本文首先討論權力平衡與政治均衡的差異。以Waltz為代表的新現實主義是力學式、演繹邏輯的國際觀；而Schroeder的政治均衡則是生物學式、整體式、歸納的國際觀。權力平衡與政治均衡構成本文的分析架構。本文採歷史研究法，以愛爾蘭為例，說明愛爾蘭在受到「國家」、「人」、「國際體系」的影響後，放棄抗衡的策略後，均衡的國際觀才為愛爾蘭帶來和平與繁榮。 愛爾蘭自十二世紀起成為英國的殖民地，累積八個世紀的恩怨情仇在二十世紀初爆發。愛爾蘭政治家de Valera採用抗衡式的經濟外交策略，即使愛爾蘭成為歐洲的乞丐也在所不惜。1959年接手主政的Lemass對國家利益則有完全不同的見解。取消閉關自守的經貿政策、大膽與英國簽訂英愛自由貿易協定，促使愛爾蘭在1973年順利加入歐洲共同體，開啟了塞爾特之虎的序幕。 文末則是回到兩岸關係的探討。台灣與愛爾蘭相似點在於，同屬小國且也同樣面對同文同種的強敵威脅。台灣或可以愛爾蘭為鏡，走出成功的小國國際政治。

1990年代以來，區域貿易協定的數目呈現倍數成長，發展到今日，全世界已約有230個FTA。然而臺灣卻因政治因素被屏除在區域經濟整合之外，將為臺灣經濟帶來諸多挑戰，我國若欲走出困境、強化在國際間的競爭力，勢必要有所作為。因此馬英九總統在競選總統時就以「與世界連結，參與全球區域經濟整合」為經貿政策主軸，而充分利用中國大陸現有的資源與市場，與其簽署區域貿易協定更是最具關鍵性的一步。經過多次正式與非正式的溝通協調，2010年6月29日，兩岸正式在重慶簽署ECFA，並於同年9月12日正式實施。 但從ECFA議題拋出到簽署實施，各界的爭辯從未停止，究竟ECFA對臺灣是危機還是轉機？是幫助臺灣走向世界還是被鎖進中國？值得深入研究，因此本文藉由國內外相關文獻來探討簽署ECFA對我國政治、經濟社會以及國家安全層面的影響，以增加閱讀者對ECFA的了解，也能成為政府推動ECFA的參考。 / Since 1990s, the number of the region trade agreements has been doubling, and until now there has been a total of 230 FTAs around the world. However, due to political factors, Taiwan has been dismissed outside the regional economies conformity, which will bring many obstacles toward the economic development in Taiwan. If our country intends to walk away from the dilemma and raise our competiveness, some steps must be taken. Therefore, while running for the presidency, President Ma Yingjiu brought up, 〝Links with the world, participates in the whole world regional economies conformity〞 as his economics and trade policy. By fully making using at the mainland China’s existing resources and markets, it was a must for Taiwan to sign the region trade agreement with china. After several official and unofficial communication and coordinating, on June 29, 2010, the Cross-Strait ECFA was signed officially in Chongqing, and implemented in the same year on September 12. Nevertheless, since the ECFA was carried out and signed, the debates from all walks of life has never come to an end. Is ECFA a crisis or a turning point for Taiwan？ Does it the help Taiwan to move toward the world or to be locked within China？It is worthwhile to conduct a research to clear out the doubts. This article dims to take a deeper look at how ECFA is influenced on Taiwan n terms of politics, economy, and national security. So that not only can the readers have a better understanding of the ECFA but also the government refers to it while the implementation of policy.

美國柯林頓總統於1995、1996年所提出《擴大與交往的國家安全戰略》報告指出：「美國國家安全戰略基礎在於擴大市場、民主社群，同時嚇阻與圍堵對我們國家、盟邦與我們利益的廣泛威脅。」。為了這一廣泛目的，美國須維持一個強大的防衛力量與運用有效的外交政策，以提升合作性的安全措施；致力打開外國市場與激勵全球成長；助長海外的民主並促進區域的合作安全等。 　　小布希總統2002年《美國國家安全戰略》報告也將「透過自由市場和自由貿易開啟全球經濟發展的新時期」列為國家安全戰略的一環。2006年的「美國國家安全戰略」重申自由且公平的貿易政策是第一支柱的一部份，透過自由市場和自由貿易來啟動一個全球經濟成長的新時代是其整體戰略之一；另一方面為了終結暴政和促進有效率的民主，工具之一就是締結自由貿易協定，鼓勵各國加強法治、打擊腐敗、落實民主責任。 　　美國的東亞政策可說重回「新現實主義」與「新自由主義」的雙軌路線。東亞經貿的發展與區域經濟的整合，更是讓美國看到延長霸權經濟命脈的新金礦。未來區域內的主導地位，將會取決於中國與美國相互競爭，這個競爭也許會是良性的，各取所需、各有所獲，但是過程中將會顯示這兩個大國經濟發展將在區域內的產生權力消長。 　　美國認為，中國在地緣戰略上是具有實力引起國際權力分配產生重大轉變，因此美國政策必須調和改變去掌控中國，以便維持及促進美國重大利益。但是隨著國際局勢變化，美國對中國的態度趨於務實，摒除與中國聯盟對抗蘇聯的思維，轉為全面性交往，但是強化其與日本等國的軍事同盟關係。 　　推展民主制度雖然不一定是美國的優先要務，但只要機會，美國總是鼓勵各國走向民主，因為美國人普遍認為，民主政體有能力抵擋極權擴張、便於美國行使權利、減少軍事衝突的風險。此論點乃基於民主國家比非民主國家更不願意發動戰爭之想法。在某些菁英人士心目中，保障及推展民主乃是美國重要的道德目標。 　　美國為確保國家利益及國家安全戰略總體指導，後冷戰時期美國在東亞區域經濟、軍事、政治安全等領域維護將更為重視，並力求主導區域安全相關議題制定、運作機制和秩序規範。 / US president Clinton points out a topic “Enlargement and Engagement” in the National Security Strategy Report, it says “United States National Security Strategy is based on enlargement the market and diplomatic social groups, simultaneously deter and stop any threat that will disadvantage out nation and allied nations.” For this general purpose, United States has to sustain a strong defense power and utilize diplomatic to improve the cooperation of security measures, endeavor in open foreign market, incentive global economic growth, diplomatic nations growth, and area security cooperation, etc. 　　President George Bush also point out “use free market and free trading to open the new growth of global economic era” from the National Security Strategy Report in 2002. It restated free and fair trading policy plays a big portion in 2006. Through free market and free trading to initiate a new era of global economic growth is part of the plan. The tool of terminating tyranny and effective the diplomatic is making a trade policy to encourage other nations stop crime and corruption. Play the role of democracy country. 　　United States Eastern Asia policy is back to theory of “neo-realism” and “neo-liberalism” two axis. The development of Eastern Asia Trade and Integration of Area Economic are the new vault for United States to prolong his sovereign rule in economic. The future leading nation of the area depends on China and United States competition. It maybe positive, each gains his own benefits, but the process will show the grow or diminish of these two nations economic growth within the area. 　　United States think that China’s regional strategy is very powerful which makes the change of international power distribution, so that U.S. has to adjust the policy to facilitate the U.S. key interests. But, along the change of international situation, the U.S. attitude with China turns out to be more practical. It changes the idea of allied with China against Soviet to fully engage with China in all perspectives. In addition, it strengths the military allied relationship with Japan and eastern Asia countries. 　　To popularize the democracy is not the first priority of United States. If there is a chance, U.S. will always encourage all countries toward democracy. American think that democratic system can stop the extremity system expand, which ease U.S. use his privilege and reduce military conflict risk. This is based on democratic nation is more unwilling to start a war than any other nations. In certain elites’ mind, that the goal of U.S. ethics is to ensure and improve democratic. 　　After cold war era based on U.S. interest, United States is more emphasize on the Eastern Asia’s economic, military, and political security, and endeavor on leading the area security.

中國服務業近年來成長迅速，服務貿易額占世界比重亦愈來愈高，且截至2012年10月為止，中國已與香港、澳門、東協、新加坡、紐西蘭、智利、巴基斯坦、秘魯及哥斯大黎加等國家和地區簽署雙邊服務貿易協定，積極對外開放服務業市場。目前臺灣正與中國進行ECFA服務貿易協定的協商談判，因此深化研究中國服務業對外開放的戰略，以及分析中國至今已簽署之所有服務貿易協定的承諾內容與開放程度，是臺灣當前重要經貿課題之一。 本文使用文獻分析法探究中國服務業對外開放的戰略與政策，同時採用Marchetti and Roy（2008）的量化分析法，計算中國目前所有服務貿易協定之開放程度，並探討中國各大部門之開放情形，得到許多重要結論。首先，本文認為中國在服務業對外開放的戰略面和政策面實為相互呼應，於2001年加入WTO之後即全面擴大服務業的對外開放，並且日益重視服務貿易的發展，特別是新興服務貿易。其次，儘管中國於雙邊簽署許多服務貿易協定，但除了對香港（和澳門）新增約10.7%的開放程度之外，其餘國家平均僅新增2.6%的開放程度，可見中國實質開放程度並不高。另外，本文亦發現中國在採礦相關、醫院和旅遊等服務部門，會視部門類型之不同，決定不同之開放對象。最後，文末整理臺灣應於ECFA服務貿易談判盡力爭取開放之部門，並提出若干談判策略建議。 / In recent years, China has made remarkable progress in developing its service industry, and its proportion of trade in services in the world has risen significantly. Until October 2012, China has already signed nine bilateral agreements on trade in services with Hong Kong, Macao, ASEAN, Singapore, New Zealand, Chile, Pakistan, Peru and Costa Rica, showing its activeness and resolution to open up the services market. Taiwan is also negotiating with China about the negotiation of trade in services. Therefore, to understand China’s opening-up strategy and analyze both the content of commitments and the degree of openness in all agreements on trade in services China have signed, have become one of the major economic issues for Taiwan’s government. This thesis used literature analysis method to explore China’s opening-up strategies and policies in its service industry, and applied the quantitative method based on Marchetti and Roy(2008) to calculate the degree of openness in all agreements on trade in services China have signed. Meanwhile, the current situation of China’s service sectors was examined separately. There are three principal findings. First of all, China’s opening-up strategy in service industry is very consistent to its policies. Since China joined the WTO in 2001, it has not only significantly opened up its services market, but also made more efforts into the development of trade in services, especially the emerging sectors. Second, although China has signed many bilateral agreements on trade in services, the real degree of openness is not high. Except Hong Kong (and Macau), which gets approximately 10.7 percentages more in the degree of openness stipulated in the WTO agreement, the rest of countries only get 2.6 percentages more degree of the openness in average. Third, for particular purposes, China would give different treatment to different countries in service industries like services incidental to mining, hospital services, and touristic services. Finally, this thesis lists some service sectors, which Taiwan should strive for China’s opening-up on the negotiation of Trade in Services, and provides some suggestions for negotiation strategy.

近年來雙邊甚或區域間簽訂自由貿易協定之風盛行，本文欲探討其影響。參考Caliendo and Parro(2015)的方法，以考慮部門異質性、投入產出連結以及中間財貿易之模型，計算1995-2013年間三個模型的福利效果。旨在分別檢視1995-2005年間WTO成立十年之影響、2005-2013年間全球120份自由貿易協定生效之效果，以及韓國此段期間內簽訂自由貿易協定之成果。本文結果顯示，WTO於1995年成立至其後10年間，確實為會員國帶來正面影響，總體而言，多數國家福利效果變動率為正。到了2005-2013年，全球有120份區域貿易協定生效，亦提升多數國家的福利，然成長幅度不如1995-2005來的顯著。惟韓國受惠於其簽訂自由貿易協定的成效，福利成長得與先前維持相近水準。此外，透過不同模型間的比較，本文發現各模型間的福利效果有明顯差異，顯示現今複雜的國際分工鏈下，完善考量部門間的互動因素實為衡量國際貿易效果的重要課題。

世界各國在經過亞洲金融危機、次貸風暴、歐債危機…等事件後，經濟遭受重創，各國為求經濟成長，區域經濟整合(Regional Economic Integration,REI)逐漸盛行成為趨勢，透過自由貿易協定（Free Trade Agreement, FTA）盼能吸引外資熱錢長期投資以增進成長動能，於是藉由規劃自由經濟區（Free Economic Zone,FEZ）做為貿易競爭的工具，以提昇國家競爭力。 我國因特殊的政治因素及獨特的地理環境因素，導致加入國際組織的困難及必須依靠對外貿易以獲得資源。自由經濟示範區（Taiwan Free Economic Pilot Zones, TFEPZ）的推動代表著政府想引進外資邁向國際化的決心，但在面對國際政治困境、經濟邊緣化、政府朝野對立的情況下，政策及法規的鬆綁與否成為立法院朝野互相攻防的要點。 本研究藉由在貿易上與我國在國際間既合作又競爭且具有密切關係的中國大陸、韓國、日本等三國，藉由研究其自由貿易區政策之內容及推動現況，與我國政策進行比較分析，期能發現不足之處，進而參考借鏡提出相關建議，期許其未來發展得以更臻完善。 / The world's economy has been plagued by a series of financial disasters in recent years, including the Asian financial crisis, subprime mortgage crisis, and the European debt crisis. To revive economy, countries around the world have been seeking deeper cooperation through regional economic integration (REI). Governments have signed free trade agreements (FTA) to draw long-term foreign investments in an attempt to jumpstart growth. They have established free economic zones (FEZ) to boost international trades and improve national competitiveness. However, due to political and geological environment, Taiwan faces a great challenge when trying to join international organizations. Besides, the country has to rely on international trades to acquire necessary resources for growth. The launch of Taiwan Free Economic Pilot Zones (TFEPZ) demonstrates the government's determination to attract foreign investments and play a more important role in the global economy. Yet, given the international political hurdles, risks of economic marginalization, and constant gridlock between the ruling party and the opposition parties in Taiwan, it will be a great challenge for the Legislative Yuan to relax related regulations after a series of fierce debates. This research investigates policies and implementation results of FTZs in South Korea, Japan, and Mainland China—one of Taiwan's close trade partner and competitor. By analyzing and comparing FTZ policies in Taiwan, Mainland China, South Korea, and Japan, this research aims to find some aspects of improvement and provide constructive suggestions for the better development of Taiwan Free Economic Pilot Zones.

自由貿易有利有弊，一方面為國內經濟的出口優勢產業開拓新市場，另一方面伴隨著撤除各種貿易壁壘措施，將會使國內弱勢、內需產業遭到衝擊，無法避免國外進口不斷增加帶來的傷害。因此在自由貿易過程中，政府如何制訂對進口競爭引起衝擊的相關救濟問題與貿易調整協助措施，或是補償措施逐漸受到重視，例如美國自1962年開始採取的貿易援助法案(Trade Adjustment Assistance, TAA)，後改為貿易調整協助方案，旨在透過協助方式協助貿易自由化下容易受到衝擊的產業與勞工，而韓國也因簽訂美韓 FTA 而制定相似的救濟政策。 本文以韓美FTA作為個案討論，研究發現以韓國角度來看，韓美FTA簽訂快速的原因包含政府及人民的大多數支持、韓國政府對受衝擊產業制定各項因應措施等因素。而這些因應措施無論是在談判階段或是協議簽訂後，都不斷在修正與制定，以達到符合協助受衝擊產業之目的。 / Free trade is accompanied by advantages and disadvantages, it could expand new markets for the export advantageous industries; on the other hand, it could affect the disadvantageous minority industries while removing trade barriers.　Thus, it is important how the government sets up the countermeasures or the indemnify measures to ease the harm that foreign import products bring. For instance, the United States have adopted Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA) since 1962, it is meant to assist industries and workers that are affected by free trade. South Korea has established similar countermeasures since KORUS FTA was concluded. This study is a case study of KORUS FTA . It shows that from South Korea’s perspective, it has support among government and people, Korean government has established countermeasures for the affected industries, and all these factors made KOURS FTA took less time to sign than South Korea’s most FTAs. These countermeasures were being amended during the negotiation process and after the FTA was concluded, in order to achieve the goal of assisting affected industries.

民用航空器貿易之「AB大戰」，係指歐盟空中巴士公司（Airbus）與美國波音公司（Boeing）為了爭取訂單，聯合其母國政府，對民用航空器採購商之政府施加壓力，因而引發的貿易爭端，這也正是WTO民用航空器貿易協定（Agreement on Trade in Civil Aircraft ）制定之背景。 我國自二○○二年二月一日正式簽署上述協定，自應遵守該協定第4條禁止使用不合理壓力與誘因影響購機決定之規定。不料同年華航中程客機之採購，卻引發歐盟指控有違前述規定。事件最後在華航宣佈同時向波音、空中巴士購機後落幕，但也顯見AB大戰並未因民用航空器貿易協定之出爐而停息。 由於民用航空器產業目前最大者即為歐美之A、B兩大生產廠商，一旦一造在爭取訂單時，採取了違反民用航空器貿易協定第4條之手段，且得以因控方難以舉証其之違反而免於任何後果，則根據賽局理論，另一造必也會採取相仿之謀略。 根據上述的發現，華航未來的購機，難免會再度陷入腹背受脅、受誘的困境，不過由於舉證責任之困難，美、歐應不致對我國訴諸爭端解決，愈發突顯民用航空器貿易協定第4條規範功能之有限。 / Airbus and Boeing have long been in trade conflict, also known as the “AB War”, under which both companies unite their respective governments to exert pressure on the governments of countries which procure civil aircraft, all for the purpose of securing contracts. It is also the background behind the adapt of the Agreement on Trade in Civil Aircraft. Taiwan became official signatory of the Agreement on Trade in Civil Aircraft on Feb.1, 2002. As a signatory, Taiwan should obey the rules of Article 4 which forbids using unreasonable pressure and inducement to affect decisions on aircraft procurement. However, the procurement of aircraft by China Airlines at the same year was accused by the EU of violating the rule discussed above. The dispute ended finally after China Airlines announced that it would procure aircraft from both of these companies. It also reveals that this war has not been finished even with the existence of the agreement. Airbus and Boeing are the biggest manufacturers in world’s civil aircraft industry. If one of them adopts measures violating Article 4 of the agreement, and is relieved from any consequences because the plaintiff cannot prove the disobedience, the rival side would undoubtedly, at the time, according to the game theory, the take the same strategy. According to the discovery above, in the future the China Airlines will unavoidably fall into same dilemma of being threatened and induced by the manufacturers. However, It is believed that U.S and EU would not easily seek settlement of controversies considering the difficulty in producing proof. It also discloses that the function of Article 4 is obviously limited.

多邊主義下帶動之「全球化」及區域主義下所帶動之「區域化」皆已成為現階段國際經貿發展的兩股重要潮流，透過洽簽自由貿易協定所達到之區域經濟整合，在區域內可消除絕大部份之關稅及非關稅貿易障礙，預計將有助於增進會員國間之貿易量，形成貿易創造效果，而或對於非會員國造成貿易轉向效果。故其將影響國際貿易的流向，國際資源的重分配，進而改變國際分工型態。 為瞭解區域經濟整合對於貿易流量的影響，本文首先將就區域經濟整合之定義與法源、區域經濟整合發展與現況、及台灣與各主要區域經濟整合之貿易概況進行概述。鑒於引力模型可有效的分析雙邊的貿易流量，本文針對該模型之相關文獻及實證歸納與整理，並利用引力模型，選擇全球六個重要區域經濟組織包括北美自由貿易區、歐盟、東協自由貿易區、南方共同市場、安地略集團及紐澳緊密關係協定等區域共計37個國家，以設定虛擬變數之方式實證1990年至2003年長達13年間各區域經濟整合的過程中，其對於區內會員國及對非屬會員國進、出口貿易流量之影響，特別是整合過程中對台灣是否產生貿易轉向之現象進行實證研究，並分析影響貿易流量之因素。 本實證研究發現影響二國間貿易流量的因素分別為出、進口國之國民生產毛額及人均國民生產毛額，以及距離。區域經濟整合具有明顯的貿易創造效果，而貿易轉向效果則隨經濟整合的緊密程度、區域內產業分工型態及與區域外國家出、進口結構及產業間相互競合程度不一而產生不同的影響。在上述六個區域經濟整合中，北美自由貿易區及南方共同市場對台灣產生貿易轉向的現象。本研究亦針對上述之結果與區域經濟整合實際進展現況進行交互分析。最後，本研究將就政策面及後續研究的方向提出建議，俾供參考。 / Globalization and regionalization have been the two main trends in international economic development in recent years. Already, many countries have signed Free Trade Agreements to achieve the goal of regional economic integration. This integration allows members of the region to virtually eliminate all tariff and non-tariff trade barriers and, as a result, increase trade volume between member countries. This phenomenon is called trade creation. On the other hand, trade volume between members of the region and non-member may decrease, a phenomenon called trade diversion. All of this will affect international trade flows, the allocation of international resources and change the pattern of the international industrial division. In order to learn how regional economic integration influences trade flows, this paper deals first with the definition and regulation under the GATT of regional trade agreements, the present situation and the development of regional economic integration. We also examine the current state of import and export trade between Taiwan and the main regional economies in the world. This paper reviews the relevant literature on the gravity model, a model that can effectively analyze trade flows between two countries, then proceeds to use this model with NAFTA, EU, AFTA, MERCOSUR, ANDEAN Community, and CER (Closer Economic Relationship between the Australia and New Zealand) as regional dummies. This allows us to test alterations in trade flows between members and other members as well as between members and non-members (especially Taiwan) in these six regional trade blocs for the 13 years between 1990 and 2003. This model also analyzes the main factors affecting trade flows. We find first that the main factors influencing trade flows between two countries are the GDP and per capita GDP of the importer and exporter as well as distance. Secondly, while regional economic integration clearly brings with it trade creation, the degree of trade diversion is affected by such factors as the degree of regional economic integration, the pattern of industrial division in the region, the structure of imports from and exports to non-member countries and the level of competition and cooperation in various sectors. The empirical evidence shows that NAFTA and Mercosur have resulted in trade diversion away from Taiwan. Based on our findings, we offer policy suggestions and suggestions for further research.

歐美葡萄酒貿易協定於2006年3月10日經歐美雙方簽署後，對於延宕多年之數項關於雙方葡萄酒貿易上之爭議，達成了一定程度之妥協。然雙方所妥協之內容均與WTO協定之規範有衝突之處；然從另一方面觀之，該協定卻有助於美國在其葡萄酒產品使用歐盟地理標示之爭議上，朝向與TRIPS協定較為合致之方向去修正。 歐美葡萄酒貿易協定最主要之爭議可分為兩大部分，一為歐盟關於葡萄酒釀造製程上之規範；另一是美國葡萄酒產品使用歐盟地理標示，本文主要將針對此二議題與WTO協定間之合致性進行探討，以了解該協定所妥協之部分與WTO協定間之合致性。由於歐盟與美國係為WTO內最具影響力之兩大會員，本文最後將探討該協定對於WTO多邊架構以及爭端解決機制上之所衝擊與影響。 / The EU-US agreement on trade in wine was signed on March 10, 2006, marking the end of a first phase in wine trading discussions began in 1983. The Agreement addresses several key issues, such as oenological practices, import certification, the use of European geographical indication on the wine label which produced in US and other labeling issues. This thesis is to analyze the most controversial parts of this agreement. This agreement compromises 17 provisions, there are two parts most controversial: one is the mutual acceptance of the EU-US oenological practice regulations, which would facilitate the trading of wine between the two parties. And the other is that finally U.S. agreed to prohibit new brands from using these names on non-European wine and grandfather those existing uses. The oenological regulation of EU is more strictly and conservative compare to the related international standard. Moreover, EU ban the import of wine which is not conform with its oenological regulation unless the exporting country meet the Derogation requirement to allow the wine to be imported and circulated in the territory of EU. This article is to analyses the consistency of the EU oenological regulation with the TBT agreement, and the MFN treatment with this derogation. And the U.S. had allowed the use of specific EU geographical indications, which is called semi-generic names in U.S. regulation, on the wine label for the wine producing in the U.S in its labeling regulation. According to the TRIPS Agreement, the use of EU’s GI is in a continuous matter before 1994 can be excepted from the regulation of additional for GI. This thesis would like to clarify which part of the use of those semi-generic names may or may not except from the context of TRIPS agreement about GI. Since the wine agreement settle down several issues which violate the WTO agreement, this thesis would like to discuss the impact of the wine agreement to the WTO multilateral system.