O presente trabalho tem por objetivo refletir sobre o poder constituinte e o controle de constitucionalidade nas democracias liberais representativas, sob fundamento na teoria política de Hannah Arendt. Para tanto, o problema delineia-se sobre a concepção da autora acerca dos legitimados ao poder constituinte e ao controle de constitucionalidade, não titularizados por somente um ator político, mas pelo povo e pelo Poder Judiciário, respectivamente. Ou melhor, o problema objeto desta pesquisa é apurar se há uma contradição na teoria constitucional arendtiana em atribuir o poder constituinte ao povo, através da fundação constitucional, e entregar o controle de constitucionalidade ao Judiciário, enquanto instituição não eleita. Seu deslinde é realizado a partir do desenvolvimento de quatro hipóteses. A primeira diz com a adesão de Arendt à teoria constitucional norte-americana, na qual o poder é atribuído ao povo e a autoridade à Constituição, cuja garantia de guarda é da Corte Constitucional, como forma de controle da tirania a partir da distinção das fontes legitimadoras do poder e do Direito. A segunda tem por cenário o posicionamento da autora sobre a Revolução Francesa e a subsequente formação de governos tirânicos, a partir da ideia de concentração do poder e da autoridade no povo, como vontade una e soberana da nação. A terceira hipótese abrange a tirânica concentração do poder no soberano, tendo a vontade do líder como fundamento da ordem constitucional e a quarta perpassa a análise da inquietude arendtiana acerca do fenômeno da apolitização nas democracias representativas, a impactar as escolhas reproduzidas através do voto. Tendo por referência tais hipóteses, desenvolveu-se a pesquisa com fundamento em paradigmas fundamentais arendtianos, quais sejam, política, autoridade, revolução e fundação, bem como em suas reflexões sobre o constitucionalismo setecentista norte-americano e francês. Finalmente, após o estudo do controle de constitucionalidade propriamente dito, na estrutura de poder arendtiana, deduziu-se, embora com ressalvas, não haver contradição na opção de imputá-lo a um tribunal constitucional, em garantia não somente da separação de poderes, mas do acesso à atuação política pelas minorias, como controle da tirania da maioria e viabilização da ideia arendtiana de política. / This work presents reflections on constituent power and constitutional control in representative liberal democracies, based on Hannah Arendt’s political theory. The problem is based on the author's conception of those who are legitimated for constituent power and the constitutional control, not securitized by one political actor, but by the people and by the Judiciary, respectively. Or rather, the problem of this research is to determine if there is a contradiction in Arendt's constitutional theory in assigning the constituent power to the people through the constitutional foundation, and to give constitutional control to the Judiciary, which is not an elected institution. The problem is demarcated from the development of four hypotheses. The first says Arendt's adheres to the American constitutional theory, in which power is assigned to the people and authority to the Constitution, whose guarantee of custody is of the Constitutional Court, as a form of control of tyranny from the distinction of the sources that legitimize power and Law. The second is the author's position on the French Revolution and the subsequent formation of tyrannical governments, based on the idea of concentration of power and authority in the people, as the sovereign will of the nation. The third hypothesis covers the tyrannical concentration of power in the sovereign, with the will of the leader as the basis for constitutional order. The fourth analyzes Arendt’s restlessness regarding the phenomenon of a-politicization in representative democracies, impacting the choices made through voting. With these hypotheses as references, the study was based on some of Arendt’s fundamental paradigms, namely, politics, authority, revolution and foundation, as well as in her reflections on American and French eighteenth-century constitutionalism. Finally, regarding the study of constitutional control itself, inside Arendt’s structure of power, the study found, although with reservations, that there is no contradiction in imputing it to a constitutional court, guaranteeing not only the separation of powers, but access to political action by minorities, as an instrument of control of the tyranny of the majority, proving the viability of Arendt’s idea of politics.

Submitted by Marlene Santos (marlene.bc.ufg@gmail.com) on 2016-03-28T17:03:57Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Daniel Silva Barbosa - 2010.pdf: 879082 bytes, checksum: 800259bcd7622263927fedaba1db5363 (MD5) license_rdf: 19874 bytes, checksum: 38cb62ef53e6f513db2fb7e337df6485 (MD5) / Rejected by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com), reason: - Corrigir os títulos, estão digitados em caixa alta : HANNAH ARENDT E O CASO DA POLÍTICA: do diálogo com a tradição à crítica do social HANNAH ARENDT AND THE DECLINE OF THE POLITICS: of the dialogue with the tradition to the critic of the social - Corrigir a vírgula que falta após o sobrenome do autor e o título digitado em caixa alta: BARBOSA Daniel Silva. HANNAH ARENDT E O CASO DA POLÍTICA: do diálogo com a tradição à crítica do social. 2010. 105 f. Dissertação( Mestrado em Filosofia) - Universidade Federal de Goiás, Goiânia, 2010. on 2016-04-04T13:30:15Z (GMT) / Rejected by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com), reason: - Corrigir os títulos, estão digitados em caixa alta : HANNAH ARENDT E O CASO DA POLÍTICA: do diálogo com a tradição à crítica do social HANNAH ARENDT AND THE DECLINE OF THE POLITICS: of the dialogue with the tradition to the critic of the social - Corrigir a vírgula que falta após o sobrenome do autor e o título digitado em caixa alta: BARBOSA Daniel Silva. HANNAH ARENDT E O CASO DA POLÍTICA: do diálogo com a tradição à crítica do social. 2010. 105 f. Dissertação( Mestrado em Filosofia) - Universidade Federal de Goiás, Goiânia, 2010. on 2016-04-04T13:30:25Z (GMT) / Submitted by Marlene Santos (marlene.bc.ufg@gmail.com) on 2016-04-04T19:04:58Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 19874 bytes, checksum: 38cb62ef53e6f513db2fb7e337df6485 (MD5) Dissertação - Daniel Silva Barbosa - 2010.pdf: 879082 bytes, checksum: 800259bcd7622263927fedaba1db5363 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-04-05T11:01:52Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 19874 bytes, checksum: 38cb62ef53e6f513db2fb7e337df6485 (MD5) Dissertação - Daniel Silva Barbosa - 2010.pdf: 879082 bytes, checksum: 800259bcd7622263927fedaba1db5363 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-05T11:01:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 19874 bytes, checksum: 38cb62ef53e6f513db2fb7e337df6485 (MD5) Dissertação - Daniel Silva Barbosa - 2010.pdf: 879082 bytes, checksum: 800259bcd7622263927fedaba1db5363 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-08-31 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This work examines the configuration of the modern society from the perspective of Hannah Arendt’ conceptions of the rise of society (or the social) and analyzes the repercussion and the consequences of that event for the politics. The emergency of society and the social question deflagrated the decadence of politics, and hence transformed it in the strict sphere of administration and government. In view of this, we reconsidered, of the Arendt’s point of view, the conflict among philosophy and politics, of which our tradition of political thought emerged, whose legacy for the Western was a numberless of prejudices in relation to the politics. We reconsidered yet the secondary character of the vita activa, from that traditional point of view. Such elements were important for the evaluation of our current judgments about politics, to which are added other prejudices originating from our more recent and disastrous political experiences, among the ones the most serious are the totalitarian regimes. These elements constitute the first chapter, whose central point are the Arendt’s dialogue and confrontation with tradition, that constitutes to us the condition sine qua non to think the other problems. Soon afterwards, in the second chapter, we judged pertinent to examine the activities of the vita activa and their location, the real domains where occur these activities, considering that the modern age, when promoting the activity of the labor to the highest dignity, turned stiller inoperative the experiences most esteemed in Antiquity: the political activity of the speech and the action. In the third chapter, in the first session, we examined what we named types of human associations, in order to search elements with which we were able to, in the next session, understand the new organization denominated society or what characterizes the social. The basic question was: what is the social? Where it is located? Another aspect analyzed was the social question that, for Arendt, was putted as main motto of the revolutionary movements in France and finally causes the bankrupt of the only modern attempts of establishing the power and the freedom. The reason for the which we ask about what is the social was linked to our hypothesis according to which the more alienated are ourselves in this sphere less we are capable to distinguish what is and which the sense of the politics and of the freedom – and, more important: what is in question when happens the decline of the politics? Finally, in the fourth and last chapter, we discussed – starting from the indication of the decline of politics and of his topos – the public-political domain: the place, or the non place, of the freedom in the current mass societies. / O trabalho trata da configuração da sociedade moderna, à luz do modo como Hannah Arendt concebe o surgimento da sociedade (ou o social), e analisa a repercussão e consequências desse acontecimento para a política. A emergência da sociedade e da questão social acarretaram o apequenamento da política, e esta foi transformada em administração e governo. Para tanto, reconsideraremos, do ponto de vista arendtiano, o conflito entre a filosofia e a política, do qual surgiu nossa tradição de pensamento político, e cujo legado para o Ocidente foi um sem-número de preconceitos em relação à política. Em segundo lugar, reconsideraremos o caráter secundário da vida ativa, desde aquele ponto de vista tradicional. Isso é válido para ajudar na avaliação dos nossos juízos atuais sobre a política, os quais se somam outros preconceitos oriundos das nossas mais recentes e desastrosas experiências políticas, entre as quais, as mais graves, destacam-se os regimes totalitários. Estes elementos compõem o primeiro capítulo cujo cerne é o diálogo e o confronto arendtiando com a tradição, que constitui, de certa forma, a condição de possibilidade para pensarmos os demais problemas. Em seguida, no segundo capítulo, julgou-se pertinente examinar as atividades da vida ativa e sua localização, os domínios nos quais efetivamente estas se realizavam, visto que a era moderna, ao promover a mais alta dignidade à atividade do trabalho, tornou inoperante mais ainda as experiências pelas quais os antigos tinham a maior estima pela atividade política do discurso e da ação. No último capítulo, na primeira sessão, examinaremos o que estamos denominando de tipos de associações humanas, com o fim de perscrutar elementos com os quais possamos, no item seguinte, buscar compreender a nova organização denominada de sociedade ou o que caracteriza o social. O questionamento de fundo é: o que é o social? Onde se localiza? Como último elemento, analisaremos a questão social que, para Arendt, ao ser posta como mote principal dos movimentos revolucionários de vertente francesa acabou por tornar fracassadas as únicas tentativas modernas de instaurar o poder e a liberdade. A razão pela qual nos perguntamos o que é o social liga-se à nossa hipótese segundo a qual quanto mais nos alienamos nesta esfera menos somos capazes de distinguir o que é e qual o sentido da política, a liberdade, e mais importante: o que coloca em jogo o ocaso da política. Por fim, no quarto e último capítulo discutimos, à luz da indicação do ocaso do político e do seu topos¸ o domínio público–político: o lugar, ou o não lugar, da liberdade nas atuais sociedades de massa.

Submitted by Nathalya Silva (nathyjf033@gmail.com) on 2017-07-07T19:41:22Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_BanalidadeMalFaculdade.pdf: 777305 bytes, checksum: 3495de7e900de221a621166d545027f9 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Irvana Coutinho (irvana@ufpa.br) on 2017-07-12T14:10:55Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_BanalidadeMalFaculdade.pdf: 777305 bytes, checksum: 3495de7e900de221a621166d545027f9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-12T14:10:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_BanalidadeMalFaculdade.pdf: 777305 bytes, checksum: 3495de7e900de221a621166d545027f9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-07 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esse trabalho apresenta a compreensão de Hannah Arendt acerca do mal, e sua conexão com as faculdades de pensar e julgar, que ganharam um novo impulso por ocasião do julgamento do nazista Adolf Eichmann. A partir das reflexões sobre o problema do mal, Arendt volta-se para as atividades do espírito, suscitando questões acerca do pensamento, relacionados ao fenômeno do mal. Na análise de Arendt o pensamento tem como atividade a busca por significados e sua finalidade é a comunicação consigo mesmo. Afastando-se da ortodoxia dos textos Kantianos, em suas investigações sobre o juízo, Arendt depreende no juízo estético de Kant a condição política do juízo. Em interlocução constante com a obra de Kant, Arendt se ocupa de vários conceitos constantes na Crítica da Faculdade do Juízo, obra que considera abrigar a filosofia política de Kant. Hannah Arendt reinterpreta a faculdade do juízo no sentido de demonstrar sua função política, que serve aos cidadãos para distinguir o certo do errado. A obra kantiana nos permite a compreensão da percepção e do movimento interpretativo de Arendt. Por meio da análise das reflexões de Hannah Arendt buscamos compreender a percepção da autora acerca do funcionamento da faculdade de pensar e julgar os fatos políticos. / This work presents Hannah Arendt's about of evil, and its connection to the thinking and judging college, which gained new impetus at the Nazi trial of Adolf Eichmann. From the reflections on the problem of evil, Arendt turns to the activities of the spirit, raising questions about the thought, related to the phenomenon of evil. In Arendt's analysis, thought has as its activity the search for meanings and its purpose is communication with itself. Moving away from the orthodoxy of the Kantian texts, in his investigations of the judgment, Arendt understands in the aesthetic judgment of Kant the political condition of the judgment. In constant dialogue with Kant's work, Arendt is occupied with several concepts contained in the Critique of the College of Judgment, a work that considers Kant's political philosophy. Hannah Arendt reinterprets the college of judgment to demonstrate its political function, which serves citizens to distinguish right from wrong. The Kantian work allows us to understand the perception and the interpretive movement of Arendt. Through the analysis of the reflections of Hannah Arendt we seek to understand the author's perception about the functioning of the college of thinking and judging the political facts.

“Spaces of Visibility and Identity” is an exploration on how being immersed in constant visibility has an effect on an individual’s identity. Visibility is not a narrow term meant to signify solely observation; rather, visibility is the state of existing within a world that does not allow for total isolation. To exist within the world is to be visible to others, and this visibility is inescapable. Visibility can be seen as a presentation or a disclosure of oneself to other beings. Existing within the world inevitably implies that one is presenting oneself to others, whether or not the presentation is deliberate. I will be going over two different spaces of visibility throughout this paper: “space of surveillance” and “space of appearance.” The “space of surveillance,” discussed by Michel Foucault, is the space where normative standards of identity are created through discursive acts. This space is meant to control, coerce, and normalize. The “space of surveillance” is important for an exploration of identity formation, because it cannot be ignored that each individual is disclosing themselves in the context of a pre-existing world. This ‘pre-existing world’ is full of normative standards that affect identity formation, but it does not have to ultimately determine an identity. The “space of appearance,” as articulated by Hannah Arendt, is meant to be a supplement to the dogmatic normative standards created within a “space of surveillance.” The “space of appearance” gives those that do not, or do not want to, adhere to the normative standards created by the “space of surveillance” a space to disclose an identity that can challenge and rearticulate what is consider normal or culturally intelligible in the first place. The “space of appearance” is not meant to replace the “space of surveillance;” rather, it has the “space of surveillance” as a contextual background that can be challenged. I have found that both spaces of visibility are necessary for an exploration on identity formation, and I have used gender identity as a concrete example to exemplify both spaces.

Tesis para optar al grado de Doctor en Filosof?a, menci?n Filosof?a Moral y Pol?tica / [...] Esta investigaci?n es, pues, un cierto relato y recorrido del modo en que el concepto de funcionario se nutre de los argumentos arendtianos acerca de la despolitizaci?n y, a su vez, va constituy?ndose en la cara opuesta de la politizaci?n inherente al planteamiento general de Arendt, a saber, la existencia en la obra de Arendt de un concepto de individuo no liberal. De este modo, esta investigaci?n muestra, por un lado, el desarrollo de lo que llamo funcionarizaci?n y, por otro, el desarrollo de las premisas claves del concepto de individuo no liberal.

Bibliography: leaves 276-298.

Bibliography: leaves 276-298. / 298 leaves ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of European Studies, 2001

This thesis aims to bring to light the perceptions of mentalities of government through the eyes of unaccompanied asylum-seeking minors in Sweden. It also seeks to offer some insight and reflections from a custodian perspective. Unaccompanied asylum-seeking children that come to Sweden are entitled to the same rights as the children holding citizenships in Sweden. The right to be heard and listened to is enshrined in the Convention of the Rights of the Child and holds great value during the asylum-process. Thus, the enforcement of these rights, among other rights, shows to be challenging in practice when scrutinizing the asylum process. With a pluralistic theoretical approach, leaning on the works of Hannah Arendt and Jacques Derrida, along with the narratives shared by the informants, this study aims to uncover the probabilities of feeling helpless during the asylum process, it also seeks to explore how mechanisms of power relations and control are configured according to the informants. Most laws regarding securing rights for refugees are formed by international organizations and constituted by national politicians. These laws operate to gain control at the hand of legality, thus the restrictiveness has been at the expense of the child’s best interest. As I believe more initiatives should be taken within the field of migration policy, by having unaccompanied asylum-seeking children as the point of departure, this study is an endeavor to help give them a voice.

Cette thèse de maîtrise porte sur la pensée révolutionnaire d’Hannah Arendt. Elle a pour objet de réfléchir à ce qu’Arendt appelle les trésors perdus des révolutions, manière poétique de désigner des événements et des expériences politiques que la tradition révolutionnaire aurait, selon elle, négligés. Arendt se donne comme tâche de les rescaper de l’oubli, car elle estime qu’ils pourraient bien se révéler pertinents pour l’entreprise entamée par Tocqueville : élaborer une nouvelle pensée politique qui permettra de se mouvoir dans un nouveau monde. Le premier chapitre se concentre sur le constitution-making : la pratique révolutionnaire américaine qui a mené à l’adoption de la Constitution, acte fondateur particulier puisqu’il rompait avec la conception traditionnelle de la fondation d’un corps politique. Le deuxième chapitre tente de comprendre ce qu’est l’esprit révolutionnaire en tant qu’attitude spécifique qui animait les révolutionnaires et qui constituerait également l’une des conditions nécessaires au déclenchement de la révolution. Enfin, le dernier chapitre se penche sur les caractéristiques du système des conseils, conçu par Arendt comme une nouvelle forme de gouvernement qui a émergé pendant les révolutions, en même temps que le système de démocratie représentative que nous connaissons aujourd’hui et en conflit avec lui. ii

Le présent travail propose une réflexion sur l'aspect social des émotions par l'entremise d'un examen de la dimension conflictuelle de 3 émotions: le désir, la honte et le dégoût. L'aspect problématique de ces émotions se situe au niveau de leur hypertrophie, en ce qu'elle encourage une emphase sur le soi, sur l'autosuffisance et la toute-puissance de l'individu, ce qui se traduit par des répercussions interpersonnelles, notamment la réduction marquée de la diversité des relations humaines qu'entretient l'individu avec les autres, et intrapersonnelles, particulièrement la narcotisation de l'identité individuelle. Cette réflexion est animée par la pensée de 3 principaux auteurs: celle de René Girard et de Martha C. Nussbaum afin d'explorer, pour chaque émotion, les implications de leur hypertrophie chez l'individu, puis de l'incidence du contexte social sur l'hypertrophie de ces émotions; celle d'Hannah Arendt afin de mieux comprendre la dynamique des relations humaines et comme palliatif à ces répercussions interpersonnelles et intrapersonnelles.