abstract: This dissertation analyzes contemporary American literature, which includes novels, graphic novels, film, and television of the last forty years, to deconstruct the critical relationship between lived space, institutional power, and trauma. It examines literary representations of traumatic moments in recent American history--the attacks on the World Trade Center, Hurricane Katrina, the emergence of the Homeland Security state, and the introduction of the "new metropolis"--to demonstrate that collective trauma at the turn of the century is very much a product of the individual's complex relationship to the state and its institutional auxiliaries. As many philosophers and social critics have argued, institutional forces in contemporary America often deprive individuals of active political engagement through processes of narrative production, and this study discusses how literature both represents and simulates the traumatic consequences of this encounter. Looking to theories on urban, domestic, and textual space, this dissertation explores and problematizes the political and psychological dimensions of space, demonstrating how trauma is enacted through space and how individuals may utilize space and exploit narrative to achieve critical distance from institutional power. Literature as a narrative medium presents vital opportunities both for exposing the machinery of institutional power and for generating positions against the narratives produced by the state. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. English 2013

Este estudo tem como objetivo investigar os efeitos de sentidos produzidos sobre a representabilidade política produzidos no discurso de campanha de Barack H. Obama e no discurso de recepção da mídia (institucional e auto comandada) durante as eleições presidenciais nos Estados Unidos em 2008. Nesta pesquisa, seguimos os pressupostos teóricos da análise do discurso de vertente pecheutiana e articulamos os conceitos de enunciação e de formação imaginária com o conceito de identidade advindos dos estudos culturais (Rose 2001; Wardward 2000). A análise dos materiais que compõem nosso corpus mostraram que, em relação ao processo de representabilidade, o discurso da mídia institucional se vale da crise econômica estadunidense para delinear discursivamente os aspectos necessários que o novo representante do país deve ter para gerenciar a crise que o país enfrentava. Neste trajeto discursivo, pudemos encontrar semelhanças do discurso da mídia institucional com o de Obama no que tange às representações sobre como governar sustentadas em uma FD que concebe como prática administrativa ideal aquela que emana da concepção de sujeito de direito. Em relação ao discurso da mídia autocomandada, a análise do boato permitiu que viessem à tona dizeres pautados em uma FD que estabelece interditos no que se refere ao tripé candidato-religião-presidência. O estudo concluiu também que, no dircurso de campanha de Barack H. Obama, a representabilidade é construída por dizeres que estabelecem ligações com elementos do discurso fundador dos E.U.A., o que acaba fazendo com que o acontecimento discursivo seja produzido por meio da materialidade do corpo do candidato. / The aim of this study was to investigate what meanings effects regarding to representability were produced in Barack Obamas election campaign speeches and in the texts produced by the American media (mass communication and also mass- selfcommunication) in 2008. This study has been informed by concepts introduced by Michel Pêcheux in Discourse Analysis such as enunciation and imaginary formations, which were also articulated in my discussion of the concept of identity from Cultural Studies (Rose, 2001; Woodward 2000). The analysis of the materials that make up our corpus showed that, in relation to the representability process, the mass media discourse focused in its discourse on the aspects required of a new representative of the country in order to manage the economic crisis that the country was facing at that time. In this case, the discourse of the institutional media shows similarities with Obama\'s speech on the representations of how to govern. Both samples hold their speeches on a discursive formation which conceives that the ideal administrative practice derives from the conception of the legal subject. Regarding the discourse of mass self-communication, the analysis of rumors about the candidates religious beliefs allowed the presence of a discursive formation that sets up as meaning effects restricted ideas of representability to certain elements. With regard to Obamas 2008 campaign speech, the analysis showed that representability is built through the values that base on the founding discourse of the American nation. By emphasizing this aspect, the candidate\'s 2008 campaign speeches negate the possibility of new networks of meaning that could produce an original discursive event.

Orientador: Jonas de Araujo Romualdo / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T08:11:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Inacio_ElissandroMartins_M.pdf: 1454718 bytes, checksum: eeb1ec8eec49edfd479eee7137f7a379 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: Este trabalho tem como objetivo refletir, a partir de uma perspectiva discursiva, sobre a constituição do acontecimento discursivo relativo à política. Para nosso estudo, desenvolvemos uma análise a partir da noção de acontecimento de Michel Foucault (2002). Visando descrever a constituição do discurso político como controle por meio da formação de saber espetacular, selecionamos algumas capas da revista Veja. Ao descrevermos práticas institucionais da Veja, possibilitamos ao leitor dessa investigação conhecer alguns aspectos do papel dessa revista. Em seguida, caracterizamos a revista como ¿lugar¿ em que a política torna-se visível. No contexto de produção da visibilidade da política, mostramos que a Veja tece uma ¿história¿ do presente para seus leitores. Comparamos o acontecimento discursivo na mídia à noção de acontecimento discursivo trabalhada pelos historiadores. Nesse momento, discutimos a maneira como Foucault (2005) trata a história. Na constituição da história do presente, há relações de poder. Pensando nisso, explicamos a noção de ¿poder¿ para Foucault (1995), pois essa noção é desenvolvida na análise do corpus, possibilitando caracterizar os enunciados da revista como efeito do exercício do poder. No segundo momento da pesquisa, apresentamos uma breve história da Análise do Discurso. Nessa história, destacamos o termo acontecimento. Apontamos algumas diferenças entre a noção de acontecimento discursivo para Pêcheux e a noção de acontecimento discursivo para Foucault. Logo após, tornou-se necessário discutirmos a noção de enunciado para Foucault (2002). Para depois, tratarmos o discurso como controle exercido pela Veja sobre os seus leitores. Por último, analisamos as capas como acontecimento discursivo que emerge numa relação de poder-saber. Dividimos a nossa pesquisa em dois momentos: no primeiro, dedicamo-nos à descrição das práticas institucionais da revista Veja, explicando as noções de visibilidade, história, poder, acontecimento e enunciado; no segundo, ligado ao primeiro, investigamos a noção de controle e, em seguida, analisamos nas capas como esse controle forma saber espetacular. Considerando o acontecimento discursivo constituído por meio do controle espetacular nas capas da Veja, resistimos ao exercício do poder praticado pela revista / Abstract: This project has the objective to reflective about a discursive perception that is coming through discussing politic. For this research, I¿m going to develop a kind of analysis from Michel Foucault studies (2002). The essential propose in this is, to write about the constitutional politic discuss as a way to control the knowledge, I picked up some Veja magazines to prove it. As I write about the lawful ways from Veja, I¿ll make the possibility to the readers, to know some essential aspects from this magazine. After that, I¿ll show that magazine is the right place where and how the politic aspect is going to become visible. In the context about the politic progress aspects, I¿ll write the present history to the readers. I¿ll compare the discursive process in the social means of communication against the discursive process from the historian. At this moment I¿ll discuss the way how Foucault (2005) talks about the history. In the constitution of the present history there¿s a relationship with the power. Thinking about this, I¿ll explain the power notion to Foucault (1995), this kind of notion is developed through an analysis in corpus ¿object¿ creating a way to write in this magazine as a process of the power. In the second time, I¿ll present a short history from discuss analysis. Therefore, I¿ll discuss the perception from Pêcheux¿s position and the perception from Foucault's position too (2002). As soon as, I¿ll discuss how Veja magazine control the readers with it's discursive. At least, I¿ll analysis the cover magazine from Veja as a discursive perception that shows a kind of relationship with the power of knowledge. I have divided this research in two moments: in the first one, I write about the institutional ways from Veja magazine, I¿ll explain the notions of visibility, history, power, perception and statement; In the second part, I¿ll research the notion of control and I¿ll analysis some covers from Veja magazine to compare how its used this way of control. Considering the perception discursive inside the way to control how to know through the Veja magazine, I have resisted that power that it was created from this magazine / Mestrado / Mestre em Linguística

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / A pesquisa tem o objetivo de compreender os usos e significados da categoria governabilidade nos discursos de parlamentares do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB) e do Partido do Movimento DemocrÃtico Brasileiro (PMDB). O corpus do trabalho se constitui nos discursos circunscritos nos perÃodo de junho de 2002 a dezembro de 2010, produzidos em trÃs momentos distintos: Momentos prÃ-eleitorais (formaÃÃo de alianÃas eleitorais); Momentos pÃs-eleitorais (formaÃÃo de coalizÃes â alianÃas governativas) e Momentos de crise polÃtica (denÃncias de corrupÃÃo). Como procedimento metodolÃgico foi utilizado a AnÃlise de Discurso (AD). Os resultados da pesquisa levaram à compreensÃo de que a âgovernabilidadeâ se constitui numa categoria importante do vocabulÃrio polÃtico e tem sido mobilizada como âarmaâ na disputa simbÃlica da polÃtica brasileira contemporÃnea.

Os primeiros estudos dedicados ao texto Livro de Linhagens do Conde D. Pedro de Barcelos definiram-se exclusivamente pelo interesse nas narrativas nele contidas. A restante matéria de que se compunha foi, assim, relegada ao estatuto de matéria genealógica, e, como tal, desprovida de interesse literário. Numa perspectiva distinta, o objetivo deste trabalho é tomar esta obra compilada pelo filho bastardo do rei D. Dinis de Portugal (1279-1325) em sua unidade enquanto discurso. Atendendo a apelos de medievalistas quanto à necessidade de se entrar em linha de conta com seu conteúdo ideológico, com seu sentido como obra de arte e suas relações com o contexto histórico social da crise de meados do século XIV, a pesquisa aponta como ponto de partida de suas possibilidades de emergência como texto, o vigoroso processo de senhorialização da sociedade portuguesa que teve início em meados do século XIII. O que não se fez sem que resistências surgissem no campo cultural. O Livro de Linhagens do Conde D. Pedro é reconhecido por sua pujança ímpar em relação a obras do gênero no panorama europeu, em especial, hispânico. A metodologia aplicada à análise do texto inspira-se em diretrizes estabelecidas pelas chamadas análises de conteúdo; principalmente pela de uma Semiótica narrativa e discursiva, privilegiando as relações entre texto e contexto. O trabalho busca demonstrar que esta obra é expressão da atualização do que os estudos de André Heusler e André Jolles definiram como saga, que tomamos como uma forma simples, cuja memória alimentou a produção textual promovida pelo processo de introdução da escritura cristã no Ocidente, que se estima situado entre anos 1150 e 1350. Igualmente, é nosso propósito demonstrar, através de um contraponto, que os primeiros textos literários da chamada prosa de Avis, do início do século XV, emergem como um projeto discursivo de redefinição do universo axiológico com que o texto do Livro de Linhagens constrói a visão de mundo de uma nobreza feudal tradicional. Assim, adapta seus valores e códigos de conduta ao exigido pela necessidade de incorporação de atores sociais emergentes no trânsito dos finais da Idade Média para os inícios da chamada Idade Moderna. / The first studies dedicated to the Book of Lineages from the Count D. Pedro de Barcelos were defined exclusively by the interest in the narratives that it contains. The other components of this book were relegated as genealogical subject, and, like that, destitute of literary interest. From a distinct perspective, this study aims to analyse the work compiled by the bastard son of the king D. Dinis (1279-325) from Portugal in its unity as a discourse. This research indicates the strong process of seigniorage of Portuguese society, occurred in the middle of 13th century, as the start point of the books emergency as a text. This process brought up resistances in the cultural field. The Counts D. Pedro Book of Lineages is recognized its unique relevance in relation to the other works of the same genre which emerged in Europe, especially, at Spain. The methodology applied to the present analysis is inspired in the propositions from the field of narrative and discursive semiotics. It privileges the relations between text and context and demonstrates that the book studied here is the expression of the update of the concept of saga, defined by the reflections of André Heusler and André Jolles. We understand this term as a simple form, whose memories fed the textual production resulted from the process of the introduction of the Christian writing in the West, between 1150 and 1350. We also want to demonstrate that the first literary texts from the Avis prose arise as a discursive project, which aims to redefine the axiological universe with which the Book of Lineages constructs the worlds vision of traditional feudal nobility. This book adapts its values and codes of conduct as it is required by the necessity of the incorporation of emergent social actors in the traffic from the middle Ages end to the beginning of the Modern Era.

[pt] Este trabalho propõe contribuir para a compreensão da cena política brasileira contemporânea e, para tanto, articula Análise da Narrativa de viés sócio-interacional com discurso político visando oferecer uma visão do lingüista sobre o fenômeno da popularidade do presidente Lula. O corpus da análise são narrativas pessoais encaixadas em seis discursos pronunciados pelo presidente entre abril de 2006 e março de 2007. Baseada de modo flexível no modelo de narrativa laboviano e na noção de história de vida de Linde, e recorrendo ainda às noções de enquadre, conforme Bateson e Goffman, e de alinhamento, de Goffman, a análise dos dados identifica as várias identidades que o presidente Lula constrói naquelas narrativas: de migrante nordestino, de operário, de líder sindical, de pai, de presidente. Ao mostrar como essas identidades são narrativamente construídas, a análise ressalta as qualidades de caráter e nuances de sentido projetadas e indica, em relação aos variados públicos dos discursos do presidente, como esses sentidos e identidades podem promover a obtenção de alinhamentos e funcionar como pré-condição para o atingimento do objetivo básico de persuasão que define o discurso político. / [en] This work is intended as a contribution to the understanding of the contemporary Brazilian political scene: it integrates Socio-interactional Narrative Analysis with political discourse aiming to offer a linguist`s perspective on president Lula`s continued popularity. Personal stories embedded in six speeches delivered by the president between April 2006 and March 2007 form the corpus of this analysis. Freely based on Labov`s narrative model and on Linde´s notion of life story, and also resorting to the notion of frame as per Bateson and Goffman, and to Goffman`s footing, the analysis identifies several self- presentations constructed and displayed by president Lula through those personal stories: Northeastern migrant, blue collar worker, union leader, father and president. By showing how these identities are narratively constructed, the analysis emphasizes projected character traits and singularities of meaning and indicates, in relation to the different audiences of the president´s speeches, how these meanings and identities can obtain alignments and function as a pre-condition for achieving persuasion, the basic objective of political discourse in general.

In the last ten years several violent protests have emerged in Sweden´s largest cities. Some of them have developed into real riots, resulting in burned cars and large police operations. These violent events, or ‘urban riots’, are a relatively new phenomenon in Sweden. The aim of this qualitative study is to investigate the structure of the discourse among the Swedish political elite in power. I will observe if the political discourse on disadvantaged areas in Sweden is characterized by continuity or change after urban riots. This study examines four urban riot cases, between 2005 and 2013.    To study how the political discourse is constructed, framing theory elements are combined with elements from discourse analysis. The characteristic features of the two framing dimensions are outlined which gives me a framework to categorize the political discourse. The two dimensions are; diagnostic and prognostic frames. The discourse analytical elements are used in order to systemize who is included in the political discourse by the political elite in power. A discourse analysis is then conducted on the collected empirical material, which consists of newspaper articles and parliamentarian debates from the Swedish parliament.   The results from the analysis suggest that the disadvantaged districts are not salient both before and after the riots among the political elite in power, except for the last case. In this case the riot as such has no observable ‘effect’ on political discourse about disadvantaged districts. The political actors tend to separate riots as events from the disadvantaged districts. The last riot did not change how the government defined the problem in the suburbs and how it should be solved. In all cases the political discourse has a strong divide between the state and the inhabitants in the suburbs. The state acts and residents are acted upon.

This retroductive study aims to examine in what way paradoxes figure in contemporary political discourse, and what political effects arise therefrom. To this end, the study will address an extreme example – Swedish right-wing nationalism - which often is accused of being paradoxical; for example, when right-wing nationalistic discourse – often explicitly anti-feminist – begins to appropriate a feminist analysis in order to engage in contemporary political events. Such was the case when news of what happened in Cologne on New Year’s 2015/2016 reached Sweden. An important theoretical framework for this study is Michael Billig’s Ideological Dilemmas, and his theories on common sense and intellectual- versus lived ideology. According to Billig ‘doxa’ constitutes various contradictory values, and in this way, doxa is inherently paradoxical. Therefore, in order to understand and define the figure paradox, first we need to investigate how our own liberal doxa operate paradoxically, and what are both the rhetorical and political implications of the paradoxes constitutive of liberal common sense. The analysis of this study suggests that liberal discourse has, to a certain degree, facilitated the growth and effectiveness of right-wing nationalist discourse that has drawn on cultural differences as a permissible ground for a debate surrounding the future of western liberal principles and the defence of women’s rights.

CDA is a multi-disciplinary approach to discourse which study the relationship between discourse, power and ideology. This makes the application of it on political discourse very suitable since it can be applied to analyse the specific structures of language and ideologies used by politicians to influence the recipient’s mind and hence their actions. This paper, based on a CDA’s framework, investigates the connection between the discursive strategies and the ideological strategies used by Donald Trump to represent immigrants during the 2016 presidential campaign. In so doing this study utilizes Norman Fairclough’s three-dimensional model (2001) of doing CDA and Van Dijk’s ideological Square (2006,2011) to analyse Trump’s speech on immigration delivered in Phoenix, Arizona during the elections of 2016. The results have shown that when talking about immigrants Trump represents them only negatively by describing them as being a threat, economic burden and deviant.This is done by exploiting the strategies of actor description, polarization, victimization, empathy, topos, number game, illustrations, lexicalization, syntax, predicational strategies, comparison, evidentiality, local coherence, implication and generalization. This led to the conclusion that by choosing to emphasize the bad actions of immigrants and ignoring their positive actions, Trump was addressing and appealing to the White Americans only.

Magister Artium - MA / Media representations, embedded in reported media events, play a pivotal role in the propagation of beliefs, ideologies and establishing the status quo. The media events are given coverage by news reports on newsworthy topics, and in this case, politics. In this mini-dissertation, two particular media events, namely the Travel Ban instituted by President Donald Trump, and making Jerusalem the official capital of Israel, were analysed based on the different viewpoints writers portrayed on the same media events. Being contemporary political events related to the current President of America, it was evident that a standard news structure was common and spatial positioning of texts was a noticeable key feature of news report. The use of pronouns as the subject in headlines, including nominalisations, clause embedding and speech acts, clarified implicit and underlying meanings of the text. The linguistic choices made by the writers had a direct link to the text, which propagated Trump’s social and political ideologies positively and negatively based on these choices. The textual construct of four online news reports from four American-based newspapers presented both positive and negative revelations about Trump’s political aims. The stance of writers pronounced subjective views in three of the four the news reports. The contentious issue of Jerusalem proved to be sensitive one, in that the religious sensibilities played a major role in the dispute of Palestinian lands. The linguistic choices most utilised were non-cohesive use of grammar rules as opposed to other texts; linguistic techniques, such as the discourse of exclusion; and the choice of wording, particularly understood within the Political Discourse Analysis (PDA) framework.