La presente investigación propone una lectura amplificada sobre la obra de la artista Teresa Margolles. Su trabajo ha sido investigado en relación con el cadáver y con la muerte violenta, aspectos que se consideran importantes pero insuficientes. Se propone hacer una presentación de su obra de modo que abarque la totalidad de su trabajo que incluye el cuerpo vivo y la señalización del problema social de marginación, segregación y precarización de la vida en el contexto político, económico y social de México contemporáneo. Se ha planteado una ruta interpretativa que mediante el análisis de un corpus de obras seleccionado y ordenado estratégicamente demuestre la construcción de una necropolítica situada y específica en su obra, así como la incorporación del cuerpo vivo como parte de una tarea crítica de señalización de las causas sociales y políticas de la violencia para el caso de México. Para ello se ha aplicado diversas teorías filosóficas de poder que han permitido evidenciar la relevancia política y de crítica social del trabajo de Teresa Margolles. Asimismo se ha propuesto el análisis de teorías de arte y de crítica institucional que permitieron demostrar que el trabajo de la artista también ha implicado la crítica al aparato institucional del arte contemporáneo. Así, se ha puesto énfasis en su rol y agencia como artista que realiza una suerte de desmontaje de un mapa social establecido para revelarlo en crisis. / Tesis

This study argues that despite the basic inertia in U.S. China policy during the Kennedy and Johnson years, the period nonetheless witnessed a fundamental evolution in the strategic presumptions underlying Washington’s approach to the China “problem.” By increments, U.S. policymakers began to seriously question the wisdom of a policy predicated on the idea that the containment of the People’s Republic of China necessitated its political and economic isolation. Inversely, a basic consensus emerged in interested corners of the U.S. foreign policy bureaucracy that considered attempts to engage the Chinese—on levels bilateral and multilateral, official and unofficial—could serve to socialise China’s revolutionaries, thereby facilitating a reduction in Sino-American tensions and paving the way to a bilateral rapprochement. Critically, in this analysis “engagement” was seen as a means of enhancing, rather than simply supplanting, the larger effort to contain China. The dynamics involved in the emergence of this consensus are manifold and complex, and cannot be properly understood without close reference to changes in both the international strategic environment and the domestic political context through the 1960s. At the heart of this process, however, were advocates of policy moderation within the U.S. bureaucracy, mediating external pressures for policy movement, and championing the case for a more conciliatory approach to Sino-American relations. The growing acceptance of what was sometimes articulated as “containment without isolation”—shorthand for a policy framework that implicitly rejects the either/or choice between containment and engagement—found expression in, and was in turn fostered by, basic adjustments in Washington’s posture toward Mao’s China. By the end of 1968 senior U.S. officials had repeatedly signalled that Washington was reconciled to the reality of a Communist-controlled mainland China, and would in fact welcome expanded efforts toward bilateral accommodation and even cooperation. These postural shifts may not have been matched by concrete policy changes, yet they remain significant. In the most immediate sense, the less provocative posture toward China enhanced Washington’s capacity to communicate U.S. intent to China’s leadership, thereby helping avert a direct Sino-American conflict in the 1960s, even as the two sides pursued antithetical objectives in the Asian region. In a longer-term frame of reference, the more flexible posture adopted in the 1960s played an important role in challenging the domestic politicisation of China policy, while establishing a rhetorical framework and conceptual foundation for more substantive policy movement. In the course of tracing these developments, this study also provides new interpretative insights on a number of specific issues pertaining to U.S. China policy in the Kennedy and Johnson years, including the policy preferences, relationships, and roles of key U.S. officials in shaping the policy process; the impact of domestic politics, alliance politics, and various Cold War strategic concerns on policy outcomes; the question of how to deal with China’s nuclear development; and the manner in which major China-related events and developments in the 1960s—such as the failure of Mao’s Great Leap Forward, the 1962 Taiwan Strait crisis, the Sino-Indian border war, China’s involvement in Vietnam, and the Cultural Revolution— were interpreted by U.S. officials, and, in turn, shaped understandings of and responses to the China problem. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1330812 / Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2008

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land has been the revolutionary metaphor for wealth and power in the world and even more so in Africa. Ideally, land reform in Africa should therefore, contribute to social and economic progress and ultimately result in social equity as well as increased agricultural productivity. This study was devoted to the history of colonialism and the meaning and birth of land reform policies after colonialism. Moreover, to familiarise the reader with the various meanings and issues concerning land reform particularly in Kenya and Zimbabwe. The outcome of the study was to provoke further discussion on the need for land reform in other developing countries, especially South Africa, as well as to investigate whether colonialism created certain land ownership patterns that had harmful effects on the political and economic climate after independence in Kenya and Zimbabwe. Kenya has been unable to establish a sustainable land reform programme since independence. Ethnic clashes in the early 1990's were seen as a continuation of a battle to recognise the existence of property rights. The contributing factor to the conflict was the fact that the political leadership in Kenya was the direct beneficiary of land reform policies. Furthermore, the uncontrolled privatisation of public land only resulted in economic and agricultural decay. The Kenyan experience provides no evidence of increase in agricultural production, but inevitably resulted in social and economic inequalities and the emergence of significant landlessness, which was a result of the inadequacy of government, to provide credit as was initially proposed. Zimbabwe faces the painful reality that its political revolutions have only brought them halfway to true independence. The objective for Zimbabwe was to establish a functional socialist economy where decision making would be under political control in order to bring about the drastic redistribution of wealth from whites to blacks and to become independent form capitalists. The importance of land in Zimbabwe did not so much lie in the social and economic inequalities, but rather the inability to access land, accompanied by a growing overpopulation, landlessness, land deterioration and escalating poverty in the black areas parallel with severe under-utilisation of land in the white farming areas. This study concludes that African governmental land reform programmes have had mixed success. The complex nature of the liberation struggles in Africa, created diverse post-independence governmental systems. However, some former colonies illustrate certain common underlying issues such as the fact that years after independence, land remains one of the key unresolved issues in both Kenya and Zimbabwe, as well as in South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gesien in die lig dat grond die revolusionêre metafoor van rykdom en mag in die wêreld, nog te meer in Afrika is, sal dit ideaal wees indien grondhervorming in Afrika kan bydra tot sosiale en ekonomiese bevordering en uiteindelik kan uitloop in sosiale gelykheid asook toename in landbou produktiwiteit. Hierdie studie was toegewy aan die geskiedenis van kolonialisme en die betekenis en oorsprong van grondhervormingsbeleide na kolonialisme, asook om die leser in te lig oor menings en uitgangspunte rakende grondhervorming, spesifiek in Kenya en Zimbabwe. Die doel van die studie was om verdere besprekings oor die behoefte vir grondhervorming in ander ontwikkelende lande, veral Suid-Afrika, uit te lok. Verder om te ondersoek of kolonialisme sekere grondeienaarskappatrone veroorsaak het wat negatiewe effekte op die politieke en ekonomiese klimaat in Kenya en Zimbabwe, na onafhanklikheidswording, veroorsaak het. Kenya is, sedert onafhanklikheidswording, nog nie in staat om 'n volhoudbare grondhervormingsprogram daar te stel nie. Etniese botsings in die vroeë 1990's was gesien as 'n voortsetting van 'n geveg om die bestaan van eiendomsregte te erken. Die bydraende faktor tot die konflik was die feit dat die politieke leierskap in Kenya direkte begunstigdes van die grondhervormingsbeleide was. Verder het onbeheerde privatisering van openbare grond ekonomiese en landbou verval tot gevolg gehad. Die Kenya ondervinding voorsien geen bewyse van toename in landbou produktiwiteit nie, maar het onvermydelik sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede en die ontstaan van merkwaardige grondloosheid tot gevolg gehad as gevolg van die onvermoeë van die regering om krediet te voorsien soos aanvanklik voorgestel was. Zimbabwe staar die pynlike realiteit in die oë dat hul politieke revolusies hulle slegs halfpad tot ware onafhanklikheid gebring het. Die doel vir Zimbabwe was om 'n funksionele sosialistiese ekonomie daar te stel waar besluitneming onder politieke beheer sou wees om sodanig drastiese herverdeling van rykdom vanaf blankes na swartes, asook onafhanklikheid van kapitaliste, te bewerkstellig. Die belangrikheid van grond het nie soveel in die sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede gelê nie, maar liewer in die onvermoë om grond te bekom tesame met 'n toenemende oorbevolking, grondloosheid, grondverarming en toenemende armoede in swart gebiede. 'n Bydraende faktor was die uiterse onderbenutting van grond in blanke boerdery gebiede. In samevatting wys hierdie studie dat grondhervormingsprogramme van regerings in Afrika gemengde sukses behaal het. Die kompleksiteit van die bevrydingstryde in Afrika het uiteenlopende post-onafhanklike regeringstelsels tot stand gebring. Nietemin, illustreer somige voormalige kolonies sekere algemene onderliggende uitgangspunte, onder andere die feit dat grond, jare na onafhanklikheid, steeds een van die belangrikste onopgeloste vraagstukke in beide Kenya en Zimbabwe, sowel as Suid-Afrika is.

Après la période de l'occupation militaire (1945-1949), les services culturels français en Allemagne ont cherché à se dégager des formes spécifiques de l'occupation tout en préservant le caractère exceptionnel des réalisations accomplies jusqu'alors. Les relations conflictuelles entre les services en Allemagne et leur tutelle parisienne, la D.G.R.C., ont conduit à ce que les expériences novatrices tentées en Allemagne soient susceptibles d'être réinvesties au niveau plus général de la politique culturelle extérieure, alors même que la politique culturelle en Allemagne tendait à prendre une forme de plus en plus standardisée. <br />Cette dualité entre deux dimensions de l'action se retrouve quand on fait l'étude des acteurs engagés dans sa mise en place. Au côté des profils traditionnels d'enseignants chargés de la politique culturelle extérieure de la France en général se trouve une petit groupe aux trajectoires originales, dont la force essentielle réside dans leur capacité à élargir l'écho de leur action par le travail commun avec les réseaux intellectuels engagés dans le rapprochement franco-allemand. Alors que les médiateurs traditionnels que sont les germanistes ne sont présents que de façon épisodique, les professionnels de la culture engagés sur le terrain rentabilisent leur expérience allemande en la reconvertissant dans la suite de leur trajectoire professionnelle et en saisissant l'occasion de s'imposer comme les nouveaux spécialistes de l'Allemagne. Cette distinction entre les deux groupes rejaillit sur l'évolution du discours à propos de l'Allemagne contemporaine. Le renfermement des germanistes sur des problématiques d'histoire littéraire laisse aux non germanistes la possibilité d'investir la position de spécialistes. Il en découle la production d'une nouvelle représentation du pays en rupture avec les catégories d'explication des décennies précédentes, privilégiant l'image d'une démocratie modèle restreinte à la seule République fédérale.

This dissertation concerns itself with the period of the 1920's and 1930's in French intellectual history. Three prominent figures have been chosen from French culture of this period--Nobel Prize-winning author Roger Martin du Gard, cubist painter George Braque, and Christian existentialist Gabriel Marcel--to illustrate the thesis that this era witnessed a major breakdown in the "romantic style." This latter term is employed to describe the prevailing culture of the West dating from the eighteenth century. It is the view of this study that beyond the catastrophic wars and destruction that afflicted the West during this time, there was an underlying crisis taking place in this "romanticism" that caused as much, as was caused by, the events. Hence, the theme of this dissertation is cultural despair and illness. The subjects are used to portray this illness in the state it had reached by the 1920's and 1930's. It is concluded that basic inherent weaknesses that were latent to romanticism came to the surface in the twentieth century because that era was marked by a culmination of historical crises which exposed the hidden cultural one. The study deals with all the general tendencies of romanticism in a critical manner. The intention is to point out the dangers of some of these tendencies, and in what manner they were dealt with by the three subjects, whose approaches to romanticism were varied.

This rhetorical thesis analyzes Richard M. Weaver's theories of rhetoric and his methodology for ranking argument types according to their perceived ethicality. Two keynote speeches by former U. S. Representative Barbara Jordan have been subjected to the Weaverian analysis. Ms. Jordan's argument types are characteristic of what Weaver considered ethical oratory. Weaver's axiological judgments and his dogmatic ranking of the hierarchy have generated some criticism from rhetorical scholars. Although this criticism is justified, Weaver's philosophy and methodology provide insight to a given's orator's philosophical perspective. The Weaverian analysis contributes to the understanding of not only the superficial aspects of an address, but also the underlying and sometimes hidden motivations of an orator.

La siguiente tesis se concentra en esclarecer la primera etapa de la creación artística del caricaturista Julio Málaga Grenet. Para realizar este propósito, la investigación se centrará en su producción de caricaturas en torno a la figura del presidente Augusto B. Leguía realizada a lo largo de la primera década del siglo XX. Seleccionar este cuerpo de obra específico, entre otros posibles, responde a la hipótesis defendida en esta tesis: la caricatura política de Málaga Grenet representa una ruptura y una renovación de la plástica y la discursividad de este género cultivado en el Perú al inicio del siglo XX. Con su trabajo asistiremos a una transformación de las estrategias visuales y críticas de la caricatura política peruana. La renovación que representa su caricatura será determinante para la práctica de sus contemporáneos, como Abraham Valdelomar o Pedro Challe, además de suponer un hito en el diálogo sostenido entre el arte y la política. ¿Por qué es importante estudiar la caricatura de Málaga Grenet? En primer lugar, su obra es un registro excepcional de la historia de la nación peruana. Ella realiza una radioscopia meticulosa del entramado del poder forjado por las familias y partidos políticos que articularon a la República Aristocrática. Málaga, como espectador atento, traza en su caricatura los cursos de asociación y ruptura que esta élite desarrolló en su esfuerzo por capturar el control político de la sociedad peruana. Ante su obra, y desde la distancia del tiempo, la historia del arte puede dar cuenta de un devenir en ejercicio del poder que es capturado y cuestionado por una creación artística que interviene activamente en la política. De este modo, el interés histórico por el trabajo de Málaga Grenet no es únicamente documental, es decir, abocado en la reconstrucción de un entramado de actores y circunstancias de la época. Más allá de este enfoque, también es una intensión válida para el estudio hacer la reconstrucción de un imaginario cultural sembrado de tensiones y la identificación de agentes críticos que se distancian de su propio tiempo por vía de la creación. En segundo lugar, la innovación acontecida en la plástica de Málaga merece por sí misma un estudio atento. El cuerpo de caricaturas seleccionado aquí persigue la estela de una creación plástica radicalmente original para su tiempo. Reflexionar sobre este proceso no se justifica bajo la intensión de establecer un estilo en su trabajo o clasificarlo al interior de una corriente artística. El valor de la praxis de Málaga radica en el esfuerzo por innovar e insistir en un lenguaje visual capaz de materializar sus propias inquietudes como artista y ser humano. Por esta razón, el enfoque histórico y social se ve sustancialmente enriquecido al ser acompañado de una reconstrucción de las técnicas y estrategias visuales que materializan y circunscriben el testimonio adjudicado a Málaga. En tercer lugar, destacar el trabajo de Málaga en tanto artista que concibe a la caricatura dotada de un potencial crítico, permite poner en cuestión los límites y la potencia que el arte mismo encierra. El caso de Málaga, como el de cualquier otro artista, ilumina una problemática propia del arte y su historia. ¿Qué límites tiene la fuerza creadora del arte y a qué obedece el desplazamiento y la subversión de dichos límites en un momento particular? Lejos de legitimarse bajo la expresión del genio original de un artista, las caricaturas de Málaga evidencian una elaboración acuciosa en torno al rol que las imágenes pueden ocupar en la vida social. Ellas no pretenden expresar ningún ideal de belleza ni animar un humor circunstancial o banal. Por el contrario, su valor radica en su capacidad de generar un nuevo lenguaje de la creación plástica. Es en este sentido que la caricatura de Málaga cuestiona aún la función y el propósito del arte en la actualidad. / Tesis

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:39:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silvia Maria Barile Alessandri.pdf: 2847855 bytes, checksum: da4b449a9f951bfd9425b3db054e19b6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-06-20 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This thesis is a study about the suicide by means of Sylvia Plath. This American writer perpetrated suicide at the age of 30, after 2 attempts: the first at the age of 20, when in the university and the second at the age of 29, already married and mother of two young children. Although her literary production is considered by many as autobiography, in this search I have used only the diaries, handwritten and letters edited by Karen Kukil in The Journals of Sylvia Plath 1950 - 1962. From these registers I make psychoanalytic considerations based on the Freud s theory and Lacan s teaches. The interest of this theme succeeded from the clinic activities. I verify, and this constitutes my thesis, that in the melancholy, when faced with I m nothing, I m no more than rubbish , stated by Lacan, succeed from the conviction of the inefficiency or non existence of the Other s love, easily can lead in to the suicide. In the melancholy, the subject, faced with the foreclosure of the Name-of-the- Father, may find an imaginary supplying. However, towards the Lacan s node theory, the supplying of the foreclosure of the Name-of-the-Father may take place towards Sinthome / Esta tese é um estudo acerca do suicídio, por meio de Sylvia Plath. Esta escritora norte-americana suicidou-se com trinta anos, após duas tentativas de suicídio: a primeira aos vinte anos, enquanto fazia faculdade, e a segunda, aos vinte e nove anos, já casada e com dois filhos pequenos. Embora sua obra literária seja considerada por muitos estudiosos como autobiográfica, utilizo nesta pesquisa apenas os diários, manuscritos e cartas que foram editados por Karen Kukil em Os diários de Sylvia Plath. 1950-1962. A partir destes registros realizo considerações psicanalíticas fundamentada na teoria freudiana e no ensino de Lacan. O interesse por este tema vem da clínica. Constato, e isto constitui minha tese, que na melancolia, quando diante do Nada sou, não sou mais que um lixo , formulado por Lacan, advém a certeza da ineficácia ou da inexistência do amor do Outro, facilmente pode haver a precipitação ao suicídio. Na melancolia, o sujeito, diante da foraclusão do Nome-do-Pai, pode encontrar uma suplência imaginária. Porém, com a teoria dos nós de Lacan, a suplência à foraclusão do Nome-do-Pai pode se dar via Sinthoma

Submitted by Edisangela Bastos (edisangela@ufpa.br) on 2014-01-06T18:59:51Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 22974 bytes, checksum: 99c771d9f0b9c46790009b9874d49253 (MD5) Dissertacao_JogosPoliticosTerra.pdf: 8313681 bytes, checksum: e73ea9dff31ae96c814814566aa32ccf (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Rosa Silva(arosa@ufpa.br) on 2014-01-14T12:04:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 22974 bytes, checksum: 99c771d9f0b9c46790009b9874d49253 (MD5) Dissertacao_JogosPoliticosTerra.pdf: 8313681 bytes, checksum: e73ea9dff31ae96c814814566aa32ccf (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-01-14T12:04:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 22974 bytes, checksum: 99c771d9f0b9c46790009b9874d49253 (MD5) Dissertacao_JogosPoliticosTerra.pdf: 8313681 bytes, checksum: e73ea9dff31ae96c814814566aa32ccf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Esta dissertação buscou mostrar a influência das experiências políticas dos literatos modernistas entre 1930 e 1945 nas obras de arte que eles criaram, assim como a influência recíproca do movimento modernista como um todo na atuação política dos intelectuais paraenses, na criação de um sentimento de grupo, na luta por justiça social e por liberdade. Quem nos conduz a este objetivo são dois dos maiores literatos do modernismo paraense, extremamente engajados em movimentos sociais: Bruno de Menezes e Dalcídio Jurandir. Nas obras de ambos encontramos relatos e sinais da luta pela sobrevivência cotidiana, a preocupação com o bem-estar social, o engajamento em partidos políticos de esquerda, em movimentos contra a ordem social estabelecida e os conflitos e traumas gerados por essas experiências. / This dissertation tried to show the influence of the political experiences of the modernists between 1930 and 1945 in the work of art they have created, just as the reciprocal influence of the modernist movement as a hole in the politic actuation of the intellectuals of Pará on the creation of a group feeling, in the fight for social justice and freedom. Bruno de Menezes and Dancídio Jurandir, two of the most important modernists of Pará, and extremely engaged on social movements, are leading us to this objective. On both author’s books, we find signs of the surviving fights, the concerning about the social well-being, the engagement in left-wing political parties, in movements against the established social order and the conflicts and traumas generated by those experiences.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:17:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniela Nery Bracchi.pdf: 7548477 bytes, checksum: 52564dc22aec9a7d6d3d591195cb26b1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-04-07 / This study aims to examine critically the use of the photography system as a means towards the construction of discourses and a worldview summoned by an enunciator. The analysis' corpus is made up by David Lachapelle's (in the character of the enunciation actor) snapshots collected in his first book, Lachapelle Land (1996). This analysis is based on the discursive semiotics' framework; on Greimas' studies about meaning construction; on sociosemiotics; on plastic semiotics and Jean-Marie Floch's postulations about plasticity's role on signification building; on enhancements of semiotics theory as a theory of social interaction formulated by Landowski and Ana Claudia de Oliveira's contributions about sensible expression as global enunciation that proposes the discursive field of experience between enunciator and enunciatee. The content on the snapshots is considered taking into account the constructions of the enunciator given by means of semantic-syntactic employed as a way to evidence an axiologic system. The shaping elements of the expression level (eidetic, topologic, chromatic e materic) are the plastic resources chosen by the enunciator the sense effect of which is make visible a discourse about the world weavered using the photographic expression system and its sensible exploitation. The enunciative connection is constructed on photography having as discursive basis intertextuality and allowing to infer the enunciator's character by means of the discursive tools employed on the construction of Lachapelle's intertextual enunciation. The enunciatee is summoned to bring forth an interpretative making. It requires knowledge of other artistic works cited on the snapshot and take into considerations the sensible procedures used by the enunciator. Through these cognitive and sensible competences, the enunciator invites the enunciatee to process the collaborative sense construction / O presente estudo analisa o uso do sistema da fotografia como meio para a construção de discursos e de uma visão de mundo colocadas em ação por um enunciador que se destaca por várias especificidades que serão trabalhadas. O corpus de análise é constituído pelas fotografias de David Lachapelle (figura do ator da enunciação instalado) que foram publicadas em seu primeiro livro, intitulado Lachapelle Land, no ano de 1996. O arcabouço teórico é o da semiótica discursiva: os estudos de Greimas sobre a construção de sentido; a semiótica plástica com as postulações de Jean- Marie Floch sobre o papel da plasticidade na formação da significação; a sociossemiótica, suas ampliações enquanto teoria da interação social que Landowski formaliza e as contribuições de Ana Claudia de Oliveira sobre a expressão sensível enquanto enunciação global que propõe o campo discursivo como o lugar de vivenciar experiências entre enunciador e enunciatário. O conteúdo veiculado pelas fotografias é examinado levando-se em conta a construção do enunciador dada por meio de procedimentos sintático-semânticos empregados de modo a evidenciar seu sistema axiológico. Os formantes do plano da expressão (topológicos, eidéticos, cromáticos e matéricos) constituem-se como recursos plásticos escolhidos pelo enunciador cujo efeito de sentido é tornar sensível um discurso sobre o mundo explorado pelo uso do sistema de expressão fotográfico. A construção enunciativa e seus recursos de instalação têm por base discursiva a intertextualidade, sendo possível depreender a figura do enunciador e do enunciatário. Com esse recurso, o enunciatário é chamado a produzir um i fazer interpretativo, que exige o seu reconhecer as outras obras artísticas inseridas na fotografia e levar em conta os procedimentos sensíveis elaborados pelo enunciador. Com essas competências cognitivas e sensíveis é que, pela interação discursiva, o enunciador faz com que o enunciatário processe a construção colaborativa do sentido e a fotografia se afirme enquanto meio comunicativo propositivo de novas visões de mundo