The subject of this dissertation is the confessional revivalist organisation Evangeliska Fosterlands-Stiftelsen (EFS – approximately the Swedish Evangelical Mission Society) between 1856 and 1910. EFS was founded in 1856 in a Pietistic tradition, and its aim was to revitalise from within what was seen as a too dormant State church, and also to counteract the influence of the emerging free churches. The study has five main sections. The introductory part consists of the theoretical framework and the historical context. In the second chapter EFS’ aims and expectations are studied on a national level. The third chapter examines the content of published and distributed tracts. The fourth chapter focuses on the activities of the itinerant colporteurs, and the fifth and final part studies the work of a local EFS-congregation. The aim of the dissertation is twofold. The first objective is to describe the transformation EFS underwent during the period studied. This process is described in terms related to Jürgen Habermas’ expression “public sphere”. When EFS was founded, as a board, it can be seen as one of other middle- and upper-class associations, and as such a part of the Swedish public sphere. By 1910 EFS had begun to move away from the Swedish State church and had become more like contemporary popular movements and free churches – it had started to take the shape of an limited alternative sphere, a denomination. The second aim is to use EFS as an example to describe and analyse the changed perception of religion during the second half of the 19th century. This change is described as a process of secularisation. Secularisation is seen here as the process that turned religion into an individual, voluntary and optional act of faith, among other religious and non-religious alternatives, for ordinary people. Of particular interest is the paradoxical relation between revivalism and secularisation. Various revivalist movements emphasised the personal relation to God and the individual right to interpret the word of God. The individual choice for salvation was also stressed within revivalism. These movements also created new alternatives to the all-embracing State church. Thus both the position of the Church, and the universal claims of Christianity in general, were undermined. The transformation EFS underwent is seen as an adaptation to the rise of modern society, which became more pluralistic and hence competitive during the final decades of the 19th century. This development meant that new strategies were required for religious organisations overall, in order for them to be able to compete and flourish. / digitalisering@umu

Cette thèse étudie comment la critique humoristique de l'actualité dans les médiasaudiovisuels de masse français est devenue un genre médiatique à part entière. Le travail« sérieux », « invisible », aux finalités « visibles », parfois surexposées, des « humoristesd'actualité », s'inspirant de la tradition des bouffons d'antan, revisite quotidiennement lesmises en récit journalistiques en les décalant, par « déboîtement ». Le croisement de troisspécialités sociologiques (des médias, du travail et de la critique), le recours à des entretienssemi-directifs (n=43) et à des corpus médiatiques conséquents (presse écrite et séquencesaudiovisuelles) permettent de décrire des trajectoires, des statuts, des savoirs-faire et des rôlesconstitutifs d'une expérience artistique et professionnelle. En interaction avec leurs deuxprincipales sources d'inspiration (professionnels de la politique et journalistes), les humoristesd'actualité produisent une critique réflexive, contestataire ou dénonciatrice. Cette critiquespécifique, méthode de dévoilement aux règles implicites et explicites, constitue une « carteblanche » pour aller le plus loin possible, malgré les risques (pressions, licenciements, procès,etc.), les polémiques régulières, les tentatives de construction de « lignes jaunes »(philosophique, politique, journalistique), et les controverses à la visibilité parfois maximale(affaire Strauss-Kahn), qui pèsent plus ou moins sur la définition des normes du travail(censure, autocensure, etc.). L'imagination créatrice des humoristes d'actualité participepleinement du processus de « publicisation critique » de la démocratie, et teste son idéal deliberté d'expression. / This thesis explores how the news humorous critic in the French audiovisual mass media hasbecome a media genre in its own right. The "serious", "invisible" work, made for "visible"ends, sometimes overexposed, of these "news humorists" who are inspired by the tradition ofjesters of old, regularly revisits journalistic narratives, and shifting them by "pulling-out"(déboîtement). The crossing of three sociological literatures (media, work and criticism),semi-structured interviews (n = 43) and a substantial media corpus (print media andaudiovisual sequences) allows us to describe the trajectories, statutes, know-how andconstituent roles of an artistic and professional experience. Interacting with their two mainsources of inspiration (elected officials and journalists), news humorists are producing a criticthat can be reflexive, protestive or reprobative. This specific critic, unveiling method, withimplicit and explicit rules, constitutes a "carte blanche" to go as far as possible, despite therisks (pressures, layoffs, lawsuits, etc.), regular polemics, attempts to set "yellow lines"(philosophical, political, journalistic), and controversies with high visibility (the Strauss-Kahncase), all of this weighing more or less on the definition of work standards (censorship, selfcensorship,etc.). The creative imagination of news humorists then fully participates in theprocess of "critical publicisation" of democracy, and tests its ideal of freedom of expression.

[pt] Esta dissertação examina o surgimento do movimento ambientalista como parte de um processo maior de conscientização sobre a proteção do meio ambiente. Observa como, através da abertura de espaço discursivo para a participação democrática, as conferências internacionais da ONU sobre o meio ambiente em 1972 e 1992 contribuíram para a formação deste movimento e o próprio conceito do meio ambiente. A discussão utiliza-se dos conceitos que Jurgen Habermas desenvolve na sua teoria de ação comunicativa para destacar a importância da esfera pública e o papel da sociedade civil neste processo. No entanto, a partir de uma comparação da participação do Brasil e os EUA nas duas conferências da ONU, coloca em questão o uso dessa teoria para explicar a atuação desses países e as mudanças ao longo das duas décadas que separaram as conferências. Levanta uma discussão metodológica, inspirada em ideias apresentadas por Michel Foucault, que permite uma análise do surgimento do movimento ambientalista no Brasil e os EUA. Para além disso, contextualiza a participação de ambos os países nas conferências internacionais e a mudança para do foco para o desenvolvimento. Através disso, salienta as tensões entre as perspectivas de Habermas e Foucault, discutindo seus limites e contribuições para esta análise. / [en] This thesis examines the emergence of the environmental movement as part of a larger process of increasing conscientiousness about environmental protection. It looks at how the international UN conferences on the environment in 1972 and 1992 contributed to the formation of this movement, and the concept of the environment, by opening discursive space and allowing for democratic participation. The discussion uses concepts developed by Jurgen Habermas, in his theory of communicative action, to highlight the importance of the public sphere and the role of civil society in this process. However, a comparison of the participation of Brazil and the USA in the two conferences raises questions about the application of this theory. In order to explain the activity of these countries and the changes that occurred during the 20 years that separate the conferences a different perspective is presented. Ideas inspired by Michel Foucault provide a methodological discussion, which permits an analysis of the emergence of the environmental movement in Brazil and the USA. In addition, it contextualizes their participation in the international conferences and helps understand the turn in the international community towards a focus on development. Finally, as a result of the tensions that arise between Habermas and Foucault s perspectives, the limits and contributions of these authors for the herein analysis are uncovered.

[pt] O escopo do presente trabalho é discutir a dimensão da liberdade religiosa no Brasil, com enfoque no uso de símbolos religiosos no espaço público. A Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988 traz em seu texto, como direito fundamental, as prerrogativas de crença e de culto. Partindo do pressuposto de que essa liberdade é externa, ou seja, é o direito de se exprimir uma crença ou uma não crença, o estudo abordará essa conduta religiosa no espaço público como pressuposto de autoafirmação e reconhecimento do ser religioso mediante o exercício público de sua crença. De forma a contribuir para análise da realidade brasileira acerca do tema proposto, precedentes dos Estados Unidos da América, Alemanha e França serão trabalhados no corpo do texto. Por fim, o estudo contemplará uma análise da realidade brasileira a partir de sua legislação, doutrina constitucional bem como através de análises de casos conflituosos havidos no seio da sociedade motivados pelo exercício de crença religiosa, e ainda, analisar se é permitido ao agente público ostentar, em serviço, símbolos que remetam à sua crença religiosa, sem que com isso se agrida a ordem constitucional vigente no Brasil. / [en] The scope of work is to discuss the extent of the right to religious freedom in Brazil, focusing on the use of religious symbols in public space. The Constitution of the Republic 1988 brings in its text, as a fundamental right, the prerogatives of belief and worship. Assuming that such freedom is external, that there is a right to express a belief or non- belief, the study will address the religious conduct in public space as a requirement of self-affirmation and recognition of the religious citizen through the public exercise of its beliefs. In order to contribute to the analysis of brazilian reality about the proposed theme, precedents of the United States of America, Germany and France will be adressed. Finally, the study will include an analysis of Brazilian reality from its legislation and constitutional doctrine as well as through analysis of conflicting cases wich happened in the society and which were motivated by the exercise of religious beliefs, and will also examine whether a public official can use symbols referring to its religious beliefs while working without thereby to violate the brazilian constitution.

Global social injustice and inequalities remain deeply embedded in our globalized world, often explained as a consequence of the current economic structures and institutions. Therefore, there has been an increase in arenas that attracts mobilization of the global civil society to oppose the neoliberal economic globalization and combat social injustices and inequalities. The World Social Forum (WSF) is an example of an arena that emerged with these purposes. However, research shows that there are criticism regarding the character and function of the WSF. This literature study examines the reasons behind the criticism and compares them with the WSF’s charter of principles to see if the WSF is living up to its ideals. It also analyzes if the WSF’s principles are reflected in the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of the 2030 Agenda. This is done through a content analysis and within the framework of social justice and transnational public sphere. The study concludes that the WSF does not live up to its ideals because of a lack in organizational structure, exclusive and elitist character, and also the inequalities and inequities that are reinforced within the WSF. Moreover, the study shows that the WSF’s principles can be found among the 17 SDGs in the 2030 Agenda which can indicate that the WSF has had an indirect role in influencing global development policies.

[pt] O Conselho Tutelar (CT) é um órgão responsável por zelar pelos direitos infanto-juvenis preconizados na Lei Federal n. 8069. Esse órgão atende famílias inseridas no contexto contemporâneo da questão social, onde há profundas conseqüências, que além de políticas e econômicas são também psicossociais, provenientes do processo de globalização e da implantação do ideário neoliberal, que se revela não só a nível nacional, mas internacional, como mostrado nos estudos de Robert Castel (2005), Boaventura de Souza Santos (1999) e Zygmunt Bauman (1989). Nesse contexto, há um desafio para a concretização do papel do Conselho Tutelar na sociedade brasileira, pois esse órgão, para cumprir uma de suas atribuições, aplica medidas protetivas através da requisição de serviços da rede instituída por políticas governamentais e não-governamentais. No município do Rio de Janeiro, além dos conselheiros tutelares, o CT conta também com assistentes sociais que realizam assessoria a esse órgão. Para melhor compreensão desta assessoria, a presente dissertação se propõe a sinalizar características da atuação do assistente social no âmbito do Conselho Tutelar. Nesse sentido, o referencial teórico privilegia a possível inserção do CT enquanto espaço público, considerando a teoria de Hannah Arendt (2008). A metodologia utilizada se pauta em entrevistas semi-estruturadas com os assistentes sociais de Conselhos Tutelares do Município do Rio de Janeiro e dados obtidos nos arquivos da equipe técnica. As questões que perpassam pelo trabalho destes órgãos influenciam diretamente no exercício do Serviço Social e os principais resultados obtidos indicam elementos significativos que possibilitam uma reflexão sobre a importância do assistente social nos Conselhos Tutelares para garantia efetiva dos direitos infanto-juvenis. / [en] The Tutelary Council (TC) is a body responsible for looking after the children s rights advocated by the Federal Law No. 8069. This body meets families included in the contemporary context of social issues, where there are profound consequences, as well as political and economic are also psychosocial from the globalization process and the implementation of neoliberal ideas, which reveals not only national but international, as shown in studies by Robert Castel (2005), Boaventura de Souza Santos (1999) and Zygmunt Bauman (1989). In this context, there is a challenge for the implementation of the Tutelary Council´s role in Brazilian society, because that body to fulfill one of its duties, apply protective measures through the request service network established by government policies and non-governmental organizations. In the city of Rio de Janeiro, Tutelary Council has social workers who carry out this professional advisory. To better understand this advice, this dissertation intends to signal features of the work of social workers in the Tutelary Council. Thus, the theoretical framework privileges the possible integration of the TC as public space, on the theory of Hannah Arendt (2008). The methodology is guided in semi-structured interviews with social workers from Tutelary Council in Rio de Janeiro and data in the files of the technical staff. The issues that pervade the work of these bodies directly influence the performance of Social Work and the main results obtained indicate significant elements that provide a reflection on the importance of social work in the Tutelary Councils for effective enforcement of children s rights.

The following essay aims to investigate recent transformations of the public sphere influenced by social media. The main goal is to use the philosophical frameworks and concepts developed by Arendt and Habermas as an analytic tool to better understand social media in their role as a public sphere. The first part outlines the concept of the public sphere and its related concepts as developed in Arendt’s The Human Condition and Habermas’ The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere. Central themes are discussed and juxtaposed primarily in between Arendt and Habermas, but also with the ideas of later philosophers. From this discussion emerges a theoretical framework in terms of two main headings; the properties of the public sphere, and; the character of the political discourse in the public sphere. The second part examines central features of present-day social media utilizing the conceptual framework deriving from Arendt’s and Habermas’ notions of the public sphere. Salient features of contemporary social media and political discourse are juxtaposed with properties of the analytical framework developed in the first part of the essay. The analysis shows that the public sphere and its discourse have changed in significant ways. The analysis also shows that the notion of the public sphere, developed 60 years ago, is still a useful tool for the analysis of our present-day public sphere.

In March 2018 the Swedish Social Democratic Party presented the election promise to ban faith-based schools. This election promise evoked strong reactions and gave rise to a debate about the role of religion in Swedish schools in many Swedish newspapers. The aim of this bachelor thesis is to explore what arguments that have been utilized in the debate about faith-based schools. Debate articles are here examined using argumentation analysis: Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet, Expressen and Aftonbladet. The results conclude that the most common arguments in favor of a ban on faith-based schools are: segregation, religious indoctrination, and serious shortcomings in said schools. From the other side of the debate, in defense of faith-based schools, the most common arguments are the following: integration, freedom of religion and high-quality education. An additional aim is to study these arguments using Hjelm’s (2014) explanations of the “New Visibility of Religion”. The analysis reveals that the debate is informed by a secular norm where religion is viewed as something unwelcome in the public eye. The debate is informed by a conflict of how religion ought to be valued, and if it should be viewed as a resource or a problem. Advocates in favor of a ban on faith-based schools claim that these schools constitute a social problem in contemporary society. Defenders of faith-based school, on the other hand, view them as a resource and argue that there today is a great need for faith-based schools. Rather than discussing faith, this debate deals mainly with the question of what role religion should play in today’s society. Religion is visible because it can be good or bad, something that Hjelm (2014) refers to as the ”secular return of religion”. Neoliberal reforms have changed the Swedish School system, which in turn affects the debate. This debate ultimately reveals a conflict of aims regarding the purpose of the Swedish school system and where equality is put against freedom of choice.

Nous choisissons d’aborder la question de la construction de l’espace public européen à partir de son espace médiatique afin d’enrichir le champ de la recherche sur l’information en continu et ce en écho aux précédents travaux portant principalement sur les acteurs et les logiques de production de ce type d’information. D’autant plus que la recherche sur le rôle des médias dans la construction d’un espace public européen s’est très souvent cantonnée aux frontières nationales des Etats membres, négligeant la dimension de communication transnationale, à savoir celle véhiculée par les médias transnationaux. Ceux-là même qui sont le maillon entre les sphères publiques segmentées par Etat membre. A l’ère des multiples mutations qui redessinent l’image de l’Europe du XXIe siècle, convoquer le concept d’espace public dans nos sociétés modernes nous amène à nous interroger à la fois sur le rôle individuel du citoyen dans la construction d’un espace public européen et aussi de la position d’un média transnational dans l’enrichissement ou l’affaiblissement de l’espace public européen. Nous choisissons pour cela d’étudier les aspects liés à la réception télévisuelle d’Euronews, chaîne d’information transnationale à perspective européenne, à partir de l’expression du citoyen/téléspectateur dans l’espace public. Un sujet qui revient se positionner au-devant de la scène de la recherche académique et scientifique en Sciences de l’information et de la communication à l’échelle européenne et internationale et s’inscrit dans la continuité des recherches sur l’espace public. / In the era of profound geopolitical, cultural and social changes that actually redraw the image of Europe, the close concerning of public space’s concept in modern societies lead us to question both the individual role of the citizen in building a European public sphere, and also the position of a transnational media in the enrichment or weakening of the European public sphere.In this context, and in order to validate or controversy this statement, we choose to study the reception of Euronews, a transnational information channel with a european perspective which is based on citizen’s / viewer’s expression in the public sphere. This specific research comes to position itself in front of the scene of academic and scientific researches in Information and Communication studies.

Private sector knowledge producers, more commonly known as think tanks or research institutes, are used as authoritative sources in Western media either as interview guests or their research quoted by journalists.  Most studies have focused on their ability to influence government policy, but very little has focused on their role in the public sphere, particularly their visibility in media.  This study will explore how often think representatives appear as authoritative sources or experts in broadcast media during the 2015, 2017 and 2019 UK General Elections.  This will be done through a quantitative content analysis and thematic analysis investigating whether such representatives are accorded preferential access and ascribed primary authority to define narratives.  Additionally, a theoretical model has been designed to detect whether a marketplace of ideas can be detected or whether television news is a site of Habermassian rational-critical public sphere.  Inspired by the work of Anstead and Chadwick, and taking this vital work further, this study investigates whether authority signalling, and primary definition is still a relevant theory by analysing broadcast news coverage across three general elections.