as instances of partiality on the part of the Speaker; the use of 'friendly', prearranged questions by Government MPs; and the 'hostile' nature of questions asked by Opposition MPs casts serious doubt on the effectiveness of Question Time as a means of ensuring the Government is held accountable for its actions. The study provides empirical evidence that evasion does occur in Australia's House of Representatives' Question Time.

For historians of twentieth-century British affairs, the decade of the 1930s is very significant. It was marked not only by a devastating economic crisis at the outset, but also by the rise of fascism in Europe and the onset of the Second World War at its close. These issues were problematic in themselves, but Britain’s response to them was complicated still further by the deep divisions between the Left and the Right over socialism and over the Soviet Union. The presence of the USSR in the East and its influence in Britain loomed over the internal debates that took place, affecting British responses to difficult situations in drastic and far-reaching ways. People of both anti-Soviet and pro-Soviet persuasions were forced to account for events that did not tally with their most strongly held beliefs, hopes or fears. This dissertation explores the ways in which British people of a variety of political leanings publicly processed and coped with the role of the Soviet Union in these debates. Using a range of sources including contemporary newspapers, books and pamphlets, I will trace the evolution of attitudes to the Soviet Union from 1929, the first year of the economic crisis, up until 1943, the high point of the Anglo-Soviet wartime alliance. My analysis will show how people with fundamentally different belief systems mirrored each other in their responses to intellectual challenges, and how interactions between different groups sustained or exaggerated each group’s response to the Soviet Union. I will also critique the analyses of some historians who have limited the parameters of their studies to take in only single groups or single events, and in so doing have become unfairly critical of individuals who struggled to process a large number of difficult and confusing events.

This master’s thesis considers the Official Report of the Swedish Government Transpersoner i Sverige (SOU 2017:92), and its ambitions to increase intelligibility for trans people. Using a discourse-theoretical framework, I study the report’s production of meaning regarding power, norms and knowledge. In my analysis, the constitution of meaning leads to the establishment, in the report, of a specific understanding of intelligibility and of how intelligibility for trans people can and should be increased. Further, I note that ‘knowledge’, in the report, is positioned as beyond power and mobilized to counter the defined problems of unintelligibility. In particular, the report promotes measurable knowledge as the means by which to amend problems concerning lacking descriptions of trans people’s situation. Using Spade (2015) and Butler (1997), I elaborate on the positioning of the state with respect to the report’s project of increasing intelligibility, and show that state power is naturalized. The main conclusion of the thesis is that several of the report’s suggestions serve to legitimize state regulation of gendered subjectivity, specifically with respect to legal genders and their utilization in measurement and surveillance.

LUCENA, Izabel Larissa. A expressão da evidencialidade no discurso político: uma análise da oratória política da Assembléia Legislativa do Ceará. 2008, 224f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Linguística) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Letras Vernáculas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Linguística, Fortaleza-CE, 2008. / Submitted by nazareno mesquita (nazagon36@yahoo.com.br) on 2012-08-21T15:06:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_Diss_ILLucena.pdf: 1910986 bytes, checksum: ee0de2a42673942ebf55fabd4a2dd957 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2013-10-10T13:10:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_Diss_ILLucena.pdf: 1910986 bytes, checksum: ee0de2a42673942ebf55fabd4a2dd957 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-10-10T13:10:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_Diss_ILLucena.pdf: 1910986 bytes, checksum: ee0de2a42673942ebf55fabd4a2dd957 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / The present research aims at investigating the expression of evidentiality and its relation to the degrees of public speaker’s commitment with the contents uttered in political speech argumentation’s construction. Thirty speeches, subdivided in two thematic groups: 1) the arrival of a petrol refinery in the state of Ceará; and 2) the transposition of São Francisco River, and delivered in the Small Expedient of Ordinary Sessions in the State legislature of Ceará, from 2005 to 2006, consisted the corpus of analysis. In this work, evidentiality analysis is concerned with the syntactic aspects (linguistic contexts, position in the statement), semantic (type of source, strategy of information’s dissemination in the statement, what is directly related to the way as the speaker desires to demonstrate that he got the information presented by himself) and pragmatic (degrees of commitment of the politician with the content of his speech, elicited images in the argumentative process, discursive roles assumed by the items of evidence). We support the hypothesis that factors of conceptual, interacional and contextual order, as the communicative intentions of the politician, the conditions of production and the image that this politician desires to construct of himself before the audience, condition the evidentiality manifestation, the type of evidential qualification, as well as the (lack of) commitment’s effects of meaning from the politician with his speech. We adopted, mainly, the functionalist theoretical basis, in which the user assumes a central role in the inquiry; the linguistic description includes, therefore, reference to the speaker, to the listener and to their roles and statutes defined in the verbal interaction (DIK, 1989). The results reveal that, in political speech argumentation’s construction, the use of evidences marks from the cited defined type of source prevails, proving that the politician prefers not to commit himself to the reported information, assuring to the interlocutor this responsibility to evaluate the validity of the information, in accordance with the quality of the expressed source. With regard to the evidential marks that we assume as referents of the speaker’s axis (inferential and subjective experiences), we verify that, although in lesser amount, they constitute important strategies in the construction of political action’s legitimating images, since the speaker shows confidence in his ideas and projects. Concerning the morphosyntatic aspects of the evidentiality, we observe that the verb is the way of more frequent expression of this category, occupying, mainly, the intercalated position (between the source and the declared content). / Este trabalho tem como objetivo investigar a expressão da evidencialidade e sua relação com os graus de comprometimento dos oradores com os conteúdos enunciados na construção da argumentação no discurso político. Para tal fim, analisamos trinta discursos (subdivididos em dois grupos temáticos: 1º grupo – a vinda da Refinaria de Petróleo para o Ceará; 2º grupo – a Transposição do Rio São Francisco), proferidos no Pequeno Expediente de Sessões Ordinárias na Assembléia Legislativa do Estado do Ceará, durante o período de 2005 e 2006. A evidencialidade é analisada, neste trabalho, quanto aos aspectos sintáticos (meio lingüístico, posição no enunciado), semânticos (tipo de fonte, estratégia de veiculação da informação no enunciado, o que está diretamente relacionado ao modo como o enunciador deseja demonstrar que obteve a informação por ele apresentada) e pragmáticos (graus de comprometimento do político com o conteúdo do seu discurso, imagens por ele suscitadas no processo argumentativo, papéis discursivos assumidos pelos itens evidenciais). Sustentamos a hipótese de que fatores de ordem conceptual, interacional e contextual, como os propósitos enunciativos do político, as condições de produção e a imagem que esse político deseja construir de si ante o auditório, condicionam a manifestação da evidencialidade, o tipo de qualificação evidencial, bem como os efeitos de sentido de (des)comprometimento do político com o seu discurso. Adotamos, principalmente, a base teórica funcionalista, em que o usuário assume papel central na investigação; a descrição lingüística inclui, portanto, referência ao falante, ao ouvinte e a seus papéis e estatutos definidos na interação verbal (DIK, 1989). Os resultados obtidos revelam que, na construção da argumentação no discurso político, predomina o uso de marcas evidenciais do tipo relatado de fonte definida, comprovando que o político prefere não se comprometer com a informação reportada, assegurando ao interlocutor a possibilidade de avaliar por si só a validade da informação, de acordo com a qualidade da fonte expressa. Com relação às marcas evidenciais que assumimos como atinentes ao eixo do enunciador (experienciais, inferenciais e subjetivas), verificamos que, embora em menor quantidade, constituem estratégias importantes na construção de imagens legitimadoras da ação política, já que o enunciador se mostra como alguém convicto de suas idéias e projetos. Quanto aos aspectos morfossintáticos da evidencialidade, observamos que o verbo é o meio de expressão mais freqüente dessa categoria, ocupando, majoritariamente, a posição intercalada (entre a fonte e o conteúdo enunciado).

Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Lançando um olhar sociocognitivista sobre um fenômeno geralmente estudado sob outros pontos de vista (textual e interacional), este estudo descreve as funções sociocognitivas das repetições lexicais e sintáticas em um contexto socialmente situado: o discurso político de Fernando Collor datado das eleições de 1989. Tendo em vista os fatores de ordem pragmática que emergem desse contexto, principalmente o propósito comunicativo, combinamos bases teóricas em Processamento do Discurso e Semântica Cognitiva para construir hipóteses que explicassem a saliência das repetições no discurso político de Collor. A análise qualitativa dos dados aponta para o uso da repetição enquanto estratégia lingüístico-discursiva útil na construção argumentativa e na diminuição do custo de processamento do discurso, alinhando-se, portanto, aos propósitos de convencimento e alcance das massas. / Departing from traditional analyses of repetition (textual and interactional), this study analyzes it within the light of Cognitive Linguistics. Its objective is to describe the sociocognitive functions of lexical and syntactic repetitions in a situated context: The political discourse of Fernando Collor de Melo, during the 1989 election campaign in Brazil. Given the pragmatic factors that emerge in such a context, mainly its communicative purpose, the study combines literature in Discourse Processing and in Cognitive Semantics to construe probable hypotheses that can account for the salience of repetitions in the political discourse under examination. Qualitative analysis renders repetition a linguistic-discursive strategy useful for the construction of arguments and for decreasing the cost of discourse processing. Therefore, a very useful strategy to reach, persuade, and convince the masses.