在毛澤東的極權主義政權之下，中共的中央與地方關係經過不斷地改變過程。不過，雖然經過「大躍進」和「文化大革命」時期的權力下放和中間的收權，中共的中央與地放一直屬於上傳下達的隸屬關係。到鄧小平時代，中共推動經濟改革政策，為了成功地實行經濟改革，在多方面採取權力下放的措施。其中最重要的措施是「放權讓利」的財政體制改革和計劃體制改革。其結果，在很多方面獲得成功，且給地方很大的自主性。不過也有負面的現象，而且這些現象成為阻礙經濟改革的主要素。其中明現的現象是「地方保護主義」、「諸侯經濟」等的現象。地方保護主義是指從狹隘的局部利益出發，採取不合理的干預手段和措施，人為地製造障礙、限制、封鎖區際間相互貿易，割裂區際間資源技術、市場等的經濟聯繫。地方保護主義對中央與地方關係的影響深大。地方的自主性擴大導致地方主義之抬頭，影響到中央宏觀調控能力之弱化。因此中共中央採取整頓措施，不過這些整頓措施反而阻礙經濟改革的速度，而且遭到地方的抵制與反抗。中共十四大以後提出「社會主義市場經濟」的概念，加強經濟改革的速度，中央與地方關係也隨著待重構。

本研究係以中國大陸「水路運輸部門」的「航港體制改革」有關問題為研究對象，係屬一種針對某一特定「產業部門」（Industrial Sectors）的體制改革問題之研究取向。 　　由中共建政至「改革開放」路線實施前的三十年中，其「水路運輸部門」在實踐上也浮現了若干問題，而隨著經濟體制改革，如何尋求這些問題的解決，即為1980年代初期以來中共推動「航港體制改革」之目的。 　　有關「改革開放時期中共航港體制改革之研究」此一議題，基本上橫跨了做為「經濟基礎」的航運事業、港口事業兩大「產業部門」（Industrial Sectors），又涉及到其「上層建築」的「政府機構改革」（航港行政管理體制改革）；在屬性上是一個典型的「公共政策分析」議題。 　　本研究主要使用「公共政策分析」研究法的「過程論模式」（Process Model）做為分析模式（analytical models）。經由「政策環境分析」及一系列的「政策過程階段分析」，據以產出「政策主張」。 　　綜上，本研究之主要內容，乃在探討（1）「水路運輸部門」的「航港體制改革」之公共政策分析，以及其中一系列的政策過程階段分析，（2）跨入新世紀航港體制改革進一步深化發展之可能取向。 / The subject of the study is focus on the related public policy issues that were regarding the shipping and ports sectors regime reform on the Reform and Opening Era for the Mainland China. The shipping and ports sectors regime reform are a part of the integrated transportation sectors regime reform, especially in the water transportation sectors regime reform. This study orientation is against the regime reform issues on one specified industrial sectors. 　　During the 30 years form the regime found of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) at 1949 to the beginning of the Reform and Opening Route at 1979, there were many problems existed on each developing process of the shipping and ports sectors. How to find the solutions against the problems, was the object to promote the shipping and ports regime reform from the beginning of 1980’s decade. 　　As regarding the issues of “A Study on the Shipping and Ports Sectors Regime Reform on the Reform and Opening Era for the Mainland China”, it is not only across both on the shipping industry and ports industry of the two important industrial sectors as the “Economic Base”, but also involved the government institutions reform (shipping and ports administration regime reform) as the “Upper Construction”, so that is a typical public policy analysis issues. The study will utilize the Public Policy Analysis Methodology, especially in Process Model to be the analytical models. Through the Policy Environment Analysis and the series Policy Process Stage Analysis, then it will output the Policy Advocacy. 　　As the above mentioned, the major contents of the study are including the （1）policy process stage analysis of the shipping and ports sectors regime reform, and （2）the possible upgrade orientation of the shipping and ports sectors regime reform during across to the new century.

本文撰寫動機，係以江澤民主政十三年為時間軸，探討中國共產黨在面臨轉變處境下，對於政權維繫的合法性挑戰做出了何種判斷與處置？對於黨的性質，做出了何種詮釋，且在黨建工作上，採取了什麼樣的變革措施？對於中共自身未來走向，做出了什麼樣的願景藍圖與評價？ 文中主要分析問題集中在：共產黨的政黨屬性；改革開放引發的社會變遷對中共政權合法性的衝擊；在政權穩定與一黨專政前提下，中共如何處理社會、國家和黨的關係；江澤民所主導的政黨改革，對於基本政黨屬性的「變」與「不變」為何。 附屬探討議題則包括：當前大陸市民社會、公共領域的發展狀況；中共是否已由極權體制向威權體制轉型；政治體制改革的進程與評估；中共所謂由革命黨轉向執政黨的論述作為；從嚴治黨、以德治國、依法治國的內容；三講運動的推展；中共在黨風、黨紀與反腐敗的實施作為；組織權力結構、幹部任用建制；三個代表重要思想的實際內涵。 本文結論為：中共在主軸堅持上有所「不變」：即思想建設、組織建設、黨風建設上都要服膺一黨專政的最高指導原則。在路線調整上展現出若干「變」的內容，包括以德治國；依法治國；社會主義政治文明；抵禦風險、拒腐防變；執政黨建設；三講；三個代表等。 中國雖仍是個超穩定結構；中共仍將堅持政治漸進主義，無法與經濟發展和社會結構分化的速度相適應；基層選舉、司法改革和治理能力將是其政策路線優先選項；黨內民主的實施可能性相對較低且落後。 / The motivation of this paper, under the evolution of Jiang Zemin’s thirteen years governance, aims to discuss what kind of judgment and reaction taken by the Chinese Communist Party, CCP under the transformation toward the challenges to the legitimacy of government, what kind of interpretations to the party nature, what kind of changes to the party construction, and what kind of vision and evaluation to the CCP future prospective. The major analysis in this paper focus on the party attribution of CCP, the impact of social transition inspired by open door policy toward the legitimacy of CCP government, how CCP handles the relations among society, state and party under the precondition of stability of power and one party dictatorship, and what are the variables and constants of fundamental party attribution under the party reform led by Jiang Zemin. The related issues include the civil society in China nowadays, the development of public field, the discussion whether PRC transit from totalitarian regime to authoritarian regime, the evolution and evaluation of the political regime reform, the CCP’s discourse and behavior of transition from revolutionary party to ruling party, the context of “run the party strictly”, “rule the state by morality” and “rule the state by law”, the promotion of three discourses movement, the concrete implementation of party style, party discipline, and anti-corruption, the power structure of organization, the regime of appointing cadre, the concrete context of the important "Three Representatives" thoughts. Although China is still a supra-stable structure, CCP shall still insists on the political gradualism. It cannot accommodate both economic development and diversification of social structure. The basic election, judicial reform and governing ability would be the priorities for its policy development. The implementation of democracy inside the party might be relatively low and lagging

本論文主要目的在引用華勒斯坦世界體系理論，來探討中共改革開放後珠江三角洲與世界體系資本主義國家接觸融合所引發之社會發展效應。 　　本文係採用歷史研究法與文獻分析法進行研究。內容共計分為五章：第一章緒論；第二章探討改革開放的緣起與戰略設計，藉以了解改革開放前中國大陸內外環境之客觀態勢與改革開放戰略設計，作為關照中國大陸實施改革開放政策而被捲入資本主義世界體系後社會發展之依據。第三章探討珠江三角洲與改革開放戰略的關係，使與前一章形成有機聯繫關係，內容包括珠江三角洲在改革開放戰略中所扮演角色及珠江三角洲捲入體系之過程。第四章引用華勒斯坦世界體系理論歸結出之農業商業化、工業化、無產階級化，及週期性循環等具體步驟來探討改革開放後珠江三角洲的社會發展。第五章結論，檢討引用該理論探討改革開放後中國大陸社會發展之合理性與適當性。 　　筆者發現在引用過程中兩者並非完全契合，需做修正，謹將不適用處羅列如次： 　　一、中共現階段仍是有一定效力的政府體系，與華勒斯坦所謂無效率、無效能甚至無力應付資本主義國家滲透之一般落後地區或國家有極大差別。 　　二、中國大陸歷經杜會主義洗禮，已對資本主義形成一定作用之反省機制後再與資本主義世界體系接觸、融合之情形，與華勒斯坦所謂一般落後地區捲入之情況不同。 　　三、中國大陸改革開放是在中共一定程度刻意設計下捲入資本主義世界體系，故世界體系之叩關方式與途徑和華勒斯坦所謂一般落後國家被捲入之方式不同。 　　四、中國大陸進入資本主義世界體系後，工業化未必發生在農業商業化過程之後，且無產階級社會出現逆向發展趨勢，故中國大陸進入世界體系未必完全依照世界體系理論歸結之步驟與過程進行。

本篇論文旨在探討中共與伊朗在各層面關係的演變，及兩國關係發展的限制。本論文的研究途徑係採取系統理論，透過國際環境、國內環境與決策者因素的探討，以瞭解中伊各項關係受到哪些因素的影響。 基本上，中伊兩國以「經貿互利、權力與安全」為主軸，分別進行各種層面關係的互動。首先，在中伊關係特點上，中伊政治外交關係的特點包括推動「反對霸權主義」、「反對單極國際體系」及追求「互利合作」。軍事關係的特點在於獲取政治與商業利益，降低伊朗研發武器的成本。能源關係的特點在於平衡兩國的貿易關係、確保能源安全。經貿與科技關係的特點在於創造對中伊兩國互利的經貿利益，促進伊朗科技發展。 以政策目標來看，中共對伊朗的政策目標在於推動與伊朗的國際議題合作；兩伊戰爭期間維持平衡的外交策略；促成兩伊戰爭的和平解決；鞏固中共對伊朗的政治影響力；推動中伊兩國在中東地區的議題合作；基於反對單極國際體系的理念，推動國際議題合作；推動與伊朗的國際議題合作；防範中亞地區分裂主義及基本教義主義擴張；增加中伊兩國在中東地區的議題合作；增加中共對伊朗核問題的影響力。在軍事關係上，中共對伊朗的政策目標包括提供伊朗所需武器，抵禦國外勢力的攻擊；避免伊朗遭受區域強權或國際大國的安全威脅；維護伊朗和平使用核能的權利。在能源關係上，中共對伊朗的政策目標包括平衡中伊兩國的貿易逆差；探詢與伊朗進行能源合作的機會；增加從伊朗進口的能源數量；爭取在伊朗的能源探勘計畫；增加中伊雙方能源合作的領域；增加從伊朗進口原油的數量；爭取在伊朗的能源探勘機會；增加中伊雙方能源合作的領域。在經貿與科技關係上，中共對伊朗的目標包括加強中伊雙邊貿易；增加與伊朗經濟合作的項目；促進中伊兩國的科技合作。 本文以政治外交、軍事、能源、經貿與科技作為實務分析的面向，並以三個時期為區分，分別是鄧小平時期(1979年至1988年)、江澤民時期(1989年至2002年)、胡錦濤時期(2003年至2008年)。在鄧小平主政期間，中伊關係以國家安全及權力平衡為主軸。中伊關係最重要的面向就是軍事關係。江澤民主政期間，中伊關係則以經貿互利及權力平衡為主軸。此時期經貿與科技關係、能源關係及政治外交關係則是雙方發展的重點層面。在胡錦濤主政期間，中共與伊朗關係改以「互利合作」作為主軸。此時期中伊的能源關係、經貿與科技互動成為雙方關係的重點，政治外交關係及軍事關係則退居其後。 綜觀中共與伊朗伊斯蘭政府關係的基礎，建立在中伊雙方國家利益考量。對中共而言，伊朗戰略地理位置重要，與中共同屬第三世界開發中國家，兩國歷史情誼淵源已久，都是促成因素之一。其次，在中東地區以親美政府為主的國家中，伊朗伊斯蘭政府反其道而行，抱持反美且不親蘇的立場，此外，伊朗能源蘊藏豐富，因此伊朗成為中共在中東地區的重要據點。 對伊朗政府而言，中共在以阿議題上，屬於少數較為同情巴勒斯坦立場的國際大國，同時中共反對現有的以美國為主導的國際體系、以第三世界開發中國家與伊朗立場相近。此外，中共在國際政治或區域議題上具有舉足輕重的地位，在國際議題上更具有實質影響力。 從中伊關係的發展，可以發現幾個大趨勢：第一、中伊關係的發展中，主導權越來越操之在中共的手中；第二、中共在盱衡整體國家利益下，對於伊朗的強硬態度，已經無法給予強力支持；第三、中共與伊朗關係發展中，能源、經貿等實質利益，已經逐漸取代政治與戰略利益的重要性。第四、中共有意透過國際組織的力量，給予伊朗適當的壓力；第五、中伊雙方互動在遇到歧見時，向來秉持「求同存異」、「各取所需」的精神，以不傷害彼此既有關係的前提下，以獲取各自最大的利益。 展望未來中、伊兩國關係發展的前景，中伊兩國仍會維持各關係層面的議題式合作關係。中伊兩國政治外交關係的未來的動向，將取決於伊朗內部政治的演變與伊朗及美國關係的發展，如果伊朗國內的激進派持續在外交政策上採取不退讓的立場，美國對伊朗的政策將趨於強勢，如此，中共與伊朗關係的發展很難繼續突破。但是，面對伊朗豐富的能源儲量與產量，加上維護能源安全已經是中共的外交要項，美國倘若對伊朗採取強制作為，中共絕不可能默許。至於伊朗方面，它必須仰賴具有傳統友誼基礎，又是聯合國常任安理國的中共在各項議題上為其執言。因此，即使中共在某些議題的立場上向美國靠攏，但是伊朗也不敢斷然與中共反目成仇。其次，對伊朗而言，無論在經貿科技上或者能源上，中共是個較能信賴的國家，伊朗不願讓這些實質關係倒退。短期內中共與伊朗關係仍將以經貿、能源為主，政治外交關係將退居其次。此外，中共也將持續維持伊朗成為中東地區制衡美國勢力過度擴張的據點。 / The purpose of this dissertation is to explore the development of China and Iran relations and to understand the factors contributing to the adjustment of bilateral relations. The writer intends to introduce system theory as analytical approach. The finding of this study is that the bilateral relationship between China and Iran is established on the mutually economic benefits, power and security. On the diplomatic dimension, China and Iran relationship is characterized by anti-hegemony, anti-unipolar international system, mutually benefits and cooperation. On the military dimension China and Iran relationship is characterized by enhancing Iran’s sovereignty and national security. China and Iran relationship is characterized by balancing mutual trade imbalance and ensuring energy security. On the economic technological dimension, China and Iran relationship is characterized by creating mutual interests for both nations and advancing Iran’s technological development. In terms of policy objectives, China’s objectives are many folds. On diplomatic dimension China’s objective toward Iran comprises promoting issue cooperation with Iran, supporting Iran’s independent foreign policy, fending off foreign intervention in Iran’s domestic affairs, ensuring Iran’s status as a regional power. On military dimension China’s objective toward Iran comprises helping establish Iran’s national defense power, helping stave off potential security threats directed toward Iran. On energy dimension China’s objective toward Iran comprises balancing mutual trade imbalance. On economic dimension China’s objective toward Iran comprises enhancing mutual trade and tapping into Iran’s market. In terms of policy instrument, China and Iran try to achieve policy objective via the use of a variety of policy instruments, ranging from diplomatic bargaining, high ranking officers visits, arms sales, military cooperation, military officers visits, negotiation on Iran nuclear issue, energy trade, nuclear technological cooperation, energy joint development, economic and trade bargaining, engineering contract, assistance in technology and funding. This analysis is conducted from several different dimensions of China and Iran relations, that is, diplomatic, military, energy, economic and trade dimensions. For the analytical needs, this analysis is mainly divided into three periods, from 1979 to 1988, 1989 to 2002 and 2003 to 2008. From 1979 to 1988 the central pillar of China Iran relations is on military dimension featured by national security and balance of power. From 1989 to 2002 the central pillar of China Iran relations is on economic-trade, energy and diplomatic dimensions featured by mutually economic benefits and balance of power. From 2003 to 2008 the central pillar of China Iran relations is on economic-trade, energy and diplomatic dimensions featured by mutually benefits and oooperation. From the track of China and Iran relations, several trends can be inductively identified. First the leverage is more favorable to China. Secondly China has reduced its all-out support for Iran’s militant foreign policy. Thirdly the substantive interests such as energy and economic ones have surpassed economic and strategic ones in terms of importance. Fourthly China try to press Iran to readjust the latter’s policy through the force of international organizations. Fifthly China and Iran will adopt the principle of ‘put aside the difference and pursue the consensus’ and ‘to serve one’s own need’ if there is conflicting opinion between China and Iran. From the process of China and Iran relations, some major limitations can also be identified. First the international environment factor, particularly U.S. factor, is a critical source of limitation. China has to strike a balance in its relationship between Iran and U.S. Secondly China’s decision maker’s policy adjustment is also a source of limitation. In the process of its peacefully rising as a responsible great power, China chooses to abide by international regimes and keep cautious in dealing with Iran’s contentious issues. Thirdly China’s long standing principle of non-involvement in highly disputed issues also hamper China-Iran relationship. Fourthly the dominance of Iran’s conservative faction has indirectly impeded China-Iran relation. The future of China and Iran diplomatic relations will depend on the development of Iran’s domestic politics and U.S.-Iran relations. China will not allow U.S. to take military actions against and Iran will not give up China as a reliable great power. Over the short term, China and Iran relations will prosper on substantive issues, while political issues will lose its importance.