Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vanderlei Elias Nery.pdf: 1521379 bytes, checksum: 87bf77664eeed748e339ddb9666df4c6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-18 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This thesis aims to analyze the campaign Diretas Já linking it to the Brazilian transition from military dictatorship to bourgeois democracy. We start from a Marxist definition of theState capitalist,the form of and political regime State, for from this theoretical concept to analyze the campaign Diretas Já. It is our goal to reconstruct the trajectory of the campaign, as well as the role of social classes and political parties to demonstrate how the bourgeois opposition leads the campaign, imposed a form of organization, filter the whole process of struggle for the Congress, with as single focus, the approval of the Dante de Oliveira amendment. We intend to demonstrate how the form of campaign organization Diretas Já imposed by the bourgeois opposition and accepted by the left parties and unions, prevented the labor movement and could use popular forms of struggle that confront capital and labor. From a Marxist conception of democracy and citizenship, we demonstrate the limits of institutionalist analysis, which state that the Diretas Já has been the rebirth of civil society and citizenship, consolidating an expansion of political and social rights / A presente tese visa analisar a campanha Diretas Já, relacionando-a com a transição brasileira da ditadura militar para a democracia burguesa. Parte de uma definição marxista do Estado capitalista, da forma de Estado e de regime político, para, com fundamentação nessa concepção teórica, analisar a campanha Diretas Já. Seu objetivo é reconstruir a trajetória da campanha bem como a atuação das classes sociais e dos partidos políticos, buscando demonstrar como a oposição burguesa, ao dirigir a campanha, impôs uma forma de organização, canalizando todo o processo de luta para o Congresso Nacional com um único objetivo, a aprovação da emenda Dante de Oliveira. Pretende-se demonstrar, neste trabalho, como a forma de organização da campanha Diretas Já, imposta pela oposição burguesa e aceita pelos partidos de esquerda e pelas centrais sindicais, impediu que o movimento operário e popular pudesse utilizar formas de luta que confrontassem o capital e o trabalho. Partindo de uma concepção marxista de democracia e cidadania, esta tese busca demonstrar os limites das análises institucionalistas, as quais afirmam que a campanha Diretas Já foi o renascer da sociedade civil e da cidadania, consubstanciando uma ampliação dos direitos políticos e sociais

A presente dissertação tem como proposta analisar a participação do empresariado industrial nacional no processo de transição política da ditadura civil-militar (1964-1985) para a Nova República (1985-atual). De forma mais precisa, a pesquisa procura elaborar um pensamento crítico a respeito da capacidade de articulação dessa fração da classe burguesa nas suas relações com o Estado para garantir os seus interesses políticos e econômicos. Nesse aspecto, a dissertação estabelece como essas relações se desenvolveram sob uma perspectiva histórica - ao longo do processo de industrialização do país - para, em seguida, analisar a sua reorganização no período de transição política, compreendido entre 1974, com o início da Abertura política, e 1988, quando a Constituição da Sexta República foi promulgada. As análises elaboradas se apoiam numa leitura bibliográfica que discute a formação do setor industrial a partir das especificidades do desenvolvimento econômico do Brasil, considerando a sua condição periférica no capitalismo; e do levantamento de fontes bibliográficas e de documentos produzidos pelo setor e por periódicos, que possibilitam uma avaliação mais detida sobre o papel desempenhado pelos industriais durante o período de transição política. Assim, a dissertação tem como objetivo caracterizar os interesses e os posicionamentos tomados pelo empresariado industrial nacional durante esse processo, de modo a dimensionar a sua influência para o fim da ditadura e para a conformação da Nova República. Como estudo de caso, a dissertação se propõe a aprofundar o debate sobre a atuação dos industriais na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte (1987-1988), com a intenção de destacar a relevância histórica desse momento para a afirmação do seu poder nos rumos econômicos e políticos do país. / This dissertation proposal is to analyze the participation of the national industrial business in the political transition process of civil-military dictatorship (1964-1985) to the New Republic (1985-present). More precisely, the research seeks to develop a critical thinking about the articulation capacity of this fraction of the bourgeois class in its relations with the State to guarantee their political and economic interests. In this respect, the dissertation establishes how these relations have developed from a historical perspective - during the country\'s industrialization process - to then analyze its reorganization in the political transition period, from 1974, with the beginning of the \"Opening policy \", and 1988, when the constitution of the Sixth Republic was enacted. Elaborate analysis rely on a literature reading that discusses the formation of the industrial sector from the specifics of economic development from Brazil, considering its peripheral condition in capitalism; and bibliographical sources survey and documents produced by the industry and journals that provide a more detailed assessment of the role played by industry during the period of political transition. Thus, the thesis aims to characterize the interests and positions taken by the national industrial business during this process in order to measure their influence to the end of the dictatorship and the conformation of the New Republic. As a case study, the thesis objective is to deepen the debate on the role of industry in the National Constituent Assembly (1987-1988), with the intention of highlight the historical importance of this moment for their power statement in the economic and political direction of the country.

Submitted by Nadir Basilio (nadirsb@uninove.br) on 2017-06-19T18:40:44Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Emerson Feliciano Mathias.pdf: 14179584 bytes, checksum: 99bbdaeefd08f9d0719e4fd0d4b42047 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-19T18:40:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Emerson Feliciano Mathias.pdf: 14179584 bytes, checksum: 99bbdaeefd08f9d0719e4fd0d4b42047 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-28 / The research aimed to rescue the history of APROPUC - Association of Teachers of the Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo, which emerged in a historical-political period of great importance for Brazilian society, the exhaustion of the military dictatorship and the process of democratic transition that brought new Formulations in educational policies and the expansion of private education in the country. Between the mid-1970s and 1980s, students and workers belonging to different professional categories came to light, among other things, calling for the re-establishment of democracy, better living conditions, work and salary, access to health, basic schooling And university education; Nonetheless, the existence of pockets of armed struggle and intense state repressive action, campaigns for amnesty, widespread and unrestricted for political prisoners and those who were banished or exiled, and the movement demanding the reinstatement of the direct elections for president of the. The streets all over the country. The present work advocated analyzing, in a historical and educational perspective, some aspects of the performance of one of the main union associations in the state of São Paulo, working in the field of private higher education and of confessional character, trying to scale its role in an era, Of social tensions and considered as a watershed in the national political order. / La investigación tuvo como objetivo rescatar la historia de APROPUC - Asociación de Profesores de la Universidad Católica de Sao Paulo, que surgió en un período histórico-político de gran importancia para la sociedad brasileña, el agotamiento de la dictadura militar y el proceso de transición democrática que ha dado nueva formulaciones en las políticas educativas y la expansión de la educación privada en el país. Entre mediados de los años 1970 y 1980, los estudiantes y los trabajadores pertenecientes a diferentes categorías profesionales han salido a la luz, entre otras cosas, exigiendo la restauración de la democracia, mejores condiciones de vida, el trabajo y los salarios, el acceso a la salud, la educación básica y la educación universitaria; Sin embargo, la presencia de brotes armados intensa lucha y represión del estado, las campañas de amnistía, y el barril grande para los presos políticos y los que estaban desterrar a y el movimiento que exigen el restablecimiento de las elecciones directas para presidente República caminaba por las calles en todo el país. En este trabajo se defiende analizar desde una perspectiva histórica y educativa, algunos aspectos de la actuación de una de las principales asociaciones sindicales de Sao Paulo entidades activas en la educación superior privada y carácter confesional, tratando de caracterizar su papel a la vez, la verdad es crítico poblaron social y considerado como un hito en las tensiones del orden nacional políticos. / A pesquisa visou resgatar a história da APROPUC – Associação dos Professores da Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, que emergiu em um período histórico-político de grande importância para a sociedade brasileira, o esgotamento da ditadura militar e o processo de transição democrática que trouxe novas formulações nas políticas educacionais e a expansão do ensino privado no país. Entre os meados das décadas de 1970 e 1980, estudantes e trabalhadores pertencentes a distintas categorias profissionais vieram à luz do dia, entre outras coisas, reivindicando o restabelecimento da democracia, melhores condições de vida, trabalho e salário, acesso a saúde, a escola básica e ao ensino universitário; não obstante, a vigência de focos de luta armada e a intensa ação repressiva estatal, as campanhas pela anistia, ampla geral e irrestrita para os presos políticos e aqueles que se encontravam banidos ou exilados e o movimento exigindo o restabelecimento das eleições diretas para presidente da República percorreram as ruas de todo o país. O presente trabalho preconizou analisar, em perspectiva histórica e educacional, alguns aspectos da atuação de uma das principais entidades do associativismo sindical paulista atuante no âmbito do ensino superior privado e de caráter confessional, procurando dimensionar o seu papel numa época, reconhecidamente, crítica, povoada de tensões sociais e considerada como divisor de águas no ordenamento político nacional.

Les réflexions proposées dans cette thèse proviennent d’un dialogue entre les études théâtrales, l’histoire culturelle et des études relatives à l’imaginaire. La question principale qui se trouve abordée est la relation entre le théâtre et la période de la transition politique chilienne. Durant le premier gouvernement de la post-dictature (1990-1994), le théâtre chilien a connu un renouveau créatif sans précédent. Bon nombre de pièces de théâtre étaient représentées partout, et non pas seulement dans les salles de spectacles. Le théâtre avait une grande importance sociale et bénéficiait d’un large public ainsi que d’une importante couverture de presse. Il était un élément clé dans l’articulation de la société chilienne. Toutefois, les thèmes abordés étaient bien éloignés de la transition politique que connaissait alors le Chili. Il y avait un grand décalage entre ce dont parlait le théâtre et l’importance du processus politico-social vécu à l’époque, processus qui semblait être pourtant articulé dramatiquement. Le président Alywin et Pinochet étaient les protagonistes d’un drame qui engageait la société chilienne tout entière. Chaque action menée par le Président Alywin entraînait des actions de la part de Pinochet qui menaçaient le processus de transition. Si, par nature, un conflit dramatique cherche à se résoudre, dans le Chili des années 90 tous les personnages secondaires - les ministres, les députés, les assesseurs - devaient cependant éviter que le conflit dramatique n’explose. Sans résolution, le récit de la transition n’arrivait pas à se formuler. L’analyse approfondie de quatre spectacles emblématiques réalisés durant cette période - la recherche des sources dramaturgiques, la reconstruction du processus de création et une description détaillée du spectacle, analogue à ce que Geertz appelle une « description dense », permet de comprendre comment le théâtre chilien s’est installé dans le présent, dans un processus de construction de présence scénique, qui était aussi l’affirmation du droit d’être. Le théâtre chilien de la transition a inventé des formes collaboratives de création, il a construit des récits spectaculaires et, de manière inespérée, a réinventé la mise en scène. Le renouveau du théâtre chilien des années 90 s’explique ainsi dans sa relation avec la transition politique. / The ideas proposed in this thesis emerge from a dialogue threading theater studies, cultural history and research on the imagination. The main question addressed is the relationship between theater and the period of the political transition from dictatorship to democracy in Chile.During the first elected government post-dictatorship (1990-1994) Chilean theater experienced an unprecedented creative renewal. Numerous plays were presented in all kinds of locations, not just in theaters. It gained great social importance and enjoyed broad public support as well as mass press coverage, becoming a key element in the articulation of Chilean society.However, the themes explored had nothing to do with the political transition. There was a wide gap between what the theater was talking about and the importance of the political and social processes in development at the time. In fact it was the political process itself that seemed articulated dramatically. President Alywin and Pinochet were the protagonists of a drama that put Chilean society as a whole in danger. Every action taken by President Alywin entailed a reaction by Pinochet that threatened the process of transition.By nature a dramatic conflict needs to be resolved, however, during the '90s in Chile all the secondary characters - Ministers, Members of Parliament and Advisors – centered their mission on ensuring that the it did not explode. Due to the lack of a resolution, the narrative of the transition could not be formulated.An in-depth analysis of four iconic performances during this period through dramaturgical research sources, the reconstruction of the creative process and a detailed description of the shows similar to what Geertz called "thick description, elucidates how Chilean theater embedded itself in the present during the process of constructing a scenic presence, which also served as an affirmation of its right to be.The Chilean theater of the transition period invented collaborative forms of creation, built spectacular stories and, unexpectedly, reinvented the art of staging. The revival of Chilean theater in the 90s is thus explained by its relationship with the political transition.

L’apparition de la démocratie au Bénin a favorisé l’émergence des élitesreligieuses et traditionnelles sur la scène publique. Ces dernières ont saisil’opportunité que leur offraient les changements institutionnels au niveau de l’Étatpour s’organiser en groupes d’intérêts et essayer d’améliorer leur situation sociale.Mais leurs ambitions vont bien au-delà de leurs sphères de prédilection, car cesélites religieuses et traditionnelles entendent être associées à l’élaboration despolitiques publiques et participer au développement de l’État béninois. Ce souhaitmet en exergue la probabilité de l’existence d’une gouvernance conjointe ouplurielle, à échelons différents, de la cité, notamment au niveau local, entre élitespolitiques, religieuses et traditionnelles. D’autre part, si la position de l’Étatbéninois à l’endroit des chefferies religieuses et traditionnelles a varié depuis laproclamation de l’indépendance et qu’il leur est reconnu une certaine importance,le statut de ces institutions sociales n’est toujours pas éclairci. Il n’en demeure pasmoins que les gouvernements et les élites politiques au Bénin peuvent avoir uneconception instrumentale de ces relations. Par ailleurs, les élites religieuses ettraditionnelles ne restent pas passives face à l’action de l’État et des élitespolitiques. Aux questions de savoir quand, où et comment ces élites politiques,religieuses et traditionnelles se rencontrent, il peut y avoir plusieurs modalités deréponses qui entraînent à leur tour certaines configurations relationnelles non sansconséquences sur l’État béninois. / The apparition of democracy in Benin has contributed to the emergence ofreligious and traditional elites on the public stage. These elites have seized theopportunity that the institutional state transformations have offered them to organizethemselves into lobbies and to try to improve their social situation. However, theirambitions go beyond their traditional domains, and these religious and traditional eliteswish to participate in the development of public policy and of the Beninese state. Thisambition underlines the probability of the development of a joint or plural managementof cities, notably on a local level, between political, religious and traditional elites.Also, although the position of the Beninese state concerning religious and traditionalchieftainships has varied since the declaration of independence and the state recognizesthat these chieftainships have a certain importance, these the status of these socialinstitutions remains unclear. However, the country’s successive governments andpolitical elites can have an instrumental conception of these relations. It is also worthnoting that the religious and traditional elites do not remain passive concerning the stateand political elites’ actions. There can be several different kinds of response to thequestion of how these political, religious and traditional elites come together, responseswhich imply certain relational configurations which have an impact on the Beninesestate.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 4721.pdf: 1329949 bytes, checksum: d89073c5bcf0fa77ce1ab69589dc95ca (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-29 / The case Herzog had a strong impact on the recent political history of Brazil. A journalist killed on the premises of the 2nd. Army, in Sao Paulo, which was imposed by the establishment of suicide. Suicide wrought was challenged by his peers journalists, the Journalists' Union, the Archdiocese of St. Paul and in view of the pressures, the Jewish community of Sao Paulo. His burial was in an appropriate place for those who attempted against his life, and this burial and then act on Ecumenical Cathedral, are objects of this dissertation which seeks to clarify the reasons for this fact. As a Jewish collectivity could break with the collaboration and submission to the military regime, common in immigrant communities, and attest to the murder through the burial site of Vladimir Herzog. The contradictions and institutional pressures of Sao Paulo Jewish community demonstrate how external influence, Brazilian society was important in this episode, without underestimating the importance of individual people who were exposed to the truth and the struggle for democracy and human rights. / O caso Herzog teve forte impacto na história política recente do Brasil. Um jornalista morto nas dependências do 2º. Exército, em São Paulo, que teve o suicídio imposto pelo establishment. O suicídio forjado foi contestado pelos seus pares jornalistas, pelo Sindicato dos Jornalistas, pela Arquidiocese de São Paulo e, em vista das pressões, pela comunidade judaica de São Paulo. Seu sepultamento foi em local apropriado para aqueles que não atentaram contra a própria vida, e este enterro e depois o Ato Ecumênico na Catedral da Sé, são objetos desta dissertação que busca esclarecer as razões para este fato. Como uma Coletividade Judaica conseguiu romper com o colaboracionismo e submissão ao Regime Militar, comum em comunidades imigrantes, e, atestar o assassinato através do local de sepultamento de Vladimir Herzog. As contradições e pressões institucionais da coletividade judaica paulistana demonstram o quanto a influência externa, da sociedade brasileira foi importante neste episódio, sem menosprezar a importância das pessoas que individualmente se expuseram em prol da verdade e da luta pela democracia e pelos direitos humanos.

[pt] Este trabalho analisa a produção da Coleção Primeiros Passos, publicada pela editora Brasiliense no período da abertura democrática, no Brasil, entre os anos 1979 e 1985. Com a produção dessa Coleção a Brasiliense não só conquistou uma nova posição no campo editorial como criou um espaço de participação política relevante no processo democrático em construção. Destaca-se para a análise histórica o projeto político editorial de esquerda construído pela Brasiliense nesse momento. / [en] This work analyzes the production of Primeiros Passos, the book collection, edited by Brasiliense during the period of the Brazilian democratic opening process, from 1979 to 1985. With it, Brasiliense reached a new and important position on the publishing field and furthered an extremely relevant space for political discussion and participation alongside with the democratic process under construction by civil society. The leftist political publishing project built by Brasiliense is focused on here from a historical perspective.

The aim of this study is to determine the security relevance of farm attacks in South Africa. This is based on the propositions that indications exist that farm attacks in the RSA reflect more than common criminality; that the combating of farm attacks requires specific measures; and that farm attacks in other African states, as well as prior to 1994 in some instances also in South Africa, had demonstrated specific political motives. In the search for the underlying causes behind the incidence of farm attacks, aspects such as the occurence of farm attacks elsewhere in Africa; the political history of the RSA; the dynamics associated with an increase in crime during political transition; land reform; and the extent of farm attacks in the RSA, were analysed. The occurence of farm attacks seems not to be unique to South Africa, as attacks of this nature also occurred in other African states such as Kenya and Zimbabwe. As could have been expected from international experience, crime increased substantially in South Africa during a period of radical political transition. Farm attacks, which inherently manifest as violent crimes, also increased, especially during the period between 1997 and 2001. Developments during South Africa’s political past led to a situation in which a substantial part of the population lost not only their political rights, but also their land. As a result, land reform is high on the agenda of those who feel deprived, as well as that of the government. The findings reached by commissions of enquiry and research into the causes of farm attacks reveal that crime is the single most important motive for farm attacks. Other motives were identified in single cases, but no common sinister motive or any specific organisation instigating farm attacks could be established. Although the level of trust between the farming community and government has in some cases suffered considerable harm, both parties are bound to the combating of farm attacks, including participation in the implementation of combined strategies such as the Rural Safety Plan. The occurrence of farm attacks is clearly a significant security issue. Although it is not yet considered as posing an immediate direct threat to national security, it has already been recognized that farm attacks could negatively impact on food security. The possibility of this phenomenon developing into a full-fledged national security issue, can thus not be excluded. / Dissertation (M (Security Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

Cette thèse apporte une analyse documentée sur la décentralisation malienne appréhendée au prisme des partenariats entre les Régions de Tombouctou et Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes d’une part et entre la Région Koulikoro et la Coopération technique belge d’autre part, en faisant appel aux Policy Transfer Studies (PTS) et à l’approche cognitive et normative des politiques publiques. Elle fait d’abord une analyse succincte de l’historique de la mise en œuvre de la réforme de décentralisation remontant à la genèse de l’Etat malien (1960). Après la transition politique amorcée à la fin du mois de mars 1991 au Mali, la mise en œuvre de la décentralisation a pris une importance cruciale pour le devenir même du pays, notamment depuis la rébellion touarègue qui continue à sévir dans le nord du pays. Pour autant, après plus de deux décennies et malgré quelques acquis non négligeables, cette réforme demeure confrontée à divers obstacles.Ensuite, elle fait le bilan des projets d’appui à la décentralisation dans les Régions de Tombouctou et Koulikoro notamment à travers leurs partenariats respectifs. Sur ce sujet, la thèse met un accent particulier sur la pertinence des appuis réalisés, leur alignement à la politique nationale de décentralisation mais aussi des difficultés d’appropriation qui entravent la réussite du transfert des modèles du « développement local » promus par les partenaires techniques et financiers. Cette thèse démontre que, faute de moyens financiers suffisants alloués par le gouvernement malien à la réforme de décentralisation, celle-ci se trouve de fait dans une situation de dépendance quasi-totale à l’aide financière et technique internationale. De plus ce travail démontre que le nouvel engagement financier du gouvernement malien relatif au transfert de 30 % des recettes publiques aux collectivités territoriales à l'horizon 2018 ne confère pas suffisamment de marge de manœuvre aux collectivités territoriales. Enfin, cette thèse s’accompagne d’un travail analytique sur les principaux résultats du diagnostic relatifs aux obstacles à la décentralisation au Mali en général et formule un certain nombre de préconisations pour aider à surmonter lesdits obstacles. / This thesis provides a documented analysis of Malian decentralization through the prism of partnerships between the regions of Timbuktu and Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes, and between the Koulikoro Region and the Belgian Technical Cooperation. The thesis utilises Policy Transfer Studies (PTS) and the cognitive and normative approach toward public policies. It begins with a concise analysis regarding the history of the decentralization reform, implemented alongside the genesis of the Malian State (1960). After the political transition in Mali that began at the end of March 1991, the implementation of decentralization became crucial for the future of the country, especially with respect to the Tuareg rebellion. After more than two decades and in spite of some significant gains, however, this reform still faces various obstacles, which are explored throughout. This thesis then turns toward the projects supporting decentralization in the Timbuktu and Koulikoro Regions, particularly those founded in their respective partnerships. Special emphasis will be placed on the relevance of the support provided, their alignment with the national decentralization policy, and in addition the difficulties of ownership, which hinder the transfer of the "local development" models promoted by the technical and financial partners. This thesis demonstrates that, due to the lack of sufficient financial resources allocated by the Malian government to decentralization reform, this one is in fact in a situation of almost total dependence on international financial and technical assistance. In addition, this project illustrates that the Malian government's new financial commitment to transfer 30% of public revenue to local authorities for 2018 does not give local authorities enough leeway. Finally, this thesis concludes with an analytical overview of the diagnosis relating to the obstacles to decentralization in Mali as a whole, and provides a number of recommendations to help overcome these obstacles

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-150) / It is increasingly becoming apparent that elections, as component parts of democratic processes, do not always guarantee a smooth transfer of power and stable democratic cultures in many contemporary polities. Whenever election outcomes are disputed, Governments of National Unity (GNU) are presented as strategic conflict prevention and resolution models. Yet, the GNU’s ability to nurture democracy in situations where it remains weak or non-existent is extremely limited. This dissertation therefore uses Zimbabwe’s case study to examine how its recent internal political turmoil had overwhelming implications for its legitimacy and democracy. Through qualitative research, the study reveals that despite partially reconciling Zimbabwe’s political protagonists, the GNU neither permanently resolved the crisis nor addressed significant related issues; thus, creating a paradox of legitimacy for the country. The dissertation concludes with recommendations for further research on matters of legitimacy in power-sharing scenarios such as Zimbabwe’s. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International politics)