The aim of this diploma thesis was to provide the insight into the issue of housework among same-sex couples from their perspective. The research was conducted in sense of feminist perspective, which main considered advantages are increased reflexivity in relation to power at all stages of research and more space for the perspective of participators themselves. As a basic technique for data collection semi-structured dyadic interviews with each partner of the couple separately were used, they focused on their individual construction of reality in the context of housework among these couples, but also on participants' thoughts about housework in general. Three lesbian and two gay couples participated in this research. The analysis shows that there prevails egalitarian gender ideology in the context of housework which corresponds to the egalitarian view of the division of housework among same-sex couples in minds of the participants. The division of housework within the participating same- sex couples was mainly governed by the principle of fairness of the distribution, which consists of an equal division of household chores and is affected by personal preferences and previous experience in performing household chores. Fairness of the division, however, rather than with actual equal division of housework is...

Through the lens of analyses of populist mobilizations informed by political sociology, this study offers a new perspective on tactics used by anti-gender campaigns. Specifically examining the Education Curriculum and the Enfoque de Igualdad de Género [Gender Equality Approach] in congressional debates in Peru in 2018 and 2019, this study uses a qualitative content analysis to identify central themes. The themes reveal tactics that sabotage feminist gains in educational reforms, spearheaded by Christian political actors. The argument is thus that Christian political actors use tactics such as coopting feminist concepts such as “gender” and re-framing it as “gender ideology”. This is an example of using “emotional epistemic loops” of information to achieve political goals, in this case advancing patriarchal Christian values and undermining feminist and gender equality gains.

Submitted by Eunice Novais (enovais@uepg.br) on 2018-03-08T12:41:09Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) JULIANO EUGENIO DA SILVA.pdf: 1495919 bytes, checksum: 835824daab7aac74078eaadc83d8dfd0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-08T12:41:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) JULIANO EUGENIO DA SILVA.pdf: 1495919 bytes, checksum: 835824daab7aac74078eaadc83d8dfd0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-04 / Esta pesquisa tem por objeto a atuação de políticos pentecostais e neopentecostais na Câmara Municipal de Curitiba nos anos de 1989 a 2016. O objetivo é explanar e compreender as práticas e representações dos pentecostais e neopentecostais acerca da política pública em uma Câmara Municipal. Utiliza como escopo teórico e metodológico aportes ligados à Nova História Cultural, principalmente os conceitos de práticas e representações. Dialoga também com a teoria dos campos sociais de Pierre Bourdieu. A problemática discutida se encontra nas interações, tensões, aproximações e ingerências entre os campos religioso e político dentro de um Estado (pretensamente) laico. Ademais, a representação política de setores religiosos em um ambiente e discussão laicos. As fontes consultadas vão desde a documentação constante nos processos legislativos, matérias jornalísticas, livros biográficos e entrevistas. O primeiro capítulo visa contextualizar a chegada e desenvolvimento do pentecostalismo no Brasil e sua relação com a sociedade como um todo. A segunda parte analisa a atuação de vereadores pentecostais e neopentecostais na Câmara Municipal de Curitiba no referido período. Por fim, a terceira parte analisa a atuação destes atores em um assunto específico: a discussão relacionada à temática dos gêneros, principalmente naquilo que em seu discurso ficou conhecido como a Ideologia de Gênero. / This research has as object the acting of pentecostals and neopentecostals politicians in the City Council of Curitiba in the years of 1989 to 2016. The objective is explain and comprehend the practices and representations of pentecostals and neopentecostals concerning public politics in a City Council. It uses as a theoretic and methodological scope ideas connected with New Cultural History, mostly the concepts of practices and representations. It dialogues also with the social fields theory of Pierre Bourdieu. The discussion dealing with the interactions, tensions, approximations and interferences between the religious and political fields inside an (pretence) laic State. Furthermore, the political representation of religious people in an laic ambient and discussion. Some historical sources are documentation constant in the legislative processes, journalistic materials, biographic books and interviews. The first chapter aims to contextualize the arrival and development of pentecostalism in Brazil and its relationship with the society. The second part analyses the performance of pentecostal and neopentecostal councilmen in the City Hall of Curitiba in the referred period.Finally, the third part analyses the performance of this actors in a specific subject: the discussion related to the gender thematic, mainly in what in his discourse became known as the Gender Ideology.

Submitted by Noeme Timbo (noeme.timbo@metodista.br) on 2017-11-24T18:05:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernanda Coelho.pdf: 962062 bytes, checksum: a40a933b33ec352ae44eaf3b688eb5bc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-24T18:05:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernanda Coelho.pdf: 962062 bytes, checksum: a40a933b33ec352ae44eaf3b688eb5bc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation deals with the gender-based phobia derived from the political-religious discourse of the "gender ideology" that creates obstacles to the sexual and reproductive rights of so-called minorities (both women and LGBT people), more specifically in the case of the National Education Plan (PLC no. 103/2012) approved by Law 13.005 on June 25, 2014, deprived of the gender guideline. Thus, the dynamics between the religious discourse and the exclusion of the gender guideline of the NEP 2014-2024 are verified. The main objective of the research is to characterize and explain the socioreligious production of moral panics (COHEN, 2002) related to gender through the formation of the knowledge of "gender ideology" and to concatenate speeches made by politicians of the Evangelical Parliamentary Front and of political religious leaders who evoked this knowledge also built by religion and use arguments that influenced the consolidation of said Plan sanctioned in 2014 without the gender guideline, initially included among its goals. Through bibliographical and documentary research, the theme of gender is presented as central to human rights and to human development itself and, therefore, the need for a gender education to deepen the increased awareness of respect for individuals. The political work of the evangelical group is analyzed in the NEP procedures as part of a resumption of conservatism that seeks to instrumentalize the state as the guardian of a predominantly Christian, patriarchal and heterosexist moral. The participation and religious influence in this processis, therefore, related and characterized as phobic with regard to the veto of the gender guideline, through the analysis of the content of the speeches that may denote the socioreligious production of gender-based phobia to corroborate with religious morality in the period. / A presente dissertação trata da fobia de gênero advinda do discurso político-religioso da “ideologia de gênero” que cria obstáculos aos direitos sexuais e reprodutivos das chamadas minorias (tanto de mulheres quanto de pessoas LGBT), mais especificamente no caso do Plano Nacional de Educação (PLC no 103/2012) aprovado na Lei no 13.005 em 25 de junho de 2014 destituído da diretriz de gênero. Verifica-se, assim, as dinâmicas existentes entre o discurso religioso e a exclusão da diretriz de gênero do PNE 2014-2024. O objetivo principal da pesquisa é o de caracterizar e explanar a produção sociorreligiosa de pânicos morais (COHEN, 2002) relacionados a gênero por meio da formação do saber da “ideologia de gênero” e concatenar discursos de políticos da Frente Parlamentar Evangélica e de lideranças político-religiosas que evocaram este saber também construído pela religião e se utilizam de argumentos que influenciaram a consolidação do referido Plano sancionado em 2014 sem a diretriz de gênero, inicialmente incluída dentre suas metas. Por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, apresenta-se o tema de gênero como central aos direitos humanos e ao próprio desenvolvimento humano e, portanto, a necessidade de uma educação de gênero para o aprofundamento da consciência ampliada de respeito aos indivíduos. Analisa-se a atuação política da bancada evangélica nas tramitações do PNE como parte de uma retomada do conservadorismo que procura instrumentalizar o Estado como guardião de uma moral predominantemente cristã, patriarcal e heterossexista. Relaciona-se, assim, a participação e influência religiosa neste processo, caracterizando-a como fóbica no que diz respeito ao veto da diretriz de gênero, por meio da análise de conteúdo das falas que possam denotar a produção sociorreligiosa de fobia de gênero difundidos para corroborar com a moral religiosa no período.

[pt] A presente tese desenvolve como tema as condições de acesso e permanência de mulheres oriundas de periferias urbanas, em específico, Duque de Caxias - Baixada Fluminense, à educação superior. Parte de uma opção teórico metodológica e ético política ancorada no método crítico dialético, que privilegia a compreensão da totalidade e não alguns de seus fragmentos isoladamente. Assim, o problema de investigação trata não apenas de entender quais as principais tensões e questões que envolvem a escolha destas mulheres por acessar a educação de nível superior, mas as estruturas sociais, políticas, econômicas e culturais que influenciam nesta escolha e em sua permanência. A tese se estrutura em três eixos principais de discussão que se entrecruzam de maneira dinâmica e complexa: territorialidade, educação superior e gênero. Tem como objetivos identificar a percepção destas mulheres sobre a existência de políticas sociais em Duque de Caxias relacionadas à educação e às relações de gênero e políticas sociais públicas voltadas para as mulheres bem como a existência de organizações sociais de outra natureza e redes de mobilizações com os mesmos objetivos; descrever o perfil sócio econômico de mulheres em cursos de nível superior em Duque de Caxias; analisar a trajetória de mulheres de Duque de Caxias cursando o ensino superior, as dificuldades que enfrentam, assim como o que facilita e/ou mobiliza sua permanência nos cursos escolhidos; compreender o papel e o sentido da educação para mulheres de Duque de Caxias e como as instituições formais influenciam nesta construção nos dias atuais (Estado, família, escola, religião). Como suporte teórico, baseia-se, sobretudo, na contribuição de autores marxistas na intenção de compreender a realidade social como fato histórico, dinâmico, complexo e substrato da totalidade. Desenvolve uma pesquisa empírica de caráter qualitativo e quantitativo, através de questionários e entrevistas semi-estruturadas com estudantes mulheres de uma Instituição de Educação Superior em Duque de Caxias de três diferentes cursos e, com o recurso da triangulação, procura cotejar os dados com a análise documental e bibliográfica. Os resultados da investigação apontam para a constatação que as estudantes, diante das condições objetivas e subjetivas na consecução de seus cursos de educação superior em Duque de Caxias, são submetidas a um franco processo de longa duração de alienação que redunda no enfrentamento contínuo de vivências complexas e não óbvias de grandes desafios de ordem política, identitária e material com o predomínio de uma violência consentida e construída ao longo da história da região em consonância com processos maiores de nível nacional. / [en] This thesis develops the theme conditions of access and retention of women from urban peripheries, in particular, Duque de Caxias – Baixada Fluminense, to higher education. By here is processing to a theoretical methodological and ethical policy option anchored in critical dialectical method, which focuses on the understanding of the whole and not in isolation some of its fragments. The research problem is not only to understand what the main tensions and issues surrounding choice for these women access to higher education, but can understand most social structures, political, economic and cultural factors that influence this choice and its permanence. The thesis is structured in three main areas of discussion that are interwoven in a dynamic and complex: territoriality, higher education, and gender. Aims to identify the perceptions of these women on the existence of social policies in Duque de Caxias related to education and gender relations and public social policies toward women and the existence of other types of social organizations and networks with demonstrations same goals; describe the socio-economic profile of women in upper-level educational courses in Duque de Caxias, analyze the trajectory of women in Duque de Caxias attending college, the difficulties they face, as well as making it easy and / or mobilizes its permanence courses chosen; understand the role and meaning of education for women in Duque de Caxias and how formal institutions influence this building today (state, family, school, religion). As theoretical support, relies mainly on contributions from authors Marxists intent on understanding the social reality as historical fact, dynamic, complex and full of substrate. Develops empirical qualitative and quantitative, through questionnaires and semi-structured interviews with female students of an institution of higher education in Duque de Caxias three different courses, and with the use of triangulation seeks to collate the data analysis bibliographical and documentary. The research findings point to the conclusion that students, given the objective and subjective conditions in achieving their higher education courses in Duque de Caxias, are subject to a clear process of long-term alienation that results in continuous confrontation of complex experiences and no obvious major challenges of political, identity and material with the predominance of violence consented and constructed throughout the history of the region in line with the larger processes nationally.

Si dans la littérature, quelques rares études ont analysé les aspects de genre dans les projets, il faut noter que la plupart d’entre elles ont mesuré le sexe assimilé au genre comme dans bien des travaux effectués dans l’organisation permanente. Pourtant étudier le projet sous l’angle du genre présente plusieurs intérêts. En effet le projet diffuse aujourd’hui bien loin de son berceau d’origine. Les pratiques liées à son management ont fortement évolué si bien qu’on retrouve de plus en plus de femmes dans l’approche managériale des projets (Neuhauser, 2007). Le projet échappe-t-il davantage à la culture organisationnelle ? Favorise-t-il le développement de nouvelles compétences managériales ? Dans tous les cas, nous reconsidérons, dans cette thèse, la question de genre et souhaitons répondre à la problématique suivante : quelle est l’influence du genre sur les situations de management de projet ? Plus particulièrement, notre objectif est de repérer les situations managériales potentiellement complexes, risquées ou improvisationnelles et d’analyser les effets de genre lorsque les acteurs travaillant en contexte de projet font face à de telles situations. / If in literature, very few researches have analyzed the gender aspects in the projects, it should be noted that most of them have measured gender equated with gender as in many work in the permanent organization. However, the study of the project under gender vision has several interests. In fact, nowadays, the project transmits so far from its starting point. Its management practices have so developed that women are more and more found in projects managerial approach (Neuhauser, 2007). Can we say that organizational culture does not deal more with the project ? Does the project encourage the development of new managerial skills? In any case, in this thesis, we deal with gender issue and we would like to answer to the following question : what is gender influence on project management situations ? In this research, our goal is to find complex, risked or improvisational possible managerial situations and analyze gender effects when actors involved in projects are obliged to cope with such situations.

Orientador: Jefferson Rodrigues Barbosa / Resumo: A pesquisa em comento possui o objetivo principal de analisar os desafios relativos à prática docente no tocante ao ensino da Sociologia no Ensino Médio, considerando o atual contexto político, social e econômico de insofismável ofensiva liberal conservadora no Brasil. Visou-se, igualmente, com o trabalho, analisar os fundamentos conceituais de gênero, identificar e demarcar as violações de preceitos legais constituintes do Estado Democrático de Direito por meio da análise dos projetos de lei, que pretendem instituir o Programa Escola sem Partido e retirar qualquer discussão à respeito de gênero nas escolas, sob a alegação de fomentar a ‘ideologia de gênero’. Neste sentido, finalmente, a pesquisa propôs uma reflexão sobre a aula como práxis educativa, como ferramenta política e educacional de enfrentamento do supradito discurso e de defesa do caráter científico da sociologia. A proposição teórico-metodológica alternativa para efetivar esta reflexão se pautou na “Metodologia de Mediação Dialética – M.M.D”, desenvolvida pela professora e pesquisadora Maria Eliza Brefere Arnoni. Para tanto, selecionou-se o conteúdo disposto no segundo bimestre do terceiro ano do ensino médio, do Currículo do Estado de São Paulo, qual seja: os movimentos sociais, estabelecendo um recorte das aulas que propõem sobre a importância do movimento feminista na construção de uma sociedade humanamente emancipada. / Abstract: The research object of this commentary has as main objective to analyze the challenges concerning the teaching practice regarding the teaching of Sociology in the High School, considering the current political, social and economic context of unquestionable conservative liberal offensive in Brazil. It is also intended, with the work, to identify and demarcate violations of constitutional legal precepts of the Democratic State of Law through the bills, which seek to institute the School without Party Program and eliminate any discussion of gender in schools, under the claim to promote "gender ideology." In this sense, finally, the research proposes a reflection on the class as educational praxis, as a political and educational instrument to confront the above-mentioned discourse and defense of the scientific character of sociology. The theoretical-methodological proposal to carry out this reflection will be based on the "Dialectic Mediation Methodology - M.M.D", developed by Professor and researcher María Eliza Brefere Arnoni. For that, the content provided in the second two-month period of the third year of the secondary school was chosen, from the State Curriculum of São Paulo, namely: the social movements, establishing a selection of the classes they propose on the importance of the feminist movement in the construction of a humanly emancipated society. / Resumen: La pesquisa objeto de este comentario posee como objetivo principal analizar los desafíos concernientes a la práctica docente en lo tocante a la enseñanza de Sociología en la Escuela Secundaria, considerando el actual contexto político, social y económico de incuestionable ofensiva liberal conservadora en Brasil. Se pretende, igualmente, con el trabajo, identificar y demarcar las violaciones de preceptos legales constituyentes del Estado Democrático de Derecho por medio de los proyectos de ley, que buscan instituir el Programa Escuela sin Partido y eliminar cualquier discusión sobre género en las escuelas, bajo la alegación de promover la “ideología de género”. En este sentido, finalmente, la pesquisa propone una reflexión sobre la clase como praxis educativa, como instrumento político y educacional de enfrentamiento del sobredicho discurso y defensa del carácter científico de la sociología. La propuesta teórico-metodológica para efectuar esta reflexión se basará en la “Metodología de Mediación Dialéctica – M.M.D”, desarrollada por la profesora e investigadora María Eliza Brefere Arnoni. Para eso, se eligió el contenido proporcionado en el segundo bimestre del tercer año de la escuela secundaria, del Currículum del Estado de São Paulo, a saber: los movimientos sociales, estableciendo una selección de las clases que proponen sobre la importancia del movimiento feminista en la construcción de una sociedad humanamente emancipada. / Mestre

摘要 性別主流是近代各國都相當關注的議題，無論制訂各項公共政策或討論與婦女權益有關的各項議題，都致力將性別平權的觀念納入。無性別歧視是為現代社會潮流所趨，警察人員是整體社會的一份子，自無法置之度外，而我國現階段所面臨最大的衝擊，應屬「女警政策」取消警察人力招考之性別限制，其女警比例每年勢必會提高，對於警察勤、業務推展及治安維護工作勢必有不同情勢之改變。而長期以來，警察勤務都在警察應該是專屬男性的工作之性別意識下運作，在性別平等的潮流中，女警本身的性別意識是否會影響警察勤務之執行，以及人數的擴增，這些因素並涉及「女警政策」的發展，因此，此課題實值得深究。 本研究採深入訪談法，計訪談12位女警，以探討專業警察機關任職的女警之性別意識發展歷程與認知、執行警察勤務現況及對女警政策的看法與建議。研究結果發現： 一、經濟考量，女性從警主因 女性投入警察職場，主要以以取得工作保障、家庭經濟因素為考量，而男性親友鼓勵女性從警，也是基於女警的工作性質大多比較沒有危險性。 二、價值內化，傳統角色殘存 在社會文化所規範的男女性別角色之下，導致女性從事警察工作仍處於相對不利的處境，女性依舊擔負家庭主要責任，而這也造成女警工作的限制。 三、女警勤務，實際與認知不同 女警本身對勤務編排的認知，大多能接受以任務需要為主；但單位主管基於女警安全問題，在實際規劃或編排勤務時，仍有明顯的性別考量。 四、值班婦幼，女警服勤具信心 從我國女警發展的過程，以往在保護迷婦迷童，增進到家庭暴力案件的處理、性侵害防治，婦幼人身安全防護等工作，卓有績效；相較於男女員警一律執行外勤警察勤務，尚須時日調整、適應。 五、女警招生，限定比例為宜 諸多因素考量，本研究發現女警人數，無須增加且應限定女警招生比例。 最後，本研究並依據研究發現，提出幾項建議：（一）支持女性從警，增強成就動機；（二）提高人的尊重，超越性別束縛；（三）建構專屬平台，分享執勤經驗；（四）執勤經驗智慧，需要累積傳承；（五）調整勤務規劃，加強機動與支援；（六）團隊模式學習，完善過渡時期；（七）重視人格特質，擘畫長遠願景；（八）性別主流策略，理論結合實務；及（九）限制女警名額，務實招生說明。 / Gender ideology is an issue that has received much concern from countries around the year lately, and they have, no matter if it is the formulation of various public policies or discussions of various issues concerning women’s rights, worked with effort to put in the concept of gender equality. For now, freedom from sexual discrimination has become the trend of modern society, and since police is a part of the entire community there is no way that they can be excluded from it. As such, the greatest impact we will be confronted at the stage should be of “policy of woman policy” as it has canceled the restriction for the recruitment of police manpower, and the proportion of police women will, for sure, increase annually, which will render diverse changes to various scenarios of police duty and business promotion as well as the work of order maintenance. For quite a long period of time, police duty has, actually, been operated under gender consciousness that it is of specialized male work. Therefore, within the trend of gender equality issues as if the gender consciousness of police women will affect the execution of policy, and increase of population that involve with the development of “police women” are most worthy for investigation. This study has employed in-depth interview, and 12 police women are interviewed so as to explore the development and recognition of gender consciousness of police women currently working in professional police authorities, current status in execution of police duty, and their view and suggestion regarding policy of police women. It is found with the study results as follows: 1. Economic consideration as primary cause for woman to work as police: It is mainly to obtain work security and economic consideration of family for consideration as women devote themselves into work. As for male friends and relatives who encourage woman to work as police, it is mostly because the work nature of police women is relatively less risky. 2. Value internalized, with surviving residue of traditional role-play: With the role-play stipulated socially and culturally for male and female, it has led to woman who involves in work of police women situated in relatively inferior context as woman would still have to shoulder the primary responsibility of the family, ending up with constraint upon work of police women. 3. Duty of police women – Gap between actuality and recognition: For recognition of duty arrangement for police women, most of them find it comfortable mainly to take duty as assigned. However, authority executives have, based on the concern for safety of police women, shown prominent gender consideration in actual planning or duty arrangement. 4. Duty for woman and children service – police women are confident with their duty: from the process of development in our police women, the aspects of their work has developed from protection of woman and children who have lost way in the past, to the administration of family abuse, sexual abuse, and safety protection of women, and significant results are observed. In comparison to male and female police who are, unanimously, assigned to work at the field for police duty, it will, still, take sometime for adjustment and adaptation. 5. Recruitment of policewomen should be appropriately set with proportion: With consideration of these various factors, this study finds that there is no need to increase the population of police women, and the recruitment of police women should be set down with certain proportion. At the end, this study has, based its research, discovered following findings, and would like to put forth several suggestions: 1. support woman to join police work, and increase their motive of achievement; 2. enhance respect for man, and surpass gender bondage; 3. establish specialized platform, and share duty-execution experience; 4. wisdom and experience of duty-execution have to be accumulated and passed on; 5. adjust duty planning, and strengthen mobility and support; 6. group model learning, and render transition period comprehensive; 7. focus on personality trait, and program for long-term vision; 8. gender ideology strategy, combination of theory and practice; 9. restrict quota for recruitment of police women, and conduct recruitment presentation in realistic terms.

‘Gender ideology’ is a term used by radical conservative congregations to contemn issues around gender, such as reproductive rights and gender studies, for it is seen as a conspiracy against traditional family values. Congregations that use the term also embrace other forms of anti-gender rhetoric as they aspire to influence decision-makers to adopt policies against gender matters, for instance same-sex marriages and transgender rights. As the discussion of ‘gender ideology’ is spread, campaigns against gender matters evolves. The campaigns are often focusing on whether gender should be discussed within, and be a part of, the education. It is a threat for the achievements of the Sustainable Development Goals 2030, which indeed focus on gender equality and quality education. The campaigns are seen all over the world but have become especially successful within South America. In Brazil, the campaign Escola sem Partido, has created a movement against gender and political indoctrination, where the term gender has become a central dispute for what is considered legitimate knowledge.     This thesis aims to investigate, through a critical discourse analysis of ‘testimonies’ from Escola sem Partido’s website and through collecting interviews with professors and students at a university in Brazil, the conflict about gender equality. Since the term gender has become a central term of dispute within the discussion of ‘political indoctrination’ at a high level of education.   The result of this thesis shows that the perception of gender reflects the perception of one’s education. The view on what is experienced legitimate knowledge determines whether professors are experienced as political or not. It is found within the ‘testimonies’ that professors personal agenda steers the education to involve gender matters when it should not, as gender matters are viewed as political. Moreover, that professors use their classes to systematically instill ideas and attitudes into their students minds. In opposition to this perception, it was found within the interviews that gender matters should be addressed in school. Universities role of promoting tolerance, and the value of engaged professors who allows critical thinking of societal issues, are two important factors for fighting prejudices against minorities, gender and varieties of sexualities and development for gender equality.

This thesis is a feminist reading of the work of Henry Handel Richardson (1870-1946), which considers her four major novels: Maurice Guest (1908), The Getting of Wisdom (1910), The Fortunes of Richard Mahony (1930), and The Young Cosima (1939). It proposes that Richardson foregrounds the work of gender ideology in her novels, and that her work is also conscious about its own fictional procedures. This thesis argues that Richardson consciously examines the ideological aspect of narrative modes, such as naturalism, the Bildungsroman, and popular romance. Moreover, it illustrates her attempts to invent narrative strategies which subvert the conventional assumptions about gender inherent in those forms. ???Gender Ideology and Narrative Form??? draws on recent theoretical approaches to narrative, ideology, subjectivity, and dialogism, to argue that Richardson makes the ideological shaping of her stories most visible through manipulations of genre, plot, narrative voice, and point of view. Aspects of ideology examined include the Victorian and late-Victorian equation of masculinity with public rationality, mind, public achievement, and genius: and, on the other hand, the association of femininity with the body, passion, and private or domestic spaces. The thesis also considers some of the values and assumptions about gender implicit in nineteenth-century scientific thinking. Henry Handel Richardson has been viewed as a conservative writer, in both aesthetic and political terms. By contrast, I suggest that she resists the moral and representational codes of the realist or naturalist form, and that her uncompromising oppositional strategy achieves a number of radical results. It exposes and criticises the masculinist bias of certain representational methods; it offers new ways of representing female experience; and it insists that the private sphere must be treated also as a political space in which crucial power relationships are at work. My approach to Henry Handel Richardson???s fiction opens new ways to see her work as the product of a distinctive feminist consciousness.