Immigration policies and border control in the US were hardened significantly more ever since the new government’s immigration executive order in 2017. A series of massive raids and immigrant detentions were carried out which got the attention of both human rights activists and the news media. How these immigration detention events are portrayed in the news media reflect, moreover, a series of discourses which seem to attract audiences from either left-wing or right-wing political ideologies, specifically to read CNN and Fox news respectively, according to previous survey-based research. This paper aims to identify through Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) how those in detention are represented in the news headlines of Fox News and CNN, and secondly, identify what possible left-wing and right-wing political ideologies about immigration are expressed in the news outlets. Reference strategies and transitivity will encompass the micro-level analysis, which focuses on language construction. For the macro-level analysis, on the one hand, discourse practices like process of production and consumption will be considered, and on the other hand, American foreign policy viewed from the left-wing and right-wing perspectives will be discussed to consider differences in style, tone, and perspective in CNN and Fox News’ headlines in relation to immigration detention events. Results show that CNN, tied to left-wing audiences, portray the immigration detention events from the perspective of immigrants who are in a vulnerable position since they are detained with their families. Moreover, Fox News, tied to right-wing audiences, show the events more from the viewpoint of the government and the public entities in charge of the immigration policies, who are in need to restrain, detain, and deport immigrants for the sake of the country’s security. This paper aims to contribute further to the research on political ideologies as a relevant factor to understand differences in discourse in the news media for future research.

Esta dissertação reflete sobre a concepção do tema da ideologia de gênero e sua reverberação nas mídias regionais do Tocantins a partir da aprovação dos Planos Estadual e Municipais de Educação (2015-2025). Tem como objetivo compreender os significados da expressão “ideologia de gênero” a partir dos discursos, motivos e/ou justificativas que se manifestaram em jornais regionais online do Tocantins para a supressão das questões de sexualidade e de gênero dos planos municipais e estadual de educação deste estado federativo. Tem como método a pesquisa qualitativa, com inspirações da etnometodologia e etnopesquisa crítica, etnopesquisa formação, bem como da análise do discurso numa perspectiva teórico-metodológica da abordagem multirreferencial. Traz uma pesquisa bibliográfica para exploração dos conceitos de identidade, diversidade, diferença, gênero, sexualidade, ideologia, ideologia de gênero e plano de educação. A pesquisa documental foi realizada com três jornais regionais online: Jornal do Tocantins, T1 Notícias e JM Notícia. Foram coletados trinta e três etnotextos ao todo, sendo nove do Jornal do Tocantins, cinco do T1 Notícias e dezenove do JM Notícia. Todos esses etnotextos foram lidos a partir da análise do discurso. Como resultado é possível destacar o agrupamento de dez noções subsunçoras para compreensão da expressão “ideologia de gênero”: 1) “Ideologia de gênero” como sendo contrária a concepção natural e “biológica” dos gêneros masculino e feminino; 2) “Ideologia de gênero” como prática gay, ou do movimento gay; 3) “Ideologia de gênero” como possibilidade de destruição da família [tradicional]; 4) “Ideologia de gênero” como promotora da sexualidade precoce; 5) “Ideologia de gênero” como má compreensão do conceito de gênero; 6) “Ideologia de gênero” como usurpadora da educação moral familiar; 7) “Ideologia de gênero” como conhecimento não científico; 8) “Ideologia de gênero” como uma teoria autoritária; 9) “Ideologia de gênero” como produtora de inconveniências; 10) “Ideologia de gênero” como contrária a uma sociedade onde a Bíblia junto com a Constituição Federal e o Código Civil são pilares da sociedade. Conclui-se que a utilização da palavra ideologia na expressão “ideologia de gênero” é a partir de uma valorização pejorativa de acordo com a vertente crítica da ideologia; sua utilização tem sido feita com a intenção de criação de um Estado Teocrático no Brasil em especial pela tomada da Educação como um campo de disputa e de formação desta sociedade; assim como a “Ideologia de gênero” tem sido utilizada também para desqualificar outras formas de saberes e conhecimentos científicos que te / This dissertation approaches to the theme of the gender ideology and its reverberation in the regional media of Tocantins after the approval of the State and Municipal Education Plans (2015-2025). It aims to understand the meanings of the expression "gender ideology" from the discourses, motives and / or justifications that have been expressed in Tocantins online regional newspapers for the suppression of sexuality and gender issues of the municipal and state education plans of this Federative state. It uses the qualitative approach and the method of ethnomethodology and critical etnopesquisa, etnopesquisa formation in a multirreferencial way. It brings a bibliographical research to explore the concepts of identity, diversity, difference, gender, sexuality, ideology, gender ideology and educational plan. The documentary research was carried out with three regional newspapers online: Jornal do Tocantins, T1 Notícias and JM Notícia. Thirty-three ethnotexts were collected in all: nine of Jornal do Tocantins, five of T1 News and nineteen of JM News. All these ethnotexts were read from Discourse Analysis. As a result, it is possible to highlight the grouping of ten subsuming notions to understand the expression "gender ideology": 1) "Gender ideology" as being contrary to the natural and "biological" conception of male and female gender; 2) "Gender ideology" as a gay practice, or the gay movement; 3) "Gender ideology" as a possibility of destruction of the [traditional] family; 4) "Gender ideology" as a promoter of precocious sexuality; 5) "Gender ideology" as a misunderstanding of the concept of gender; 6) "Gender ideology" as a usurper of family moral education; 7) "Gender ideology" as non-scientific knowledge; 8) "Gender ideology" as an authoritarian theory; 9) "Gender ideology" as a producer of inconveniences; 10) "Gender ideology" as contrary to a society where the Bible, together with the Federal Constitution and the Civil Code, are pillars of society. We conclude that the use of the word ideology in the expression "gender ideology" is based on a pejorative valuation according to the critical slope of ideology; Its use has been made with the intention of creating a Theocratic State in Brazil in particular by the taking of Education as a field of dispute and of formation of this society; as well as the "Gender Ideology" has also been used to disqualify other forms of scientific knowledge and knowledge that tries to show and denounce the different ways of being male and female in the societies.

This research begins with the assumption that the political ideology of Malaysian leaders influences the design of state mosques and seeks to investigate the relationship between Malaysian leaders political ideas of Islam and their influence on the design of state mosques in Malaysia. Even though studies undertaken of state mosque in other Muslim countries show a relationship between state mosque and politics, there are no studies that describe the influence of politics on the state mosques in Malaysia. To date, the research on the state mosque in Malaysia focuses on six main aspects: these are descriptions of the state mosque in regard to its historical development; documentation of the state mosque in the form of measured drawings; classification of state mosque styles; theory for designing the state mosque based on religious sources; discussion on the technical aspects of the state mosque design; and discourse on the role and function of the state mosque in relation to social aspects. In contrast, the aim of this research is to determine: How are the leaders political ideas of Islam expressed through the design of state mosques in West Malaysia? A case study approach as defined by Yin (2003) was applied. Evidence for the case studies has been collected from archival records to gather data regarding political development and building policy which relates to three prominent leaders in Malaysia –Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Abdul Razak and Tun Mahathir Mohamad - while on-site observation, state mosque documents and interview were methods to collect evidence for three state mosques in Malaysia, which are the National Mosque, Penang State Mosque and Putra Mosque. Since this research deals with specific interpretations of the state mosque as a social-physical phenomenon and the need to understand how the structural relationship exists between the state mosques and social culture, a multi-disciplinary logic of inquiry combining the interpretive and structuralist paradigms was adopted. In association, a framework incorporating both semiotics and hermeneutics were developed to analyse, firstly, the symbolic meaning embedded in the design of the state mosques and their mundane settings and, secondly, to reveal the leaders intentions and associated actions during the creation of the state mosques. An analysis of the data exposed that there is a dialectic relationship between the leaders and the design of the state mosque in the period of post-independence in Western Malaysia. The investigation of the three state mosques also suggested that the political ideas of Islam as propounded by Malaysian leaders have a profound effect on determining the design of the state mosque. This study, therefore, offers new insights, which not only add to knowledge in this field by widening and strengthening the understanding of political and architectural historical theory in Malaysia, but also are valuable for range of associated fields including architectural semiotics and non verbal communication. This is because this research reveals deep understandings of the built form and material environment operating as a sign in a cultural and social context.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:24:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 1614.pdf: 7958529 bytes, checksum: c93997cee9d07507213b2aa3a1613dca (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-03-06 / This study has as main goal analyze the publication A questão Social by the Socialist Center of Santos in the end of the 19th century. I search to understand how the socialists ideas emerged in Europe were established in the country and their reflexes over the left-wing press in this study, the periodical of the Socialist Center of Santos. The present work tries to show why not to consider the revolutionary acts as the most adequate, searching for a reformist way of action. The fact of Marxism has seduced intellectuals from middle classes, from which the leaders of the Center of Santos came from; pointing out that Silvério Fontes was a strong mischaracterizing element in this organization before the labor man. The biggest part of the work parties and organizations defining themselves as socialists in Brazil during the last decade of the 19th century fought for reformist measures in favor of workmen such as reduction of working hours and prohibition of child labor. Thus it can be stated that the Brazilian Socialism was coherent with the dominant chain of the International Second which prayed for a socialist society from a perspective which would be the result of a historical evolution without any kind of violent means to achieve this occurrence, concentrating its main efforts on short and middle term political actions, that is, in achieving electing victories and in the program that should lead its actions if they ever got the power through party arena. And their publications are an important historical source to understand this reception of ideas. / Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar publicação A Questão Social do Centro Socialista de Santos no final do século XIX. Busco entender como as idéias socialistas oriundas da Europa se fixaram no país e seus reflexos na chamada imprensa de esquerda - no nosso caso, o periódico do Centro Socialista de Santos. Procurando mostrar porque não considerar a via revolucionária como a mais viável, optando por uma via reformista de atuação. O fato do marxismo ter seduzido intelectuais das camadas médias, da qual eram oriundos os líderes do Centro de Santos, destacando a figura de Silvério Fontes, foi um elemento forte de descaracterização desta organização diante dos operários. A maioria dos partidos operários e organizações dizendo-se socialistas no Brasil na última década do século XIX lutava por medidas reformistas de defesa dos trabalhadores, como por exemplo, diminuição da jornada de trabalho, proibição do trabalho infantil. Neste sentido, o socialismo brasileiro era plenamente coerente com a corrente dominante na Segunda Internacional, que pregava a sociedade socialista a partir de uma perspectiva, que seria o resultado de uma evolução histórica sem qualquer tipo de meio violento para sua ocorrência, concentrando seus principais esforços na ação política de curto e médio prazo, isto é, na obtenção de vitórias eleitorais e no programa que deveriam nortear sua atuação na eventualidade de alcançar o poder através da arena partidária. E suas publicações são uma fonte histórica importante para entender esta recepção de idéias.

The purpose of the following is to study whether there are gender differences in the sense of personal responsibility during the coronavirus pandemic. By using quantitative data from Ipsos,various quantitative methods were used to study whether these potential differences can be explained by factors such as level of concern, risk perception, social trust, institutional trust, and political ideology. All analyses have been conducted while considering control variables such as age, education, and income to ensure transparent results. The findings from the survey have been analyzed using Yvonne Hirdman's theories, focusing on the "gender contract." The theoretical framework assumes that there are differences between men and women in their behavior during crises, since previous research has indicated such assumptions. The results of this study indicate that there in fact are gender differences in personal responsibility during the Covid-19 pandemic,which shows that worry, risk perception and ideology could be a part of the explanation of these differences.

Twenty-three years after the ground-breaking UN Resolution 1325, the goal of worldwide gender equality is still not achieved. This paper investigates how a government's political ideology is related to its Women, Peace and Security (WPS) approach. The research question is addressed by arguing that the political ideology of a government influences the quality of its WPS approaches and implementation attempts differently due to varying inherent institutional norms. The hypothesis and theoretical argument suggest that left-wing governments promote gender-friendly norms and support gender equality approaches, leading to better WPS implementation. To test this hypothesis, an Ordinal Logistic Regression is run for countries worldwide that have developed at least one National Action Plan (NAP) between 2006 and 2021. The empirical findings partially reject the hypothesis' expected direction, showing that leftist governments not only positively impact WPS quality when compared to rightist counterparts. Additionally, the research indicates that institutional norms are not a causal mechanism but another independent effect. The findings further suggest that gender inequality plays a role in WPS implementation, with greater inequality associated with better NAP quality. These contradicting findings call for future research, especially by focusing on finding new ways to measure the WPS implementation efforts.

Despite the presence of metaphors in American political discourse, little scholarly attention has been paid to the functioning of economic metaphors. This study addresses this shortcoming by examining the use of economic metaphors in contentious argument, while paying attention to how metaphor's linguistic variability derives from the rhetorical nature of discourse, and how the context of conflicting ideologies facilitates clashes between larger political metaphors. After establishing the ubiquity of metaphor in economic policy discourse, this study elaborates on an understanding of a fractured political discourse with an historical model that traces this fracture back to four dominant ideological positions. Finally, rhetorical criticism grounds the research by refining a conceptual theory of metaphor into a methodology that directs attention to more elaborate analogies and extra-discursive narrative elements. The chosen artifact for this study is Bill Clinton’s 2012 Democratic National Convention speech, due to its relevance in contemporary American political and economic discourse. Clinton’s address defended Obama’s incumbent appeal for a second term as U.S. president by concentrating on the aftermath of the 2008 economic crisis as a case study about the philosophical differences between the Democratic and Republican Parties. Clinton constructs a narrative of the American economy by using individualistic progress metaphors that animate a cooperation-conflict dichotomy of Democratic and Republican opposition. In turn, Clinton borrows from and contributes to a set of more broadly salient path metaphors that cohere around a future-oriented and generative conceptualization of Modern Liberal public policy.

Le sionisme est un mouvement politique et une idéologie nationale. Son histoire, si elle est celle d'une libération nationale, est aussi celle d'une tragédie. C'est une tragédie partagée par deux peuples dont les aspirations sont tout autant légitimes. Afin de bien comprendre et éventuellement d'être en mesure de surmonter cette tragédie, une analyse morphologique du sionisme est entreprise. L'approche morphologique de l'étude des idéologies a été développée par Michael Freeden. Appliquée au sionisme, elle fait ressortir quatre concepts fondamentaux de cette idéologie : la nation, l'antisémitisme, galout et la renaissance nationale. L'analyse de ces quatre concepts permettra de suivre l'évolution conceptuelle du sionisme à travers le temps et ses différentes variations idéationnelles. De plus, cela permettra de montrer comment le sionisme en tant qu'idéologie nationale s'est transformé en fonction des contextes sociopolitiques auxquels il était confronté. / Zionism is a political movement, a national ideology. Its history is one of national liberation but also of tragedy, a tragedy faced by two peoples with equally legitimate aspirations to the same piece of territory. In order to help understand that tragedy as well as, one day, how it may perhaps be overcome, a morphological analysis of Zionism is undertaken. The morphological approach to the study of ideologies was first developed by Michael Freeden. Applied to Zionism, it reveals four core concepts of the ideology - nation, antisemitism, galout and national renaissance. Their analysis aims to account for the conceptual evolution of Zionism both diachronically and as regards its numerous ideational variations, thus providing an account of how it evolved through a changing sociopolitical context.

Since the Civil Rights era, African Americans have come a long way. In the years since the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act, there have been dramatic increases in education, political representation, business ownership, and occupational position. Yet, for all of the economic, social and political advances made in the African American community, many young people are still subjected to inferior schools, housing and depressed communities where crime, drugs, police brutality and HIV/AIDS run rampant. As a result, there is a growing tension among the community over the root causes of their predicament and the most adequate way of dealing with them. Based on the generational political theory, this dissertation examines generational effects within the African American community since 1964. From this period, three distinct cohorts are analyzed: the Civil Rights, Integration, and Hip Hop generations. The objective is to determine if different experiences over this period have modified political values, attitudes, and behaviors from one generation to the next. Using data from the 1996 National Black Elections Study (NBES), I examine public policy preferences and political attitudes of African Americans. I use bivariate and multivariate analysis to show generational gaps in attitudes about issues related to major party performance. I draw three major conclusions from this analysis. First, racial group interests remain powerfully important across all cohorts. Next, the Hip Hop generation tends to hold more conservative attitudes than either the Civil Rights or the Integration generations. Finally, I conclude that at the very core of black politics, political values have not changed. However, there is a tension among the Hip Hop cohort between the impending attitudinal changes and the more traditional values of the Civil Rights cohort. The proposed dissertation contributes to the body of research by analyzing generational politics and behavior to better understand the future of black politics in the 21st century.

The knowledge base of empirical psychology is more expansive than ever before. So too is the impulse to integrate this factual knowledge into political theory. But how should this psychological turn be undertaken? What would a political psychology for political theorists look like? How could psychology credibly tackle the questions that political theorists characteristically ask, especially regarding the nature and consequences of prescriptive political judgment? In this thesis, I explore this issue through the framework of recent debates between political moralists—specifically, John Rawls, G. A. Cohen, and Peter Singer—and political realists—largely Bernard Williams. Deploying the insights of political realists, I argue that moralists cannot quarantine the relevance of psychological facts through the ideal of a 'pure' normative judgment. To explore what this empirical engagement might look like, I contrast these moralist ideals of judgment with Jonathan Haidt’s social intuitionism, which proposes a more affectively laden and pluralistic model of judgment. I then redeploy the insights of political realism to critique social intuitionism, to uncover its weaknesses from the perspective of existing political theory. Finally, to stabilize this critique, I lay out the framework for a reflexive political psychology, which acknowledges the co-constitutive relationship between the discipline of psychology and its subject matter: human psychology. This reflexive political psychology offers an agenda by which we can investigate the political usefulness of psychological and political theories.