Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a viabilidade de aplicação do instrumento de Mandado de Detenção Europeu (que foi criado em decorrência da quebra de fronteiras gerada com integração regional europeia, União Europeia) no bloco de integração regional latino-americano, MERCOSUL, tendo em vista ser um instrumento substitutivo do Instituto extradicional aplicado no âmbito criminal. Em um primeiro momento é tratado o fenômeno da globalização, da integração regional e sua repercussão no universo criminal, observando-se o surgimento de uma nova modalidade criminal, qual seja a criminalidade transnacional. Em decorrência dessa criminalidade transnacional, que abrange mais de um território nacional é estudado o desenvolvimento de uma cooperação jurídica internacional em matéria penal entre os países, com a finalidade de combater a impunidade. Assim, faz-se um paralelo sobre cooperação jurídica internacional em matéria penal nos blocos de integração regional: União Europeia e MERCOSUL. Adiante, analisa-se o mandado de detenção europeu, seu surgimento na União Europeia e o papel do principio do reconhecimento mutuo na aplicação desse instituto. Por fim, examina-se a possibilidade, enfim, de aplicação desse instituto no bloco do MERCOSUL. / This study aims to examine the application of the instrument of the European Arrest Warrant (which was created as a result of the breach of boundaries generated with European regional integration, European Union) in the block of regional integration in Latin America, MERCOSUR considering it as a substitute for the extraditional institute instrument, which is applied in international criminal justice as a cooperation instrument. At first the phenomenon of globalization, regional integration and their impact on the criminal universe is analyzed. From this the emergence of a new criminal mode, transnational criminality has been observed. Because of this transnational criminality, which covers more than one country, the development of international legal cooperation in criminal matters is studied between the countries, with the aim of combating impunity. With this, a parallel on international legal cooperation in criminal matters in the blocks for regional integration is made: the European Union and MERCOSUR. Before this, it analyzes the European Arrest Warrant, the appearance and development in the European Union and the function of the principle of mutual recognition in the implementation of this institute. Finally, it examines the possibility of implementation of this institute in the MERCOSUR bloc.

The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia is located in the Horn of Africa and bound on the northeast by Eritrea and Djibouti, on the east and southeast by Somalia, on the south-west by Kenya and on the west and north-west by Sudan. In a 2003 report, the Ethiopia Central Statistical Authority (2003:24) estimated the population of Ethiopia to be 71,066,000. The Ethiopian economy is mainly based on agriculture, which contributes 47% to GNP and more than 80% of exports and employs 85% of the population. Ethiopia nowadays governs under a federal system and due to the governance system there are nine regional states in the country, which are composed of specific ethnic groups. The regional states, which have a significant degree of autonomy, are Tigray, Afar, Amhara, Oromia, Somalia, Benshangul-Gumaz, Gambela, Harar and the Southern Nations, nationalities and peoples, which comprise about 41 ethnic groups. Hence, the structure of the police service in the country follows the characteristics of the federal system. Accordingly, the regional states have their own police service, which is responsible to the regional states and at the federal government level, the Federal Police Service (FPS) is responsible to federal government. / Police Practice / M.Tech. (Policing)

Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a viabilidade de aplicação do instrumento de Mandado de Detenção Europeu (que foi criado em decorrência da quebra de fronteiras gerada com integração regional europeia, União Europeia) no bloco de integração regional latino-americano, MERCOSUL, tendo em vista ser um instrumento substitutivo do Instituto extradicional aplicado no âmbito criminal. Em um primeiro momento é tratado o fenômeno da globalização, da integração regional e sua repercussão no universo criminal, observando-se o surgimento de uma nova modalidade criminal, qual seja a criminalidade transnacional. Em decorrência dessa criminalidade transnacional, que abrange mais de um território nacional é estudado o desenvolvimento de uma cooperação jurídica internacional em matéria penal entre os países, com a finalidade de combater a impunidade. Assim, faz-se um paralelo sobre cooperação jurídica internacional em matéria penal nos blocos de integração regional: União Europeia e MERCOSUL. Adiante, analisa-se o mandado de detenção europeu, seu surgimento na União Europeia e o papel do principio do reconhecimento mutuo na aplicação desse instituto. Por fim, examina-se a possibilidade, enfim, de aplicação desse instituto no bloco do MERCOSUL. / This study aims to examine the application of the instrument of the European Arrest Warrant (which was created as a result of the breach of boundaries generated with European regional integration, European Union) in the block of regional integration in Latin America, MERCOSUR considering it as a substitute for the extraditional institute instrument, which is applied in international criminal justice as a cooperation instrument. At first the phenomenon of globalization, regional integration and their impact on the criminal universe is analyzed. From this the emergence of a new criminal mode, transnational criminality has been observed. Because of this transnational criminality, which covers more than one country, the development of international legal cooperation in criminal matters is studied between the countries, with the aim of combating impunity. With this, a parallel on international legal cooperation in criminal matters in the blocks for regional integration is made: the European Union and MERCOSUR. Before this, it analyzes the European Arrest Warrant, the appearance and development in the European Union and the function of the principle of mutual recognition in the implementation of this institute. Finally, it examines the possibility of implementation of this institute in the MERCOSUR bloc.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a viabilidade de aplicação do instrumento de Mandado de Detenção Europeu (que foi criado em decorrência da quebra de fronteiras gerada com integração regional europeia, União Europeia) no bloco de integração regional latino-americano, MERCOSUL, tendo em vista ser um instrumento substitutivo do Instituto extradicional aplicado no âmbito criminal. Em um primeiro momento é tratado o fenômeno da globalização, da integração regional e sua repercussão no universo criminal, observando-se o surgimento de uma nova modalidade criminal, qual seja a criminalidade transnacional. Em decorrência dessa criminalidade transnacional, que abrange mais de um território nacional é estudado o desenvolvimento de uma cooperação jurídica internacional em matéria penal entre os países, com a finalidade de combater a impunidade. Assim, faz-se um paralelo sobre cooperação jurídica internacional em matéria penal nos blocos de integração regional: União Europeia e MERCOSUL. Adiante, analisa-se o mandado de detenção europeu, seu surgimento na União Europeia e o papel do principio do reconhecimento mutuo na aplicação desse instituto. Por fim, examina-se a possibilidade, enfim, de aplicação desse instituto no bloco do MERCOSUL. / This study aims to examine the application of the instrument of the European Arrest Warrant (which was created as a result of the breach of boundaries generated with European regional integration, European Union) in the block of regional integration in Latin America, MERCOSUR considering it as a substitute for the extraditional institute instrument, which is applied in international criminal justice as a cooperation instrument. At first the phenomenon of globalization, regional integration and their impact on the criminal universe is analyzed. From this the emergence of a new criminal mode, transnational criminality has been observed. Because of this transnational criminality, which covers more than one country, the development of international legal cooperation in criminal matters is studied between the countries, with the aim of combating impunity. With this, a parallel on international legal cooperation in criminal matters in the blocks for regional integration is made: the European Union and MERCOSUR. Before this, it analyzes the European Arrest Warrant, the appearance and development in the European Union and the function of the principle of mutual recognition in the implementation of this institute. Finally, it examines the possibility of implementation of this institute in the MERCOSUR bloc.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-18T01:17:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pereira_PauloJosedosReis_D.pdf: 1227497 bytes, checksum: d281da57cc7a47b8bc7b81c8685848fe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: O crime organizado transnacional (COT), apesar de seu papel crescente nas agendas de segurança nacional e internacional dos Estados desde a década de 1990, teve pouca atenção nos estudos de relações internacionais. As referências teóricas tradicionais desta área (particularmente da subárea de segurança internacional), bem como a noção estreita de criminalidade como um assunto doméstico e essencialmente jurídico, dificultaram a avaliação adequada deste novo papel assumido pelas atividades ilícitas transnacionais. Dado o pioneirismo estadunidense em tal processo, o objetivo do trabalho é analisar a alocação do COT na agenda de segurança nacional estadunidense durante o governo Clinton e alguns dos seus resultados, especialmente para a distinção entre as noções de segurança doméstica e internacional. Para tanto, fazemos uma análise documental e histórica, pautada no conceito de securitização da Escola de Copenhagen. A securitização pela qual o COT passou nos Estados Unidos pautou-se na percepção de ameaça existencial que este fenômeno criminal colocava a vários aspectos da nação, tanto sociais quanto econômicos. O "ato de fala" realizado pelo Executivo do país a partir de 1995, com a diretiva presidencial 42, foi aceito extensamente pelo público em geral e por várias elites sociais, uma audiência que conferiu legitimidade a tal processo. Três grupos de apoiadores foram particularmente importantes: a mídia, os especialistas e o Congresso estadunidense. O primeiro ajudou na disseminação da percepção de ameaça entre a população; o segundo auxiliou na quantificação e qualificação desta ameaça, fornecendo um conhecimento "cientificamente" embasado; o terceiro conferiu suporte político às iniciativas próprias do Executivo, bem como foi, ele mesmo, agente de propostas. O contexto histórico de liberalização política e econômica, o avanço tecnológico nas comunicações e transporte, bem como o fim do conflito bipolar, compôs um quadro favorável ao aumento do COT e à sua percepção como ameaça aos países e à ordem internacional nascente. No entanto, esse processo também deve ser creditado aos interesses de agências de Inteligência e aplicação da Lei estadunidenses, que, com o fim da Guerra Fria, buscaram redefinir seus papéis de proteção à nação. São expressões concretas da securitização o aumento de recursos, bem como a ênfase na ação militar e na internacionalização de atividades policiais que ocorreu com os programas de combate à criminalidade transnacional na América Latina, uma região que já era foco, desde a década de 1980, de políticas de combate ao tráfico de drogas, uma das mais importantes expressões do COT contemporâneo / Abstract: Transnational organized crime (TOC), despite its increasing role in the national and international security agendas of States since the 1990s, got little attention in studies of international relations. The traditional theoretical references in this area (particularly on international security subfield), and the narrow notion of crime as a domestic and essentially legal matter, hampered the proper assessment of this new role played by illicit transnational activities. The objective of this work is to analyze the allocation of TOC in the U.S. national security agenda during the Clinton administration, as well as to check some of its results, especially for the distinction between the notions of domestic and international security. To this end, a historical and documentary analysis, based on the Copenhagen's School concept of securitization, was done. The securitization process in which TOC has passed in the United States was based on the perception of existential threat that this criminal phenomenon posed to various aspects of the nation, both social and economic. The "speech act" carried out by the Executive of the country since 1995, with the PDD-42, was widely accepted by the general public and various social elites, an audience that gave legitimacy to this process. Three supporters groups were particularly important: the media, the experts and the U.S. Congress. The first helped the spread of threat perception among the population; the second helped to quantify and qualify this threat by providing a "scientifically" grounded knowledge; the third gave political support to the Executive initiatives and was, itself, an agent of proposals. The historical context of political and economic liberalization, technological advances in communications and transportation, as well as the end of bipolar conflict, wrote a favorable framework for the increase of TOC and its perception as a threat to countries and to the emerging international order. However, this process must also be credited to the interests of intelligence agencies and U.S. law enforcement, which, with the end of the Cold War, sought to redefine their roles in protecting the nation. The increasing of resources adressed to fight crime, the growth of military action and the internationalization of police activities that occurred in programs to combat transnational crime in Latin America are concrete expressions of securitization. In this scenery Latin America can be considereda region that was already the focus, since the 1980s, of policies to combat drug trafficking, one of the most important expressions of contemporary COT / Doutorado / Relações Internacionais / Doutor em Ciência Política

La corruption se définit de la manière la plus large comme tout « abus de pouvoir aux fins d’un profit privé ». Sous ses différentes formes, elle apparaît intimement liée à l’exercice du pouvoir. Cette dimension politique en fait l’envers de la démocratie, ainsi qu’un phénomène criminel particulièrement difficile à identifier, poursuivre et réprimer. Au cours des dernières décennies, elle aurait acquis une nouvelle dimension mondiale, rendant nécessaire une constante adaptation des dispositifs tant préventifs que répressifs. Cependant, le système pénal anti-corruption semble tributaire des profondes tensions générées par la confrontation permanente de la logique de l’État de droit à celle du pouvoir. Les résistances politiques s’avèrent nombreuses dans la perspective de diminuer les obstacles à une pleine efficacité répressive. Le juge pénal se trouve alors placé en première ligne de ce processus dialectique. Par son audace investigatrice et sa jurisprudence compensatrice, il contribuerait de manière décisive à faire évoluer le droit et, plus largement, à redéfinir les équilibres démocratiques entre pouvoir et contre-pouvoir. Sur le plan national, la justice acquiert ainsi une autonomie, une légitimité et une indépendance inédites. À travers la lutte contre la corruption transnationale, ce droit sous haute tension doit répondre au double défi de son efficacité et de son extranéité. L’approche systémique de la lutte contre la corruption permet alors de penser la cohérence d’ensemble des dispositifs juridiques, qu’il s’agit d’aligner suivant le même but : constituer une barrière protectrice pour le bien commun / Corruption is defined, in the broadest sense as any “abuse of power for private gain”. In its various forms, this phenomenon appears to be closely linked to the exercise of power. This political dimension makes it the opposite of democracy, as well as a criminal phenomenon which is particularly difficult to identify, prosecute and control. In the last decades, corruption has acquired a new international dimension that seemingly requires the constant adjustment of measures and provisions of law. However, the system dedicated to anti-corruption is seemingly born out of deep tensions generated by the permanent confrontation of the logic of the rule of law with the logic of power. There remains much political resistance to addressing the enforcement gap and remove the barriers to full repressive efficiency. The criminal judge is therefore placed at the forefront of this dialectical process. Through his investigative boldness and establishment of compensatory jurisprudence, the criminal judge contributes decisively to developing the law and, more broadly, to redefine the democratic balance between power and countervailing checks and balances. Nationally, justice thus acquires unprecedented autonomy, legitimacy and independence. Through the fight against transnational corruption, this law under high pressure must meet the dual challenge of its effectiveness and its foreignness. As a result, the systemic approach to the fight against corruption suggests we might think legal provisions in their overall consistency, with respect to their final aim: provide a line of defense for the common good

No description available.

This is an analysis that aims to measure the extent of Spanish and Dutch law enforcement cooperation on issues of transnational organized crime prevention. As major transit hubs for the international narcotics market, Spain and the Netherlands are of particular interest to Europe as a whole, but also specifically Swedish policy-makers who have highlighted the narcotics trade as a key issue in domestic criminal activity. As Swedish policy-makers discuss new ways to tackle organized crime, to which international criminal mechanisms are a root cause, it is of interest to analyze the extent of international cooperative efforts that are already in place in key countries. This analysis has used the policy cycle model to construct sentence rules in accordance with the method of content analysis to provide a measurement on the extent of cooperative efforts by Spain and the Netherlands with other Eu member states and Europol. This is done by analyzing Reports by the European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA) and news-style articles posted by Europol. What has been found is that Spanish and Dutch efforts in cooperative responses are generally extensive, though the kind of participation that Spain and the Netherlands engage in differ. Spain primarily focuses on cooperation between law enforcing agencies, while the Netherlands are providers of vital intel to police operations and wide research into the issue.

[pt] O tráfico de pessoas contemporâneo é um crime que gera cifras alarmantes para todo o sistema internacional de Estados. É o segundo maior crime do mundo e movimenta entorno de 150 bilhões de dólares de lucros para criminosos. É uma prática que submete mais de 800 milhões de vítimas por ano, além de ser uma grave violação dos seus direitos humanos. A existência de políticas públicas globais e governamentais, a criação de regimes e organismos internacionais que pensam soluções para o enfrentamento do crime, aliados à incapacidade de se enfrentar o crime de forma eficaz é minimamente intrigante para quem se debruça sobre o tema. A presente dissertação, se propondo a pensar as principais razões que justificam a existência deste crime, ainda que haja políticas públicas de enfrentamento por quase um século, identifica que dentre os incontáveis desafios metodológicos, a incapacidade de se monitorar o crime em âmbito global é o que apresenta mais risco de inviabilizar a implementação das estratégias de enfrentamento em todas as suas esferas, sejam elas de: conscientização, investigação ou criminalização. A incapacidade de solucionar o problema por si só gera inquietude e desejo por mudança. Foi pensando neste aspecto que a pesquisa se propõe a conversar com os principais agentes de atuação na agenda de enfrentamento para tentar alinhar discursos e identificar dificuldades similares para, então, pensar possíveis alternativas aos desafios desdobrados. / [en] Human trafficking is a crime that creates alarming figures for the international system. It is the second largest crime in the world and moves around 150 billion dollars of profits for criminals by the year. It is a practice that subjects more than 800 million victims every year, it is also a serious human rights violation. There are global and governmental public policies that think and creates strategies to the fights against human trafficking as well as international regimes and organizations that aim the same objective. That said, the inability to face the crime in an effective way is at least unsettling to researchers and public servers. This dissertation aims the reflection about the main reasons that justifies the existence of the crime. Even though there are public policies to fight it for almost a century, it identifies that among the countless methodological challenges, the inability to monitor the crime at a global level presents greater risk of hindering the implementation of these strategies in all its spheres, whether they are: awareness, investigation or criminalization. The inability to solve the problem itself creates restlessness and a desire for a change. In this line of thought, the research proposes a dialogue with the main actors in the agenda of fight against contemporary human trafficking to try to align speeches and identify similar difficulties to think about possible alternatives to this unfolded challenge.

The focus of this thesis is on Advance Fee Fraud (419 scams) on how it is executed and more importantly, on how it can be prevented. The research addresses the origins of AFF, the nature and extent of this crime and how the perpetrators are able to defraud their victims. The research described, examined and analysed the crimes, the perpetrators, the victims, adjudication and the prevention strategies of this fraud. Information was gathered through literature and empirical research. A qualitative research method was used to gather information from AFF offenders who were incarcerated in South African prisons in 2005. The results of the empirical research were carefully examined, analyzed and integrated into the various chapters of this thesis. A theoretical framework was also developed in an attempt to explain this complex phenomenon. The findings and recommendations in terms of the crimes, the criminals, the victims, adjudication and prevention were also made and some suggestions for further research thereof were also cited. / Criminology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Criminology)