This study, Political representation in the local paper - the power of the front page, shows how the local paper Västerbottens-kuriren chooses, consciously or unknowingly, to represent politics on the front page during the election period of 2018. Given the premises that journalists must adhere to, could affect the reporting of politics. The method for this study was a quantitative content analysis where a frequency count is used based on headline, preamble and to some extent image use on the front page.  The study concluded that the newspaper had some political news, but that they were majorly excluded from appearing in the most visible article on the front page. The most common subjects that were on the front page were personal articles, or culture and entertainment oriented, which indicates a greater exposure to "softer" news. Of the political articles, the topic "other" was most prevalent, but also economics and business was a frequently recurring political topic. It was also shown that there was a gap in July when the frequency of political articles was reduced. The most widely used framing used by the political articles was game framing, which indicates a repetitive behavior on the part of journalists which, in the worst case scenario, could lead to skepticism against both politics and against the newspaper from the public.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-14T14:42:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 395121.pdf: 4230027 bytes, checksum: df08f1e0755524d1a667a072ce7294bc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-08-27 / Este estudo se volta para o jornal a Gazetinha, publicado em Porto Alegre em fins do s?culo XIX e que, neste momento e atrav?s de diferentes espa?os em suas p?ginas, construiu uma fala de que as fam?lias de bem encontravam dificuldades de transitar nas ruas da cidade, ocupadas por b?bados, v?ndalos e mulheres que agarravam os homens ? for?a. ? o que alguns estudos hist?ricos j? chamaram de processo de saneamento moral. Entretanto, a proposta de an?lise aqui apresentada pretende se debru?ar n?o apenas sobre a fala do jornal em si, mas sobre a maneira como ela foi elaborada por meio da constru??o de c?digos de agenciamento de poder. Somado a isso, percebeu-se que a Gazetinha agendou a tem?tica da prostitui??o e da moralidade entre os anos de 1895 e 1897, marco cronol?gico deste estudo. Trabalha-se, portanto, com a hip?tese de que a insist?ncia de uma fala ritmada, empregando c?digos e termos semelhantes e em diferentes espa?os do jornal (textos, colunas, an?ncios publicit?rios e caricaturas, estas publicadas somente nas edi??es ilustradas da Gazetinha) elaborou c?digos que contribu?ram para a forma??o de uma mentalidade coletiva a respeito de um problema social, j? existente, mas ampliado a partir da Aboli??o da Escravatura, quando muitas mulheres negras e sem op??o no mercado de trabalho se voltaram para o of?cio da prostitui??o. Trabalha-se, aqui, a hip?tese de Agenda-Setting e sua contribui??o para a consolida??o destes c?digos; a aproxima??o entre a Hist?ria e o Jornalismo na constru??o de um conhecimento sobre uma sociedade que parece t?o distante dos elementos que a caracterizam hoje, mas que, ao mesmo tempo, apresenta tantos aspectos comuns: ao contr?rio do que dita o senso comum sobre a sociedade do s?culo XIX, um universo repleto de indiv?duos com autonomia de pensamento, embora influenciadas por um discurso midi?tico, como percebemos nos dias que correm

Orientador: Claudio Bertolli Filho / Banca: Luzia Mitsue Yamashita Deliberador / Banca: João Pedro Albino / Resumo: A Internet completa mais uma etapa do desenvolvimento histórico-tecnológico dos meios de comunicação eletrônicos. Esse meio de comunicação traz em si outros meios de comunicação, criando uma nova ambientação, modificando o ambiente humano, inserindo novas formas de relacionamento, tanto subjetivas quanto sociais. É a tecnologia da comunicação que melhor aproxima a humanidade de um "campo único de experiência", nas palavras de Herbert Marshal McLuhan, e vem ocupando espaço midiático ao agregar funções antes exercidas por outros meios. Na política brasileira, as mudanças provocadas por mieo e em função da comunicação total e instantânea podem ser evidenciadas pelos sites dos políticos, mais especificamente de deputados federais paulistas. Para entender como essa classe política está inserida no ambiente criado pela Internet, o foco está em sites de deputados em exercício de mandato, analisando três deputados eleitos com as maiores votações nas Eleições 2006, pertencentes a partidos diferentes e com site atualizado periodicamente. O conceito de meio de comunicação foi compreendido sob os paradigmas de McLuhan, enquanto as relações dos sites com outros sistemas abertos foram determinadas pelas hipóteses de agendamento. Buscou-se verificar como as propriedades da Internet estão promovendo alterações nas ações parlamentares dos deputados e criando espaços para maior participação social nos processos políticos. / Abstract: The Internet completes a stage of historical development-technological means of electronic communication. This means of communication brings itself other media, creating a new enviromnment changing the human environment, including new forms of relationships, both social as subjective. It is the technology of communication that best aproximates the humanity of a "unique field of experience" in the words of Herbert Marshall McLuhan, and is occupying media space to add features before performed by other means. In Brazilian politics, the changes caused by total and instant communication can be evidenced by the politician's websites, especially federal deputies from São Paulo. To understand how the political class is embedded in the ambient created by the Internet, the focus is only one websites for members in pursuit of office, analyzing three most voted elected members in 2006's elections from different parties with a website updated regularly . The concept of media has been understood under the paradigm of McLuhan, while relations with other sites of open systems have been determined by agenda setting's hypothesis. It has been tried to verify whether the properties of the Internet are promoting changes in the federal deputie's actions and creating space for greater social participation in policy processes. / Mestre

This Diploma Thesis "Mediatization of Political Sphere" deals with the systematic influence of mass media and their logic on the functioning of the political system, process development and implementation of policy instruments and methods of political communication. First of all the theoretical part is focused on the description of the institutional importance of media in the social environment, more properly introduces images of the effects of media communications in the society, characteristics of the participation of media organizations in the economic relations so that the concept of mediatization in the frame of media studies could be defined and to specify its aspects in connection with a set of knowledge of media logic. The thesis does not omit the introduction of basic logic elements of political sphere, it also deals with its implicit settings, as well as modifications of the political structures in response to transfer a large part of the policy enforcement into the symbolic space of the media. The theoretical interpretation is followed by the research which is focused on the selected elements of mediatization in the Czech context. In the first stage the quantitative research method of content analysis is used to find out which topics and which representatives are observed by the Czech...

Confrontées à l’inaction des États et à la sévérité de la crise environnementale, plusieurs grandes villes choisissent non seulement d’agir localement, mais aussi sur la scène internationale dans le but de trouver des solutions et s’adapter au défi climatique. Longtemps considérées comme étant nuisibles à l’environnement de par leur consommation de diverses ressources, les autorités locales constituent aussi des acteurs stratégiques dans la lutte aux changements climatiques, puisqu’elles exercent une influence considérable sur les émissions de gaz à effet de serre. Afin d’avoir un effet agrégé à l’échelle mondiale, plusieurs métropoles participent au sein d’organisations transnationales municipales. C’est d’ailleurs le cas de la Ville de Montréal qui après avoir soumis une demande officielle d’adhésion en novembre 2015, est devenu membre du réseau C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group (C40) à la fin de 2016. Ce dernier regroupe plus 90 métropoles et cherche notamment à adopter un plan d’action commun pour répondre au réchauffement planétaire. Compte tenu du fait qu’il existe une variation importante au niveau de la participation des villes à l’international, que les facteurs plutôt objectifs, tels que la vulnérabilité, les capacités et la connectivité d’une ville ne semblent pas justifier cette différenciation, nous proposons d’étudier l’influence du maire dans la mise à l’agenda d’une telle option. Plus spécifiquement, cette recherche vise à répondre à la question suivante: comment le maire de Montréal, Denis Coderre, a-t-il influencé le processus de mise à l’agenda décisionnel de l’adhésion de sa ville à l’organisation C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group en 2015? Pour répondre à cette question, nous adoptons l’approche théorique de l’agenda setting proposée par John W. Kingdon dans son livre intitulé Agendas, Alternatives and Public Policies (2003). Ce travail séminal en politique publique permet de poser comme hypothèse de travail que Denis Coderre a agi comme un entrepreneur politique. Grâce aux données collectées, par l’entremise d’entrevues et d’analyse de divers types de contenus, ce projet vise à apporter une contribution à la fois empirique et théorique à la littérature sur les politiques publiques, les études urbaines et les relations internationales.

Denna uppsats fokuserar på den etableringsprocess som har skett i Jönköpings kommun vid införandet av familjecentraler. Syftet med studien är att undersöka hur införandet av familjecentraler kan förstås och genom det skapa fördjupad kunskap om etableringsprocesser i socialt arbete. Studien har genomförts i form av en fallstudie. Empiri har samlats in genom intervjuer och genom offentliga allmänna handlingar. Materialet har analyserats genom ett adhoc-förfarande inspirerat av fallstudieanalys. Teorier som använts i analysen grundar sig i agenda-settingteori och i nyinstitutionell organisationsteori. Resultatet visar att familjecentraler som idé är omtolkningsbart vilket resulterat i en omfattande översättningsprocess. I den processen har socialtjänstens roll varit decimerad, vilket avspeglas i det utrymme som socialtjänsten ges på familjecentralerna där deras roll definieras av andra professioner än de själva. Det som gör att familjecentralerna kommer att etableras är en kritik mot och från barnhälsovården rörande relationen med socialtjänsten. Detta ackompanjeras av en ökad oro för föräldraskapet samt ökade krav på billigare och bättre verksamheter inom den offentliga sektorn. Dock får familjecentralsetableringen ett abrupt avbrott i och med att studier lyfts fram som indikerar att det finns bristande kunskaper rörande familjecentralernas effekt, vilket skapar hinder för nyetableringar. Detta medför inte att befintliga familjecentraler läggs ner vilket kan förstås i att familjecentralspolicyn visar en hög grad av institutionalisering, en stark förgivettagen tro på familjecentralerna, där dessa upphör att behöva legitimeras i form av problemadressering och resultat. / This bachelor thesis focuses on the establishment process of family centers in Jönköping municipality, Sweden. The purpose of this case-study is to examine on which terms the establishment of family centers can be understood aiming for the creation of in-depth knowledge about establishment processes in social work. Data has been collected via semi-structured interviews and via open records. The data has been analyzed via ad-hoc analyses inspired by cases study analyses. Theoretical framework used in the study is Kingdon’s agenda setting theory and neo-institutional organization theory. The study presents that family centre policy is highly interpretable and therefore has been a case of policy translation, which has resulted in a decimated part for the social services in the family centers, highly defined by other professions. The establishment of family centers is a result of a critique aimed against and from the child health care services, accompanied with an increased worry for parenthood and demands for more economically efficient function within the public sector. The process is interrupted by studies that indicate insufficient knowledge about the efficiency of the family centers. However this doesn’t result in closure of family centers because the function has reached a high degree of institutionalization, where it is legitimized by presumptions and beliefs rather than results and problem addressing.

Since the 1960s, the United States has experienced steady declines in news consumption and commensurate attrition in civic engagement and political participation. Americans read newspapers at less than one fourth the rate of 60 years ago; voter turnout has fallen to the point where the U.S. ranks 23 out of 24 established democracies; signing petitions, volunteering for a civic organization like the PTA and political party affiliation are all at contemporary lows. But these indicators only tell half the story…the younger half. Because among Americans over age 50, attrition in all these areas is much milder; among those under age 30 they are much steeper. So do young adults get news? If so, how do they get news? If not, how do they find out about things? A 21-year old journalism student reported that: “I usually just hear it from friends, when I talk to friends.” The present study employed four methods: Secondary analysis of longitudinal Pew data; interviews and focus groups about news consumption and media use habits, including social media and wireless devices; a survey on social media use and its relationship to news and news knowledge; and an experiment testing a novel game as a way to convey news and civics knowledge, all involving students at three large state universities. Findings include the following: students often rank social media use, like Facebook, as their most important and most-used media; social media are negatively related with traditional news use and with news knowledge; students draw clear and important distinctions between news and information; one method of teaching (direct instruction) works well while another (a news game) works, but not as well. Of particular interest is the role of opinion leaders in the two-step flow of news, and the role of relevance and need for orientation in agenda setting. Novel contributions include a clearer definition of students’ distinction between news and important information as they define it, a framework by which to experiment with creating an interactive game using news to promote news seeking, and some provocative recommendations for future research. / text

Depuis l’élection de Jean Charest en 2003, nous constatons que les dogmes issus du discours idéologique néolibéral (déréglementation, privatisation, libéralisation et réduction des dépenses publiques) ont régulièrement et fortement inondé tous les domaines de l’espace public québécois, tant chez les élus que chez les grands conglomérats de médias écrits et audiovisuels. Nous cherchions à savoir qui exerçait une si grande influence pour que rayonnent ces idées conservatrices dans les discours publics au Québec. Nos recherches nous ont menée à un Think Tank québécois : l’Institut économique de Montréal. L’élite intellectuelle qui compose cette organisation a su user d’une influence importante auprès de certains médias écrits, notamment ceux de Gesca, qui, grâce à l’étendue de son puissant réseau social et à son adhésion aux stratégies d’influence de ses pairs, les Think Tanks partisans, a relayé les idées néolibérales de l’IEDM à l’intérieur du discours public québécois. Ce Think Tank a ainsi fait rayonner ses idées dans les pages des quotidiens parmi les plus lus par les Québécois francophones. De jeunes Think Tanks comme l’IEDM jugent primordial l’accès aux médias pour façonner l’opinion et les politiques publiques. Leur objectif est de réussir à influencer la mise à l’agenda et le cadrage des médias afin qu’ils favorisent leurs propositions et leurs idées. L’analyse de trois cas a permis de montrer, qu’à trois moments différents, l’IEDM a influencé la mise à l’agenda des quotidiens de Gesca et que le cadrage s’est révélé favorable aux propositions de l’IEDM dans une proportion importante. / Since the election of Jean Charest in 2003, we notice that the neoliberal’s ideas (deregulation, privatization, liberalization, and reduction of government expenditures) have regularly inundated all public exchange of ideas in Quebec, from elected politicians to media conglomerates. The author tried to determine how conservative ideas became part of the public discourse in Quebec. Our research lead us to a Quebec think tank: Montreal Economic Institute. The managers of this organization used its important influence with written media, particularly Gesca. Thanks to its large, powerful social network and its influence strategy, the Montreal Economic Institute think tank was able to transmit its neoliberal ideas. In this way, this think tank has spread these ideas in the pages of the most read Quebecois daily newspapers. Young think tanks, such as Montreal Economic Institute, believe that access to the media is essential to shape public opinion and public policy. Their purpose is to influence the setting of the agenda and the framing of discourse in the media to favor the respective think tank’s propositions and ideas. The author analyzed three different cases, at three different times, in which she demonstrates that the Montreal Economic Institute has influenced the agenda setting of Gesca, and that the framing was largely favorable to the Montreal Economic Institute’s propositions.

À partir des années 1960, avec l’apparition d’un « nous » québécois territorialement défini, intellectuels et groupes de pression se mettent à construire le « problème » de la sous-représentation des autochtones dans l’enseignement de l’histoire nationale à l’école au Québec. Nous comparons la place de ce « problème » à l’agenda des concepteurs des deux derniers programmes d’enseignement de l’histoire nationale à l’école secondaire au Québec : Histoire du Québec et du Canada (1982-2008) et Histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté (2007/2008-). Nous montrons que ce « problème » n’a été inscrit avec proéminence qu’à l’agenda des concepteurs du nouveau programme. Comment expliquer cette différence entre l’agenda des concepteurs de ces deux programmes? En se basant sur l’approche des courants multiples développé par John Kingdon, nous montrons qu’à partir des années 1990, tous les éléments étaient réunis pour favoriser la mise à l’agenda de ce « problème » - courant des problèmes, courant des solutions, courant de la politique, entrepreneur politique et fenêtre d’opportunité. Par contraste, nous arguons qu’à la fin des années 1970, un élément manquait : le courant de la politique, et en particulier le « national mood ». Pour rendre ce concept moins a-historique, nous déclinons le « national mood » en trois niveaux hiérarchiques de croyances, selon la typologie de Sabatier et Jenkins-Smith (1993). Nous montrons qu’il y a eu un changement au niveau des croyances les plus fondamentales et inaltérables des élites intellectuelles et politiques québécoises entre la fin des années 1970 et les années 1990 consistant à reconnaître les peuples autochtones. / With the emergence of a territorially-based Quebec identity in the 1960s intellectuals and pressure groups began to construct the “problem” of aboriginal under-representation in Quebec’s national history program. We compare the importance of this “problem” on the agenda of the designers of the last two high school national history teaching programs in Quebec: History of Quebec and Canada (1982-2008) and History and Education Citizenship (2007/2008-). We show that this “problem” only gained prominence on the agenda of the second program’s designers. To explain this difference between the agenda of the two programs’ designers, we use John Kingdon’s Multiple Streams approach. We show that in the 1990s and 2000s, all the elements favouring the agenda setting of this “problem” were present: the problem stream, the policy stream, the politics stream, the political entrepreneur and the policy window. In contrast, we argue that in the late 1970s, one element was missing: the politics stream, more specifically the national mood. To make the concept of national mood less a-historical, we use Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith’s typology (1993) and distinguish three levels of beliefs constitutive of the national mood. We assert that a change occurred at the deepest and most unalterable level of beliefs held by Quebec’s intellectual and political élite between the late 1970s and the 1990s in favour of the recognition of aboriginal peoples.

The aim of this study was to examine the representation over time of the Swedish social service in the national daily press. More specifically, its aim was to compare the years 1997, 2007 and 2017 and examine any differences and patterns in the reporting due to social changes in society. As this study was based on quantitative content analysis, all articles published in four of the largest national papers during those years, containing the word ”socialtjänsten” [the social service] were read. A code schedule with six themes were made to be used when reading the articles. The themes were: 1) Name of the newspaper. 2) Year of publication. 3) Character of article; news or editorial. 4) Field of social service; e.g. ’child welfare’. 5) Level of analysis; micro, meso or macro. 6) Rating of the social service; positive, negative or neutral. The analysis was based on three media theories; agenda setting, news valuation and framing. As a conclusion the valuation of the social service seems to be pretty much the same over the years; almost two of five articles has a negative valuation of the social service and three of five articles has a neutral valuation of the social service. In relation to that approximately two of one hundred articles has a positive valuation of the social service. Editorial material tends to valuate the social service more negative than news material. The level of analysis seems to have changed to fewer articles on a micro-level in 2017 than in 1997. The five most common fields associated with the social service are youth criminality, child welfare, social service as an organisation, economic aid and migration.