公務人員受委託行使行政權，享有身分保障和穩定收入，因而被視為社會體系的中上階層。基於此等特性，學者曾經提出代表性官僚理論與多元代表性等理論，希望能夠以此調和民主與效率兩大價值，達成政策執行的實質公平。然過去相關的實證研究，多半屬於「事後檢測」。但是我國公民除了通過公務人員考試之外，幾乎沒有其他擠身常任文官的管道，因此有關代表性或多元性的討論應該包括考試階段。換言之，考試錄取人員的人口特性值得深入的分析。本研究以2003至2007年的高等考試參與者為主要研究對象，輔以司法官三等考試的資料以利比較。接著，引用社會學「地位取得」的分析架構，採取指數比較分析與邏輯迴歸分析，探索性別、年齡、受教育時間、畢業學校特性、出身地域與錄取與否的關係。 　　本研究結果顯示，女性、非傳統公立綜合大學的畢業生、鄉鎮地區出身者以及41歲以上的考生在公務人員考試中處於較為不利的地位，但是與優勢團體之間的差距隨著考試等級和種類有所不同。例如女性在行政類與司法官考試中，與男性的表現平分秋色甚至猶有過之；剛完成高等教育的25歲以下人口在司法官考試裡最具優勢，但高考三級則有利於26至35歲的青年；傳統公立大學的文憑與都市出身的背景，在技術類考試能發揮的正效果比行政類考試為弱。基於上述的研究發現，為消除各種團體在公務人員考試裡的地位差距，本研究對於未來的考選政策提出下列建議：1.加強命題與口試委員的多元化；2.強化試題的研究發展；3.配合政府再造鬆綁人事法規；4.營造一個落實多元平等的大環境。 / Civil servants, with administrative power in hand, are commonly regarded as part of upper class. Therefore, researchers, to integrate democracy and efficiency in civil service system and to realize the genuine equality, propose representative bureaucracy and team diversity theory. Senior Civil Service Examination, the main approach, if not only, for citizens in Taiwan to enter the bureaucracy affects the representativeness and diversity of state apparatus substantially. By adopting the research approach of “status attainment” from sociology, this study gives an account of the relation between the examination result and the demographics in terms of gender, education, school characteristic, and region. All the data of this research is based on participators’ personnel information cards collected by the Ministry of Examination from 2003 to 2007. The result indicates that four types of participators are inferior in the examination, including women, graduates from private untraditional technological colleges, participators from rural areas, and adults above forty-one years old. The differences between superior and inferior groups, however, vary with the level and subject of examination. To prevent demographic differences in Senior Civil Service Examination, the study suggests the following factors be considered: the diversity of the composition of examiners committee should be ensured, the enhancement of development research of test questions, the deregulation of public personnel rules and, last but not least, the construction of a diversity-respecting society.

不純正不作為犯與作為其核心架構的「保證人地位」與刑法作為義務，長久以來是困擾德國與我國刑事法研究的深度議題，並是諸多學界重要見解發揮其精微論理的場域。然而，直至本文撰寫的今日而言，對於不純正不作為犯的研究雖已累積近百年的光陰，卻仍然難以跳脫循環論證、缺乏法理基礎的懷疑。 本文立基於我國與德國學說見解長久以來的偉大基礎，先行確認至今為止的所有議題討論都無法達到成功解決問題的高度後，嘗試以最直接的方式給予不純正不作為犯的刑法作為義務最為實際、具有共識的法理基礎，並借用於刑事法較少受到討論的「法律經濟分析」，將刑法作為義務作為一種社會制度的經濟特徵逐一抽出，並建構適合該種制度創造與存在的社會模型，最終就不純正不作為犯的刑法作為義務為何存在、如何存在得出基本假設，並就該種制度給予特定人民積極保護法益的義務，提出具有實際意義、成本合理分配的假設。 為檢驗本文透過個人與社會實際需求所進行之假設是否符合現代社會之實際需求，本文假設刑事法學界所承認之刑法作為義務與保證人地位，若多數吸納原屬於其他社會制度之人際關係，則多數刑法作為義務態樣之原型，應全部得透過本文回溯社會群體、個人需求的最初假設，而得出符合本文觀察之解釋。最後，於本文第四章之結論中，確實得出與本文理想圖像相契合之論證結論。申言之，當代諸多被刑法作為義務吸納之保證人地位，多數均存在本文所稱作為義務人得自履行救助義務直接得利之特徵，而使本文第三章所提之觀察與假設，有其實際論證基礎。至於無法透過本文假設所詮釋之保證人地位，如「危險前行為」、「自願承擔義務」，本文亦指出其法理基礎乃源自於第二章已提及不可論證之先驗性思考，而有斟酌其適當性之必要。 / Germany and Taiwan’s criminal law researching have long troubled derivative Omission Offences with its core “Criminal duty of care”. Until today, the study of derivative Omission Offences has been a hundred years, yet it is still difficult to solve the problem of circular argument and lacking of basis. Based on the great foundation of our country and the German doctrine, this paper has confirmed that the all the discussion so far has failed to achieve the goal of solving the problem successfully. This article tries to give the “Criminal duty of care” the most practical and consistent legal basis through the most direct way, by using “Economic Analysis of law” as Legal method. When we regard criminal law as an obligation as a social system, there are several economic features that can be used to answer our questions. Finally, we have the assumption that why Derivative Omission Offences exists and how it works, and this is a hypothesis that is of practical significance and takes into account cost allocation. In order to test whether our hypothesis is consistent with the current situation, this article one by one to dismantle the existing “state of protection”, and confirm that all “state of protection” are in line with our assumptions. In other words, all the obligors who choose through “Criminal duty of care” are to allocate the cost of fulfilling the obligation to protect. As for the “Criminal duty of care” does not meet the assumptions of this hypothesis, such as the creation of dangerous pre-behavior, voluntary commitment, this article also successfully demonstrated why they can not fit, and they are a lack of basic theory.

本研究旨在以回溯方式瞭解兒童過去的幼兒園經驗、家庭背景因素與兒童教育成就及其幼兒就學準備度之相關情形，並更進一步探討就學準備度對於目前學童在教育成就表現上的影響 本研究以問卷調查法進行研究，問卷調查樣本以立意取樣的方式選取臺北市文山區、萬華區與信義區之公立小學三年級兒童為研究對象，共387位，樣本回收162份，回收率為42%，可用樣本為133份，可用率為34%。研究工具主要分為三大部分，第一部分為瞭解兒童教育成就現況，分別使用兒童小三上學業成績與生活適應能力表現（自評問卷）做為替代指標；第二部份則以家長問卷的方式瞭解兒童個人與家庭背景現況；第三部份為蒐集兒童過去幼兒就學準備度的表現，使用兒童在小一上學期五個學習領域之成績做為替代指標。本研究所使用的統計方法包含描述性統計分析、交叉表（Crosstabs）與卡方檢定（Chi-square test）、皮爾森積差相關(Pearson’s product -moment correlation)、斯皮爾曼等級相關（Spearman's rank correlation）、t考驗（t- test）與多元階層迴歸分析(Multiple hierarchical regression analysis)方法進行分析。 根據分析結果歸納之結論如下： 一、過去就讀公私立幼兒園的兒童在教育成就表現上無顯著差異；二、就讀幼兒園年數與兒童教育成就無顯著相關；三、家庭社經地位與兒童學業成績有顯著正相關，與兒童生活適應能力則無顯著相關；四、小學時期家長參與與兒童教育無顯著相關情形，幼兒時期家長參與與兒童學業成績有顯著正相關，與兒童生活適應能力則無顯著相關；五、兒童教育成就與幼兒就學準備度有顯著正相關；六、「母親教育程度」、「幼兒就學準備度」與「生活適應能力」對兒童學業成績有顯著預測力，「學業成績」對兒童生活適應能力有顯著預測力；七、過去就讀公、私立幼兒園的兒童在幼兒就學準備度上無顯著差異；八、就讀幼兒園年數與幼兒就學準備度無顯著相關；九、家庭每月總收入與幼兒就學準備度有顯著正相關；十、幼兒時期家長參與與幼兒就學準備度有顯著正相關。 最後，本研究根據分析結果，俾供相關建議給家長、教育工作者、教育單位及未來欲從事相同主題之研究者。 / The main purpose of this study is to investigate children’s experience in kindergarten, their family’s background, educational achievements and school readiness by ex-post-factor research. This study tries to explore the relationship between children’s educational achievements and school readiness. By questionnaires investigation, researcher collects data from the third grade students in Wenshan, Wanhua, and Xinyi district in Taipei City. Out of 387 questionnaires handed out, 162 were returned, of which 29 were invalid or partially answered, resulting in a total of 133 effective surveys. There are three questionnaires in this study, including children’s educational achievements, parents’ socioeconomic background, and school readiness. Data were analyzed by descriptive analysis, Crosstabs, Chi-square test, Pearson’s product -moment correlation, Spearman's rank correlation, t- test, and multiple hierarchical regression analysis. Based on the statistics analysis of the questionnaire, the results of this study are as follow: A. There is no significant difference towards children’s educational achievements between public and private kindergarten. B. There is no significant correlation between children’s school year in kindergarten and children’s educational achievements. C. There is a significant and positive correlation between parent’s socioeconomic status and children’s academic achievement. D. There is a significant and positive correlation between parents’ participation in early childhood and children’s academic achievement. E. There is a significant and positive correlation between children’s educational achievements and school readiness. F. Mother’s education level, school readiness, and the ability of life adaptation are appropriate indicators in predicting children’s academic achievement. G. Children’s academic achievement is an appropriate indicator in predicting children’s ability of life adaptation. H. There is no significant difference towards school readiness between public and private kindergarten. I. There is no significant correlation between children’s school year in kindergarten and school readiness. J. There is a significant and positive correlation between family’s income and school readiness. K. There is a significant and positive correlation between parents’ participation in early childhood and school readiness.

Denny Roy describes the current political situation in Taiwan as both “peculiar and intriguing.” Roy also uses the terms “beautiful” and “beleaguered” to define Taiwan. These oxymoronic terms are natural reactions to the political turmoil and the economic success that characterize this island. The island itself appears harmless enough, yet it remains an indirect military threat to the world’s two most powerful nations: China and the US. At the heart of this threat is the question of Taiwan’s political status. Is it a sovereign nation in its own right or is it a part of mainland China? Taiwan believes it is sovereign and entitled to recognition as a sovereign state. China believes Taiwan is merely a renegade state and will eventually return to mainland China. The US is torn between foreign policies and relationships with both Taiwan and China and takes a rather ambiguous position. The result is decades of diplomatic wars between Taiwan and China with the US quite often caught in the middle. The purpose of this research study is to analyze and trace the origins and developments of Taiwan’s “peculiar and intriguing” circumstances and the consequences for world peace. This will require a detailed examination of the relations between Taiwan, China and the US and how foreign policy strategies and world politics have steered this triangle and the legal developments that have emerged. Certainly, conflict in the Middle East is a threat to world peace and security. However, no conflict or political impasse exists with the threat of war between the world’s two superpowers juxtaposed against one another as does the situation in the Taiwan Strait. A war between the US and China over Taiwan’s legal status may or may not happen. However, the mere prospect of such a war shapes and steers Taiwan’s domestic and international affairs. The focus on the colliding interests in and over the Taiwan Strait, automatically follow from the current status quo. For the second half of the 20th century each of the parties involved have gravitated toward largely incompatible goals. China takes the position that there is only one China and Taiwan is a part of China. Taiwan originally believed just as vociferously in the opposite contention and declared Taipei rather than Beijing as China’s legitimate capital. In recent years Taiwan has pursued autonomous status and international recognition. However, the greatest part of Taiwan’s population favors the status quo: rejecting independence and Chinese control all at once. The US is similarly positioned: acknowledging China’s one-China policy without expressing or demonstrating acceptance of it. Meanwhile the US has legally bound itself to providing military and economic assistance to Taiwan. These are the peculiar and intriguing circumstances surrounding the situation in Taiwan that motivate this study. / Denny Roy describes the current political situation in Taiwan as both “peculiar and intriguing.” Roy also uses the terms “beautiful” and “beleaguered” to define Taiwan. These oxymoronic terms are natural reactions to the political turmoil and the economic success that characterize this island. The island itself appears harmless enough, yet it remains an indirect military threat to the world’s two most powerful nations: China and the US. At the heart of this threat is the question of Taiwan’s political status. Is it a sovereign nation in its own right or is it a part of mainland China? Taiwan believes it is sovereign and entitled to recognition as a sovereign state. China believes Taiwan is merely a renegade state and will eventually return to mainland China. The US is torn between foreign policies and relationships with both Taiwan and China and takes a rather ambiguous position. The result is decades of diplomatic wars between Taiwan and China with the US quite often caught in the middle. The purpose of this research study is to analyze and trace the origins and developments of Taiwan’s “peculiar and intriguing” circumstances and the consequences for world peace. This will require a detailed examination of the relations between Taiwan, China and the US and how foreign policy strategies and world politics have steered this triangle and the legal developments that have emerged. Certainly, conflict in the Middle East is a threat to world peace and security. However, no conflict or political impasse exists with the threat of war between the world’s two superpowers juxtaposed against one another as does the situation in the Taiwan Strait. A war between the US and China over Taiwan’s legal status may or may not happen. However, the mere prospect of such a war shapes and steers Taiwan’s domestic and international affairs. The focus on the colliding interests in and over the Taiwan Strait, automatically follow from the current status quo. For the second half of the 20th century each of the parties involved have gravitated toward largely incompatible goals. China takes the position that there is only one China and Taiwan is a part of China. Taiwan originally believed just as vociferously in the opposite contention and declared Taipei rather than Beijing as China’s legitimate capital. In recent years Taiwan has pursued autonomous status and international recognition. However, the greatest part of Taiwan’s population favors the status quo: rejecting independence and Chinese control all at once. The US is similarly positioned: acknowledging China’s one-China policy without expressing or demonstrating acceptance of it. Meanwhile the US has legally bound itself to providing military and economic assistance to Taiwan. These are the peculiar and intriguing circumstances surrounding the situation in Taiwan that motivate this study.

本研究目的探討：（一）家庭社經地位、父親參與、母親參與對學習成就結構的關係模式；（二）運用多群組樣本測量模式，比較不同家庭社經地位（高、中、低三群組）學生其父親、母親參與對學習成就的關係模式。 本研究採用「結構方程模式」建立上述模式，並採用TEPS 2001「台灣教育長期追蹤資料庫」中9,141位國一學生（只以親生父母親同住子女）及其父親、母親為研究樣本。 本研究歸納出以下結論茲分述如下： 一、 結構方程模式考驗結果顯示「家庭社經地位、父親、母親參與和學習成就模式」與TEPS次級資料達到良好適配，表示家庭社經地位對學習成就具有正相關直接影響效果，同時父親間接參與對學習成就無顯著影響，而母親間接參與則有達到正向顯著影響。 二、 不同社經地位學生，其父親參與對子女學習成就無顯著影響，但母親參與對子女學習成就則呈正相關顯著差異。 三、 「高家庭社經地位學生的父親參與、母親參與對學習成就的關係模式」為良好適配指標，但是父親參與未達顯著性，母親參與程度則達正相關顯著水準。 四、 「中家庭社經地位學生的父親參與、母親參與對學習成就的關係模式」亦為良好適配指標，其中父親參與仍然未達顯著性，母親參與程度則達正相關且顯著水準。 五、 「低家庭社經地位學生的父親參與、母親參與對學習成就的關係模式」適配度指標最佳，但是父親參與仍然未達顯著性，母親參與則依然呈正相關顯著。 最後，依據上述研究發現，就研究結果與研究方法兩方面，將提出相關研究建議以供教育實務上及未來研究之參考。 / The purposes of this study are to explore the effects of mother and father involvement between socioeconomic status（SES）and their children academic achievement. The data of the public released core panel data from the Taiwan Education Panel Survey（TEPS）in 2001 was used. The sample was drawn from TEPS and was constituted by 9,141 adolescents who were seventh graders and lived with their birth parents in 2001. This study explores that what role parental involvement plays between SES and academic achievement, and uses structural equation modeling (SEM) to create a mother and father involvement model that affects academic achievement. In addition, the multi-groups model was used to analyze how the SES affects mother and father involvement and children academic achievement. The results are summarized as follows: 1. The test result of SEM suggested that the proposed “Model of effects of SES/parental involvement on children academic achievement” fit the core panel data well. This showed SES had direct effect on academic achievement and had indirect effect through mother and father involvement. 2. Among all the SES groups, father involvement positively correlated with children’s academic achievement but not significantly. Mother involvement showed positive correlation and significantly. 3. The model of effect of parental involvement in higher SES family fits the data well, but father involvements positively correlated with children academic achievement and not significantly. Mother involvement positively and significantly correlated with children’s academic achievement. 4. The model of effect of parental involvement in middle SES family fits the data well. Father involvement still positively but not significantly correlated with children’s academic achievement; mother involvement positively and significantly correlated with children’s academic achievement. 5. The model of effect of parental involvement in low SES family fits the data best. Father involvement positively correlated with children’s academic achievement but not significantly; mother involvement also positively and significantly correlated with children’s academic achievement. Finally, the study discusses the implications of parental involvement and suggests directions for future research.

University of Macau / Faculty of Law

University of Macau / Faculty of Law

University of Macau / Faculty of Law

IC(積體電路)產業是台灣過去三十多年來發展最完整、且在世界上最具有競爭力的創新型產業。研發與技術專利成長快速，也代表這個產業的技術創新成果。台灣IC 產業技術創新和專利的研究累積了一些成果，但較缺乏使用研發創新發明人網絡所做的分析。本研究使用IC 產業專利發明人網絡資料，從結構洞(structural holes)和地位訊號(status signal)這兩個過去西方半導體和生物科技等創新產業研究中，最能解釋創新行動者與網絡系統和創新表現理論機制的學術研究累積成果出發，並反省台灣特有IC 產業分工技術利基位置、流動型勞力市場，發展出專利發明人網絡對專利發明成果影響機制之模型。研究發現，分析結果支持發明人地位訊號、結構洞網絡理論機制有助於專利創新發明的假設。而比較特殊的例外是，上游的專利發明網絡，結構洞低的類型反而有比較好的專利創新。這是由於上游的IC設計產業技術特性，需仰賴同一團隊的人重複合作方能完成設計，所以大多與重疊的人合作，結構限制較高，因此呈現與結構洞理論不同的情況。此外，研究發現，流動並不一定帶來較佳的技術創新，台灣IC產業專利人才流動對於技術發展與創新的正面影響，較多是在上游的IC設計產業。 因此創新發明鑲嵌在台灣特有半導體的不同技術利基環境中，還必須考慮到不同產業位置的技術特性，與產業技術發展所在的階段，才能正確解釋台灣IC產業的創新發明機制。 / The IC (integrated circuit) industry has been the most complete, competitive and innovative industry in Taiwan over the past three decades. The rapid growth of patents in this field demonstrates the marvelous outcomes of technological innovations. A huge amount of patent-based research has been accumulated in this industry, but only a little is related to the inventor network. Structural holes and status signal are two competing perspectives in explaining the dynamic mechanisms between innovative actors and network systems of the most innovative industries, semiconductor and biotechnology, in advanced countries. We use these two theories and network data of patent-based inventors to discuss the specific niche of vertical disintegration and fluid labor market in Taiwan IC industry, and develop models on mechanisms of how inventors’ networks affect the outcome of inventors’ patents. The findings reveal that the hypothesis on the effects of status signals and structural holes in inventors’ collaboration networks on the citations of inventors’ patents was supported. However, the patent inventions of the upstream IC design firms, the collaborative invention teams seem to be small or high structural constraints. Most of the patents of these newly growing firms in IC design industry are specialized in consumption products. The structural constraints are high, but the impact of is large. Besides, inventors’ fluidity would not necessarily create more influential patents. The fluidity of patent-based inventors was positive impact to the patent inventions, more was found in the IC designs company. The IC industry has been vertically differentiated into three sectors: the IC designs, the IC foundry, the package and test. In principle, these three sectors demand different levels of technology. The maturity of technological niches will affect the impacts of the patents.

帝制中國的士人菁英與政府組織，其對民間商業活動的觀感究竟如何？關於這個大問題一個簡單的答覆，是學界使用了很久的「重農抑商」（或稱「重本抑末」）一詞。它由於散見於官員言論、政府詔令，因此說官員「有重農抑商的觀念」是一種很安全的講法，但卻也含糊不清，究竟這類詞彙想要表達的是什麼意思？具體的特徵為何？它和我們習慣上說的以農為本、農本主義（本文統稱為「農本商末」）又有什麼不同？學界一般不會去區別古時的「重農抑商」和「農本商末」觀念有什麼不同，或者認為，「重農抑商」根源於以農為本、以工商為末的偏頗思維，是比「農本商末」更為激進、視商業更負面的態度。但筆者以為不是如此，透過考察一個筆者心目中的關鍵環節──對於客觀上農業依賴商業的情形，官員有多少認識，我希望能說服讀者能重新考慮一些不同的可能性。 學界對古代「抑商」觀念的想像並不一致，彼此間對史料上的「抑末類用詞」想要表達的意涵為何，也缺乏有效的標準，至於這類用語本身在古文中的使用，亦不夠統一、明確。然而這些用語卻成了古人「抑商」、「輕商」的主要證據。首先，如果古人只是把「本末」的思維套到農商關係上，則並無輕視商業的意涵；此外，宋代官員認為商業不如農業重要，同時卻也十分在乎商業的好壞。這兩點先確認之後，筆者想釐清「抑末類用詞」的宋代語意，以及新法「抑末」的性質，勾勒出一個和今天重商觀念全然不同的重視商業模式，並解釋它的原因。 論文內容可以分作兩個層次。就古人對現實的認知情形進行評估，構成了本文的第一層內容。希望對於這些評估的討論，能讓我們對宋人的商業觀念有較「抑商」、「輕商」、「重商」這類概括性用語更為細膩的理解。此外，綜合這些討論，筆者也發展了一個推論，構成本文較為激進的第二層內容：「農本商末」的思維方式，它自身已是宋代重商傾向充分必要的原因（necessary and sufficient condition），雖然還可能有其他因素促成了對商業的重視，但這些解釋策略在知識上都是多餘的。 / What was the perspective of the government and the elite on commercial activities in imperial china? An simple answer to this big question is the term “Chung nung I shang”(重農抑商)(literal translation “emphasize agriculture and restrain commerce”), or “Chung Pen I Mo”(重本抑末)(“emphasize the root and restrain the branches”). Due to the widespread use of such terms in edicts or statesmen’s discourses, it is safe to assume that the statesmen held the belief of “Chung nung I shang”. However, the saying itself is an ambiguous statement—what is the precise meaning of this linguistic practice? What are its concrete traits? What is the difference between “Chung nung I shang” and the more commonly used “Agricultural Foundation” ideology(以農為本、農本主義)? In general, the two terms are not distinguished within academia. Some scholars that perceive the two as different believe the former to have originated from the latter. The latter views agriculture as root and industry or commerce as branches, whereas the former is a more radical idea that discriminates against commerce. The author would like to offer a different interpretation by examining a crucial question—how did those statesmen understand the dependence of agriculture on the commodity economy—one may realize the possibility of a different interpretation. In academia, the term “I-Shang”(抑商) can be interpreted quite differently. The actual meaning of “I-Mo(抑末) type terms” in historical materials is also very ambiguous in academic texts as there lacks an effective standard to examine the word’s usage. Nevertheless, such historical linguistic practice constitutes the main evidence that the ancient Chinese believed in “I-Shang”(抑商) or “Ching-Shang”(輕商)( literal translation “disdain commerce”). First, if the ancient Chinese simply applied the “root and branch” analogy to agriculture and commerce, there is no implication of a negative connotation. Secondly, even though statesmen in Song China thought commerce was less important than agriculture, they took the health of commerce seriously. Once these two points are established, the author intend to clarify the meaning of “I-Mo(抑末) type terms” in Song Dynasty and the characteristic of “I-Mo(抑末)” idea in Wang An-shi’s political reform and then depict and explain the pattern to emphasize commerce at that time. This study constitutes two layers. The first estimates the statesmen’s understanding of the economic reality in Song China. Discussions brought forth in this estimate aim to further understanding of their perception towards commerce beyond literal translation of the previously mentioned terms. Furthermore, discussions in the first layer leads to the argument in the second layer—“Agricultural Foundation” ideology(農本主義) itself was a necessary and sufficient condition that prompted the emphasis on commerce in Song china. There may be other factors that resulted in such perspective, but they are redundant explanations. / 謝辭 i 摘要 iii Abstract iv 目錄 vi 緒論 1 第一節、問題意識 1 一、「抑商」爭論產生的背景 1 二、客觀的經濟結構 3 三、「重農抑商」與「農本商末」兩個概念 5 四、本文的論證形式 9 第二節、研究取徑 11 一、定義本文的用詞 11 二、語言造成的問題 13 三、政治語境 14 四、章節架構 14 第三節、文獻回顧 16 一、中國經濟思想史 16 二、大陸其他領域 25 三、大陸以外的學術界 28 第一章 宋代以前人們對商業活動的觀感 32 第一節、先秦 33 一、戰國中期以前 33 二、法家的「抑商」觀念 34 三、儒家 39 四、戰國後期的儒家 40 五、先秦的趨向 44 第二節、西漢的轉折 46 一、對於語詞使用的懷疑論 46 二、漢初的狀態為何 48 三、輕重思想的形成 54 第三節、儒家重農抑商教條的形成 61 一、「抑商教條」的說法 61 二、儒家為何轉變 62 三、鹽鐵會議之後到魏晉 67 四、魏晉到唐代 69 第四節、唐代的變化 71 一、唐代原本的經濟觀念 71 二、中唐官員對商業的重視 72 三、輕重觀念的變化──新輕重論 73 第五節、對開頭問題的回答 76 第二章 宋代官員商業觀感的幾個特徵 78 第一節、「農本商末」的思維是否改變了 78 第二節、宋代官員是否重視商業 83 一、通商惠工之旨 83 二、政策爭辯中的政治語言 84 第三節、抑商說與輕商說的根據為何 89 一、抑商政策的存在 89 二、「抑末類用詞」的存在 94 三、對棄農從工商的反感──「理由A」的探討 108 第四節、宋代輕重政策與新法「抑末」的性質為何 118 一、背景簡述 119 二、新法的「抑末」是否針對的是大商人 121 三、新法與傳統輕重論有何差別──對漢代的歷史記憶 127 四、新法與新輕重論有何差別 131 第五節、「重農抑商」的觀念是否改變了 133 第三章 現實經濟結構對官員價值觀的影響 136 第一節、農業依賴商業的情形為何 136 第二節、官員有何農依賴商的言論 141 第三節、官員對農依賴商的各面向有多少體認 147 一、薄征商稅論 147 二、農村對糧食交易的依賴性 153 三、農村對貨幣交易的依賴性 154 四、政府對農民的購買制度、散錢制度 157 第四節、官員看待市場自由的態度為何 162 一、市場自由的爭議 162 二、商業的平抑價格功能 165 三、對阻礙、壟斷、操弄的觀感 169 四、空間上商品流通的自由度與效率 171 五、「農本商末」與市場自由化的關係 177 第五節、官員重視商業的模式與程度為何 180 一、模式 180 二、程度 182 第六節、一個關於農本主義的推論 187 徵引書目 191