自民國76年政府開放民眾赴大陸探親以來，兩岸關係邁入新的里程碑，之後雖受李登輝、陳水扁兩任總統不同的大陸政策影響，雙方縱然在軍事、外交層面歷經緊張情勢時期，但在共同打擊跨境犯罪合作議題上，卻不曾停下腳步，民國79年簽訂之「金門協議書」，作為兩岸遣返違反有關規定進入對方地區人民、刑事犯及嫌疑犯之用，開啟共同打擊犯罪協議及刑事司法互助之門，接著第三次江陳會正式簽定「海峽兩岸共同打擊犯罪及司法互助協議」，據此建立雙方在打擊跨境犯罪合作機制，不致因法律問題致執法過程中產生灰色模糊地帶，而予犯罪者僥倖心理從事不法活動。但往往「道高一尺，魔高一丈」，兩岸犯罪者因雙邊打擊跨境犯罪合作機制日趨成熟，犯案的空間受到壓縮，開始轉往第三地發展，此時法制基礎不建全、地廣人稀、政府行政效能不彰、貪瀆情形嚴重及與華人素有歷史淵源之東南亞諸國即成為首選之地。 1997年亞洲金融風暴，中國固守人民幣匯率的政策，某部分穩定了亞洲的金融秩序，對於東南亞地區的經濟安定有一定程度的正面幫助，這被視為中國與東南亞關係發展的轉捩點，東協在該年年底邀請中國、日本、韓國召開首次「東協加三」會議，正式開啟了其在東南亞區域居於領袖地位的時代。大陸與東南亞各國的交流層面是既深且廣，合作的議題除了傳統軍事外交，在非傳統安全領域，也提供東協國家各項協助。反觀臺灣在東協支持「一中政策」的影響下，始終無法突破與該地區各項交流合作關係。如今兩岸關係趨穩，雙方均認知到除了經濟議題外，在打擊跨國犯罪方面，同樣悠關人民切身利益及社會安定，亦屬可以建立共識相互合作的優先工作，因此本文研究目的，即希望了解兩岸在東南亞地區跨國犯罪現況、雙方偵辦情形、面臨的困難，以及建立兩岸與第三國司法互助合作機制可行方案。 / Since the government began to permit the public to visit relatives in Mainland China in 1987, the cross-strait relations have entered into a new milestone. Although both sides still confront and compete against each other in military and diplomatic aspects, they never stopped cooperating with each other on the issue of jointly fighting cross-border crime. The execution of the Kinmen Agreement in 1990 and the Agreement on Joint Cross-Strait Crime-Fighting and Mutual Judicial Assistance executed during the third round of Chiang-Chen Talks has established the cooperative mechanism between both sides in fights against cross-border crimes. Cross-strait criminals began to move their bases to Southeast Asia because the cooperative mechanism in bilateral cross-border crime fighting has grown mature and the place for crime has been limited. The relations between Mainland China and Southeast Asian countries are deep and extensive in many facets. On the contrary, under the influence of the support of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations for the “One China Policy”, Taiwan is unable to make any breakthrough in interactions and cooperative relations with that area. As the cross-strait relations have become stable, both sides acknowledge that, in addition to the economic issues, the fight against transnational crime is equally of great concern to the interests of people and social stability, and could be the priority to establish the consensus between both sides and cooperate with each other. Therefore, the objective of this research is to understand the current situations of the cross-strait transnational crime in Southeast Asian area, the investigations conducted by both sides and the difficulties faced by them, and to establish practical solutions for cooperative mechanism in mutual judicial assistance among Mainland China, Taiwan and a third country.

University of Macau / Faculty of Law

This investigation explores the international perspectives of causality of human traffic, specifically, traffic into commercial sexual exploitation. Current Western approaches to combat trafficking centre around law and order, immigration issues, and victim protection programs. While these are important for a holistic effort to deter traffic, these foci overlook prevention endeavors, thereby acting as a band-aid on a bullet wound, addressing the symptoms, but not the foundation of trafficking. Western perspectives toward prevention concentrate on economic aspects of supply and demand while crediting the root cause to be poverty. Using social exclusion theory, this thesis demonstrates that the current paradigm of viewing human trafficking in purely economic terms is an oversimplification. This project proposes to widen the focus of prevention efforts those cultural and social structures which push and pull victims into trafficking. The research is a response to an international call for further initiatives to prevent human trafficking, the recent rise of human traffic in Guatemala, Central America and the lack of research which focuses on the social links with trafficking and mainstream society. Research conducted in Guatemala, included a thirteen-month ethnography and involved one-hundred and thirteen qualitative interviews conducted in nine Guatemalan cities strategically located along trafficking routes. The target research population included women sex workers and former traffic victims from Central America and included insights from non-governmental organizations workers. Twenty-three interviewees were Central American migrants which provided insight in the wider regional structures of traffic and commercial sexual exploitation. The interviews aimed at understanding the lived experiences of exploitation in order to determine whether social exclusion affects human traffic within commercial sexual exploitation. The findings revealed the underlying social and cultural structures which reinforce human trafficking. Empirical data collected provides real-time data on trafficking networks, commercial sexual exploitation and reveals the geo-political significance of Guatemala as a hot-spot for traffic. Analysis of interviews illustrates variations in the experience of human traffic and commercial sexual exploitation which challenges current western stereotypical ideas on traffic victims. Conceptually, macro-structures—political, economic, social, and violence—are presented as a back drop for the formation of wider networks of exploitation. The exploration of violence as a push factor challenges international forced repatriation policies. Micro-structures—gender roles, family, violence, and coping strategies—are examined in the ways they perpetuate social systems of trafficking and commercial sexual exploitation. Theoretically, the thesis argues against the current paradigm which narrowly focuses on economics, but calls for the incorporation of social exclusion theory to understand the multi-dimensionality of human traffic and its wider links to society in order to open up new dialogue for prevention between the West and the majority world.

This study focuses on examining the security implications of money laundering and countermeasures, with reference to South Africa. The purpose of this study was to establish the following: <ul> <li> What is the extent, and what are the security implications of money laundering in South Africa;</li> <li> whether the current money laundering countermeasures in South Africa were effectively implemented from 1994 up to the end of 2006;</li> <li> if South Africa could implement better money laundering controls when compared to the G7/8 countries; and</li> <li> what the factors were that influenced money laundering in South Africa, compared to the G7/8 countries</li> </ul> This study also examined the validity of the following assumptions: <ul> <li>That there are still shortcomings in the practical application of money laundering countermeasures in South Africa, despite these countermeasures being based on the legislative measures adopted by the G7/8 countries; and</li> <li> money laundering promotes crime and corruption in South Africa.</li> </ul> An analysis of the South African anti-money laundering legislation indicated that South Africa had legislatively adopted all of the Financial Action Task Force money laundering recommendations. It was found that despite the strong legislative framework to combat money laundering in South Africa, these efforts were undermined by a lack of capacity; poor coordination that led to a large volume of reports being filed without a corresponding track record of successful prosecutions; and the failure to adopt advances in information technology. This led to a lack of effectively and efficiently translating the anti-money laundering legislation into practice in South Africa. / Dissertation (M(Security Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

La prolifération des armes à feu illégales en territoire canadien a un impact sur l’augmentation de la violence armée observée au cours des dernières années. La mobilité des armes illégales au Canada a été étudiée par des chercheurs. Toutefois, le sujet des sources alimentant ce marché illicite n’a été que très peu abordé au sein de la littérature scientifique. L’une des possibilités reliées à cette thématique présente les États-Unis comme source d’approvisionnement en armes à feu illégales au Canada. C’est à travers cette idée que s’inscrit l’objectif principal de ce mémoire. En effet, cette étude vise une recontextualisation de la problématique du trafic d’armes à feu au Canada en tant qu’enjeu sécuritaire transnational selon le postulat identifiant les États-Unis comme la principale source d’alimentation du marché noir des armes à feu au Canada. Afin de répondre à cet objectif, nous décrivons d’abord l’environnement au travers duquel s’articulent les dynamiques de contrebande d’armes à feu au Canada. Ensuite, nous portons notre regard sur la réponse institutionnelle reliée au contrôle et à la lutte contre le trafic transfrontalier d’armes à feu. Une méthodologie qualitative basée sur l’analyse d’entretiens semi-dirigés avec des acteurs impliqués au sein d’organisations d’application de la loi, de rapports et de documents gouvernementaux ainsi que de documentation juridique a été utilisée dans le cadre de cette étude. Les résultats découlant des analyses présentées dans ce mémoire permettent tout d’abord de contextualiser l’enjeu de la contrebande transfrontalière d’armes à feu entre les États-Unis et les Canada ainsi que les efforts des organisations d’application de la loi en matière de contrôle. Ils permettent également de mettre en lumière les disparités existantes entre la nécessité d’une utilisation efficiente du renseignement et la réalité sur le terrain. En effet, les lacunes quant à la collecte et à l’analyse des données reliées à la contrebande transfrontalière d’armes à feu ont un impact sur le ciblage et l’orientation des mesures visant à lutter contre cet enjeu. / The proliferation of illegal firearms on Canadian soil has had an impact on the increase in gun violence observed in recent years. The mobility of illegal firearms in Canada has been studied by researchers. However, the topic of the sources of this illicit market has received very little attention in the scientific literature. One of the possibilities related to this theme presents the United States as a source of supply of illegal firearms in Canada. It is through this idea that the main objective of this thesis lies. Indeed, this study aims to recontextualize the problem of firearms trafficking in Canada as a transnational security issue based on the premise that the United States is the main source of supply for the black market in firearms in Canada. More specifically, in such a context, firearms would be brought into Canada through cross-border smuggling. First, we define the environment through which the dynamics of firearms smuggling in Canada are articulated. Secondly, we examine the institutional response to controlling and combating cross-border firearms trafficking. A qualitative methodology based on the analysis of semi-structured interviews with actors involved in law enforcement organizations, government reports and documents, and legal documentation was used in this study. The results of the analyses presented in this paper first contextualize the issue of cross-border firearms smuggling between the United States and Canada and the control efforts of law enforcement agencies. They also highlight the disparities between the need for efficient use of intelligence and the reality of the operational environment. Gaps in data collection and analysis related to crossborder firearms smuggling have an impact on the targeting and direction of measures to combat this issue.

International police co-operation is a recipe for success in the fight against transnational organised crime. Such cooperation has never been without challenges, especially in the light of disharmonious national laws. SARPCCO has made promising advances towards the elimination of blockages which hamper police cooperation. The joint, bilateral, simultaneous operations which are continuously carried out and the transferring of skills through training are exemplary to the rest of the world. SARPCCO is, however, struggling to make serious inroads into the organised motor vehicle theft because of the problems in returning them to their lawful owners. The objective of this study is to analyse the laws used by the SARPCCO member countries in fighting motor vehicle theft, transnational organised crime, recoveries, repatriation, prosecution and extradition of offenders. The SARPCCO member countries on which the analysis is done are Lesotho, South Africa, Swaziland and Zambia. / Jurisprudence / LL. M.

International police co-operation is a recipe for success in the fight against transnational organised crime. Such cooperation has never been without challenges, especially in the light of disharmonious national laws. SARPCCO has made promising advances towards the elimination of blockages which hamper police cooperation. The joint, bilateral, simultaneous operations which are continuously carried out and the transferring of skills through training are exemplary to the rest of the world. SARPCCO is, however, struggling to make serious inroads into the organised motor vehicle theft because of the problems in returning them to their lawful owners. The objective of this study is to analyse the laws used by the SARPCCO member countries in fighting motor vehicle theft, transnational organised crime, recoveries, repatriation, prosecution and extradition of offenders. The SARPCCO member countries on which the analysis is done are Lesotho, South Africa, Swaziland and Zambia. / Jurisprudence / LL. M.

The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia is located in the Horn of Africa and bound on the northeast by Eritrea and Djibouti, on the east and southeast by Somalia, on the south-west by Kenya and on the west and north-west by Sudan. In a 2003 report, the Ethiopia Central Statistical Authority (2003:24) estimated the population of Ethiopia to be 71,066,000. The Ethiopian economy is mainly based on agriculture, which contributes 47% to GNP and more than 80% of exports and employs 85% of the population. Ethiopia nowadays governs under a federal system and due to the governance system there are nine regional states in the country, which are composed of specific ethnic groups. The regional states, which have a significant degree of autonomy, are Tigray, Afar, Amhara, Oromia, Somalia, Benshangul-Gumaz, Gambela, Harar and the Southern Nations, nationalities and peoples, which comprise about 41 ethnic groups. Hence, the structure of the police service in the country follows the characteristics of the federal system. Accordingly, the regional states have their own police service, which is responsible to the regional states and at the federal government level, the Federal Police Service (FPS) is responsible to federal government. / Police Practice / M.Tech. (Policing)

Thesis (MA)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In 1992, warring factions in Mozambique put an end to 15 years of violence and instability. By signing the General Peace Accord in Rome, the civil war was officially over, and postconflict reconstruction could begin. The post-conflict state has been struggling with high poverty, weak infrastructure and the burden of returning refugees as well as internally displaced people (IDP’s) in the aftermath of the war. Moreover, in recent years, increasing domestic activity on the part of transnational criminal syndicates has become a major national and regional security dilemma. In this study, Mozambique, as a post-conflict state has been examined to identify the most important factors that lead to the increase and continuation in transnational crime in terms of human trafficking. Using prevailing state theories and post-conflict theories within the field of Political Science and analyzing Mozambique from the conceptual theoretical lenses of Max Weber, Charles Tilly, Shmuel N. Eistenstadt, and several other scholars, it is argued that there are numerous elements present within the state that have led to an increase in crime. These are first and foremost the (neo) patrimonial features of the state, corrupt state-officials, the state’s pluralist legal-system and a general lack of public trust in the legitimacy of the government. Incomplete post-conflict reconstruction efforts, resulting in lack of public goods, such as health-care, schooling and jobs along with a culture of exploitation and objectification of women and deep-rooted gender-inequality in Mozambique is argued to provide criminal syndicates with an opportunity to capitalize on organized crimes such as trafficking of humans. In recent years, positive developments manifest themselves through the international recognition of human trafficking and domestic ratifications of international laws and protocols to combat human trafficking. While Mozambique has ratified “The Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children” this study reveals state factors that make the elimination of the crime of human trafficking in Mozambique difficult. The findings of the study are symbolic of a globalized problem. Combating transnational crime does not depend solely on international, regional and domestic cooperation through laws and regulations; it also necessitates increased national efforts in dealing with the root-causes of trafficking and to increase the political and public awareness in the country towards this human rights violation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In 1992 het strydende groepe in Mosambiek 'n einde gemaak aan 15 jaar van geweld en onstabiliteit. Met die ondertekening van die Algemene Vredesverdrag in Rome, is die burgeroorlog amptelik beëindig en post-konflik rekonstruksie kon begin. Die post-konflik staat het gesukkel met hoë armoede, swak infrastruktuur en die las van terugkerende vlugtelinge en interne verplaasde persone in die nadraai van die oorlog. Daarbenewens het toenemende plaaslike aktiwiteite van transnasionale kriminele sindikate in die afgelope jare 'n groot nasionale en streeks-sekuriteitsdilemma geword. In hierdie studie is Mosambiek as 'n post-konflik staat geanaliseer om die mees belangrike faktore wat tot die toename in transnasionale misdaad (in terme van mensehandel) gelei het, te identifiseer. Deur gebruik te maak van bestaande staatsteorieë en post-konflik teorieë in die veld van Politieke Wetenskap en deur Mosambiek te analiseer uit die teoretiese blik van Max Weber, Charles Tilly, Shmuel N. Eistenstadt, en andere, word daar geargumenteer dat daar verskeie elemente binne die staat is wat tot dié toename in misdaad gelei het. Allereers is die neo(patrimoniale) kenmerke van die staat, korrupte staatsamptenare, die pluralistiese regstelsel en algemene gebrek aan publieke vertroue in die regering. Daar word geargumenteer dat onvolledige post-konflik rekonstruksie, wat 'n tekort aan publieke goedere soos gesondheidsorg, opvoeding en werk tot gevolg het, tesame met 'n kultuur van die seksualisering van vroue en diep-gewortelde geslagsongelykheid in die staat, vir kriminele sindikate geleenthede vir organiseerde misdaad soos mensehandel bied. In die afgelope jare het positiewe ontwikkelinge gemanifisteer deur die internationale erkenning van mensehandel en die plaaslike bekragtigings van internationale wette en protokols om mensehandel te bestry. Alhoewel Mosambiek "The Protocol to Prevent, Supress and Punish Traffickin in Persons, especially Women and Children" bekragtig het, toon die studie dat sekere staatsfaktore die uitwissing van mensehandel in Mosambiek moeilik maak. Die bevindinge van die studie is simbolies van 'n globaliseerde probleem; die bestryding van transnasionale misdaad berus nie net op internasionale, streek en plaaslike samewerking deur wette en regulasies nie, maar dit noodsaak ook verhoogde nasionale inspanning om die grondoorsake van mensehandel te hanteer en om politieke en publieke bewustheid omtrent dié menseregteskending in die land te verhoog.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Orly Kibrit.pdf: 1255983 bytes, checksum: 518b77c90880a3aa7d02d84ab8ff30c2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-01-28 / Analyzes the need for that in the context of globalization, be intensified and strengthened intergovernmental relations through international legal cooperation. Addresses the need to promote changes in the implementation of this instrument in combating the increasing international crime, demonstrating the imperative of a review of the concepts of sovereignty and citizenship, institutes that should follow the movement of globalization and internationalization of law, striking realities today. Analyzes potential role models to be used by States in adapting to this new global reality, concluding that harmonization is the model whit greater plausibility, by adopting the model of State Constitutional Cooperative. Thereby, proves to be the direct assistance the sort of international legal cooperation that deserves highlighting, because its parameters deviate formal and bureaucratic barriers that currently states face in joint action and enable a permeable relationship between the countries. / Analisa a necessidade de que, no contexto da globalização, sejam intensificadas e fortalecidas as relações intergovernamentais por meio da cooperação jurídica internacional. Trata da necessidade de se promover mudanças na implementação desse instrumento no combate à crescente criminalidade internacional, demonstrando a imperatividade de uma revisão sobre os conceitos de soberania e cidadania, institutos que devem acompanhar o movimento da globalização e da internacionalização do direito, realidades marcantes na atualidade. Analisa os possíveis modelos de atuação a serem utilizados pelos Estados na adequação a essa nova realidade global, concluindo pela maior plausibilidade da harmonização, por meio da adoção do modelo de Estado Constitucional Cooperativo. Nessa linha, demonstra ser o auxílio direto espécie de cooperação jurídica internacional que merece destaque, pois seus parâmetros afastam os entraves burocráticos e formais que atualmente os Estados enfrentam na atuação conjunta e possibilitam um relacionamento permeável entre os países.