不單僅祇是回溯威權時期國家機關、反對運動與主流報業的歷史，本文汲取各種相關文獻企圖開展關於「國家認同」問題的研究。國家認同議題的研究同時具有理論與實踐上的目的，它反映了近年台灣政治最重要的轉化情況，值得學界投入更多的努力去探索。 　　與其他文本及論述分析方法相較，框架分析更能揭露深植於媒介正文中的意義，並提供社會主體機制間（如國家、反對運動...）權力關係的深層描述。媒介框架分析同時也加速了傳播研究與其他理論傳統（如建構論取向...）正持續進行中的整合趨勢。 　　這項初探研究鎖定過去四年(1988-1991)有關台獨議題的各種媒介框架之消長浮沈情形。本文嘗試提供這樣的建議：每種框架均包藏了駁雜不一的「框架論點」，而且並非所有的框架都如過去研究文獻所稱是「預先定義好」的。再者，媒介場域存在的框架競爭本身亦起落不定，各種社會力各有擅場。因此，媒介框架的流變與複雜特性，使我們有必要透過接合媒介框架與更寬廣的社會情境，作為詮釋問題的基礎，進而再思國家認同議題本身存在的機會與陷阱。最後本文也提出了若干暫時的結論。 / Rather than simply retracing the history of the state, opposition, and dominant press in the authoritarian decades, I want instead to draw on some relevant literature to open up an investigation about the question of national identity. For both theoretical and practical ends, we necessarily explore 'national identity'. This issue reflects the most important transformation in recent Taiwan politics, and absolutely deserves much more attention than now. 　　Compared with other discourse and textual analysis methods, framing analysis is more capable of unfolding the deep-rooted meanings in media texts and offering a 'thick-description' of power relations between different social agencies, such as the state, opposition, etc. Media framing approach also has accelerated the ongoing convergence of communication research and other theoretical traditions. 　　In this preliminary inquiry, I concentrate on the ebb and flow of media frames that is on the 'independence' issue during past four years (1988-1991). I propose here that a frame has its variants of 'framing arguments,' and not every frame is so 'pre-defined' as some earlier researches suggested. Furthermore, there are many ups and downs in the framing contest. Therefore, its flexible and complex characteristics force my interpretation based on articulating media frames with the larger social context, and reconsidering the possible opportunities and pitfalls of the 'national identity' question. 　　The main findings are: 1. As one of media frame sponsors, the state remains a dominator within media discourses on the 'independence' issue, albeit opposition movement becomes main source of the dominant press. 2. Third party and reporters usually affiliate with the state, rather than political opposition. 3. However, media discourses around this issue gradually paves the way from the 'illegitimate' to the 'impossible,'signaling a structural transformation in identity politics. Especially, It's significant that Localism frame overpowers the long-standing Great China one in frame disputes. We are certain that ethnicity or nationality in post-authoritarian Taiwan has been radically re-constituted.

面臨嚴峻的商業競爭，報業老闆對新聞事業的想像或認知，關乎競爭策略的擬定，競爭策略是否能獲得新聞記者的認同，是報業組織溝通的重要課題，它不但牽涉到報紙生產商品、新聞的內涵，也影響組織整體戰力或競爭力的發揮。 本論文以2008年易主後的《中國時報》為個案研究，探討報紙的組織溝通與其競爭力間的關連。雖說是關連性的分析，但本文未採量化分析，而是著重如何「理解」組織上下層溝通與其競爭力之間的關係。 本文採用拉克勞（Laclau & Mouffe）的論述理論（Discourse Theory）架構來觀察組織上下層的溝通行為。溝通是一種語言符號的串連與建構，新聞事業具雙重特質，每日生產的新聞不但與文化、政治領域息息相關，同時也是典型的消費商品。作為一個商業組織，報紙每日面對生存競爭論述，新經營者亟思競爭優勢之建立，另一方面記者這一行也有其歷史形構的新聞專業論述，當這些論述與新的領導者蔡衍明先生相遇，會產生何種溝通樣貌？ 研究發現蔡衍明先生因米果事業在中國發跡致富，報紙對他而言是個全新的事業體。他對新聞的認知或想像，與上述的新聞專業論述有不小差距，這些差距在組織溝通上產生不少衝撞，致使組織的穩定度不佳，競爭力發揮有限。 如果說組織是一個語言符號的結構體，那麼新中國時報的組織體仍處於一種不完整的、有缺口的半結構狀態，從論述理論的架構而言，就是上下層的組織溝通過程中，始終未產生一強而有力的主導論述，以縫合這缺口。本研究之結論顯示當組織內的論述仍處於衝撞不穩定狀態時，其產出之商品難以建立差異化特色，競爭優勢亦難以建立。 / This thesis presents a theoretical model to address the communication behavior and competitive strategy issues in the newspaper industry, where technological changes have greatly increased the scope of competition. Newspaper companies are being confronted with market changes that are destablising successful mature markets, undermining long-term relationships with readers and advertisers, and threatening the sustainability of their business models. The pace of these changes is extraordinary, forcing managers, shareholders, and employees to scramble to comprehend the changes, to develop strategic responses, and to reorganize their activities. The thesis starts with the case of China Times Daily, which used to be one of the biggest newspapers in Taiwan but sold, in the end of 2008, to a successful businessman of rice cracker, Tsai Eng-Meng. Tsai Eng-Meng, now 53, runs the biggest snack empire in China. Want Want China is now unrivaled in the country’s rice cracker market. It’s not unusual for powerful businesspeople looking to ensure a public outlet for their views to invest in the media. The question is how Tsai Eng-Meng, as the latest entrant into the media market, can manage the newspaper as successful as his cracker business. In divided Taiwan, where pro-China and anti-China groups can’t agree on much, Tsai’s purchase of the China Times sparked worries about free speech in the society and inside China Times as well. Tsai Eng-Meng does not have an experience or knowledge base of how to operate the press. The employees he needs to communicate with or he needs to “understand” mostly are the reporters with expertise in news industry. They highly praise the values of free speech and impartial reports. These values can be regarded as the most important discourse evolving from the press history. With the analytical framework of Laclau and Mouffe’s Discourse Theory, the communication between Tsai Eng-Meng and the reporters is not smooth. Some events occurring in the first year of Tsai’s management reveals that the confrontation between Tsai and the news department is so harsh that even diminishes competitive advantages of the company. Since the communication behavior in China Times remains unstable, there is not possible to bring a dominant discourse in the organization, which will lead to a bad performance in ways of public opinion and the circulation.

第一章 緒論，包括題目界定、問題探討、研究動機、與目的及研究限制與發展等四 小節。 第二章 開發中國家的背景介紹，包括：開發中國家的社會、經濟背景、發展現況、 新聞事業及常見的報業型態等四小節。 第三章 國際傳播，包括國際傳播的肇因、國際傳播的現狀、國際傳播的問題、國際 組織的努力及國際傳播重要觀念的演變，共五小節。 第四章 開發中國家對國際資訊輸入所持的立場，包括開發中國家對傳播媒介所持的 價值、對國際資訊輸入的認知及對國際資訊輸入的態度，共三小節。 第五章 開發中國家平衡資訊流通的努力及展望，包括平衡資訊的努力及對國際資訊 流通的未來展望等二小節。