Le principal reproche qui est adressé au droit international est la faiblesse de ses mécanismes de sanctions. Pour cette raison, plusieurs penseurs juridiques ont conclu que le droit international n'existait pas. Le présent mémoire vise donc à étudier la rhétorique derrière cette affirmation et à examiner sa validité. Pour ce faire, nous analysons dans un premier temps la relation entre la sanction et le droit à travers le cadre positiviste du XIXe siècle. Nous étudions tour à tour les soi-disant critères constitutifs de la sanction. Nous les comparons avec d'autres ordres non juridiques pour ensuite rejeter le postulat positiviste qui fait de la contrainte et de la centralisation des pouvoirs les éléments essentiels de la sanction. Nous étudions ensuite le cadre d'adoption des sanctions économiques du Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies. Cette étape nous permet d'expliquer les principales faiblesses et limitations du droit international. Parmi celles-ci, le manque de coopération internationale, le droit de veto et le principe de la souveraineté nationale sont les éléments qui freinent l'adoption des sanctions coopération internationale. Nous examinons ensuite les objectifs derrière l'imposition des sanctions ainsi que leur efficacité. Finalement, nous étudions les embargos en général et les embargos sur les armes. Cette étude nous permet d'une part de démontrer les effets des sanctions économiques sur la population civile et sur les États tiers. D'autre part, elle nous permet de mieux comprendre les problèmes relatifs à l'administration d'une sanction, ainsi qu'aux mesures de contournement des interdictions. / The fundamental criticism addressed to internationallaw denounces the weaknesses of its sanctions mechanisms. For this reason, severallegal thinkers conc1uded to the inexistence of international law. The present text studies the rhetoric behind this statement and examines its validity. To do so, we analyze in the first place the relationship between sanction and law through the positivist framework of the XIXth Century. We examine in turn the so-called fundamental elements of sanction. We compare these elements with different non-Iegal orders so that we can ultimately reject the positivist theory according to which coercion and centralization ofpower are the fundamental elements of sanction. Chapter II examines the United Nations Security Council framework for adopting economic sanctions. This step allows us to underline the main sources ofweaknesses and limitations of internationallaw. In this respect we observe that the lack of international cooperation is the major weakness of internationallaw. Furthermore, an analysis of the relevant dispositions of the United Nations Charter shows that the veto right and the principle of international sovereignty are two elements that hamper international cooperation. We then study the objectives behind the adoption of sanctions as well as their effectiveness. Finally, we study general embargoes as well as arms embargos. This inquiry allows us to focus on the effects of economic sanctions on both civilians and third States. It also helps us understand the problems with regard to the administration of a sanction, as well as the ways to bypass the prohibitions. / "Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit, option recherche (LL.M)". Ce mémoire a été accepté à l'unanimité et classé parmi les 10% des mémoires de la discipline. Commentaires du jury : "Excellent mémoire qui aborde de façon intelligente et stimulante un sujet par ailleurs complexe. Félicitations des membres du jury qui ont apprécié avoir le privilège de lire ce texte."

1993年1月13日在法國巴黎簽署之「禁止化學武器公約」（The Chemical Weapons Convention，CWC），不但規定銷毀現存所有類別的化學武器，並且在嚴格的國際管制下，採取嚴密之查核措施，以完全銷毀研製化學武器相關設備；對於用以製造成化學武器之原料及其前驅物質的貿易也有訂定詳細規約，期能終極達成全面消滅化學武器之目標。2003年5月30日，美國布希總統宣佈成立「防擴散安全倡議」（Proliferation Security Initiative，PSI），其目的亦在更有效的防止大規模毀滅性武器(Weapon of Mass Destruction，WMD)之擴散並避免落入邪惡軸心國家或恐怖份子之手。 化學武器也被稱為「窮國的原子彈」，因其發展簡易、製造費用較為低廉，故國際間化學武器的擴散對國際和平與安全之威脅已遠超核子武器或生物武器；我國雖躋身全球前11名化工國，但因中共的阻撓，迄今仍然無法成為「禁止化學武器公約」的締約國，但不能據此理由，自外於國際社會對此問題之關注與掌握，本論文即以「禁止化學武器公約」為研究重點，期提供未來觀察相關發展之參考。 / “The Chemical Weapons Convention”（CWC） signature in Paris on January 13, 1993 required all the existing chemical weapons be demolished and a strict inspection measure be taken under the strict international supervision and control to completely destroy all the related facilities and equipment used to make chemical weapons; It also stipulates in detail on the trade of raw materials used to make chemical weapons so that the ultimate goal of total annihilation of chemical weapons can be reached. On May 30, 2003, President George Bush Jr. announced the establishment of “Proliferation Security Initiative”(PSI) with an aim to further effectively prevent from the proliferation of “Weapons of Mass Destruction ”(WMD) and minimize the chance to let them fall in the hands of the evil axis countries or international terrorists. Chemical weapons are also dubbed as“the nuclear bomb of the poor nations”because they are easy to develop and the cost of producing them are relatively low. Therefore, the proliferation of chemical weapons in the world has posed a far more severe threat than that of nuclear or biological weapons. Although our country has been in the top 11 chemical engineering countries in the world, we are still not able to be one of the signatories of “the Chemical Weapons Convention” as a result of the political interference from China. However despite this adverse situation, we should not use this as an excuse to exclude ourselves from the concerns and control of the international community on this issue. Therefore, this paper focuses mainly on “The Chemical Weapons Convention”, hoping to provide a significant reference for future observation and the development of the related issues.

Text in Afrikaans / This research describes the coats of arms and emblems of hospitals and nursing colleges in the Republic of South Africa, an aspect of nursing's heritage and history have not yet been described. Data were collected by means of questionnaires. An extensive literature review on heraldics and an analysis of the meanings contained in the symbols appearing on these devices were done. The analysis resulted in the following; the uniqueness of the individual devices, the development of nursing and nursing education, the influence of values, norms, ideals, culture, religion and history on the selection of symbols. The heraldic meanings of symbols and the meanings indicated in the questionnaires were compared with the identified core concepts for nursing. The overall finding was that any congruence was purely circumstantial. / Hierdie navorsing beskryf die wapens en embleme van hospitale en verpleegkolleges in die Republiek van Suid-Afrika, 'n aspek van die erfenis en geskiedenis van verpleging wat nog nie vantevore beskryf is nie. Inligting was deur middel van vraelyste ingesamel. 'n Uitgebreide literatuuroorsig oor die heraldiek en 'n ontleding van die betekenisse van die simbole soos aangetref op die wapens/embleme, is gedoen.Uit die analisering is die volgende bevind; die uniekheid van die individuele wapens/embleme, die ontwikkeling van verpleging en verpleegonderrig, die invloed van waardes, norme, ideale, kultuur, godsdiens en geskiedenis op die keuse van simbole. Die heraldiese betekenis van simbole en die betekenis wat in die vraelyste daaroor aangedui is, is met die geidentifiseerde kembegrippe vir verpleging, vergelyk. Die algemene bevinding is dat enige ooreenkoms bloot toevallig is. / Health Studies / M.A. (Verpleegkunde)

A questão das armas nucleares continua a figurar como um ponto central das Relações Internacionais Os esforços e ações concretas para o desarmamento, a não-proliferação e o controle das armas nucleares continuam sendo temas que geram tensões recorrentes entre os Estados. No entanto, no Brasil, são poucas as análises de caráter acadêmico acerca destes temas e, no que tange ao posicionamento corrente e prospectivo do Estado brasileiro no Regime de Não-Proliferação de Armas Nucleares, os estudos e análises são ainda mais escassos, ou incipientes. Tendo como objeto de estudo o Tratado sobre a Não-Proliferação de Armas Nucleares (TNP), o Regime dele decorrente e o processo de inserção do Estado brasileiro nesse Regime, a dissertação está estruturada em três eixos: o primeiro contempla o papel das armas nucleares na percepção de segurança dos Estados; o segundo abrange o TNP e o Regime dele decorrente; o terceiro analisa o processo de inserção do Estado brasileiro no Regime em pauta. Assim, em síntese, a pesquisa efetuada contemplou os motivos que levam os Estados à decisão de desenvolver armas nucleares; a gênese do TNP e a evolução da percepção do significado desse Tratado por parte dos Estados; bem como o processo e o grau de inserção do Brasil no Regime de Não-Proliferação de Armas Nucleares. A pesquisa efetuada buscou colocar o presente objeto de estudo no debate mais amplo das Relações Internacionais, tomando como base as abordagens consagradas da disciplina na questão do gerenciamento da segurança dos Estados, isto é, as duas abordagens que constituem o mainstream da disciplina, a perspectiva teórica liberal (e suas variantes neoliberais) e o pensamento realista (e neo-realista). Dessa forma, as conclusões obtidas valeram-se de lentes teóricas distintas, porém necessárias para a compreensão das partes específicas de um conjunto complexo e das conexões causais entre essas partes. / The issue of nuclear weapons continues to appear as a focal point of International Relations. The efforts and concrete actions on disarmament, non-proliferation, and nuclear arms control are still issues that generate recurring tensions between States. However, in Brazil, there is little analysis of an academic nature about these issues and, with respect to current and prospective position of the Brazilian State in the Nuclear Weapons Non-Proliferation Regime, studies and analysis are even more scarce, or incipient. The present dissertation has as its object of study to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), the Regime arisen from NPT, and the Brazilian State insertion process in this Regime. Therefore our research work is structured in three areas: the first one is about the role of nuclear weapons in States security perception, the second is about NPT and its Regime, the third runs over the insertion of the Brazilian state in this regime. So, in summary, the research performed included the reasons that make a State to develop nuclear weapons, the NPT genesis and evolution of the perception of the meaning of that Treaty by the States, and the process and the degree of insertion of Brazil in the Nuclear Weapons Non-Proliferation Regime. The inquiry sought to place this object of study in the broader debate on Foreign Relations, based on the approaches of the discipline devoted to the question of managing the security of States, id est, the two approaches that constitute the mainstream of the discipline: the perspective theoretical liberal (and neoliberal variants) and realistic thinking (and neo-realist). Thus, we have used different theoretical lenses, which we think necessary for understanding the specific parts and causal connections between these parts of a complex issue.

A questão das armas nucleares continua a figurar como um ponto central das Relações Internacionais Os esforços e ações concretas para o desarmamento, a não-proliferação e o controle das armas nucleares continuam sendo temas que geram tensões recorrentes entre os Estados. No entanto, no Brasil, são poucas as análises de caráter acadêmico acerca destes temas e, no que tange ao posicionamento corrente e prospectivo do Estado brasileiro no Regime de Não-Proliferação de Armas Nucleares, os estudos e análises são ainda mais escassos, ou incipientes. Tendo como objeto de estudo o Tratado sobre a Não-Proliferação de Armas Nucleares (TNP), o Regime dele decorrente e o processo de inserção do Estado brasileiro nesse Regime, a dissertação está estruturada em três eixos: o primeiro contempla o papel das armas nucleares na percepção de segurança dos Estados; o segundo abrange o TNP e o Regime dele decorrente; o terceiro analisa o processo de inserção do Estado brasileiro no Regime em pauta. Assim, em síntese, a pesquisa efetuada contemplou os motivos que levam os Estados à decisão de desenvolver armas nucleares; a gênese do TNP e a evolução da percepção do significado desse Tratado por parte dos Estados; bem como o processo e o grau de inserção do Brasil no Regime de Não-Proliferação de Armas Nucleares. A pesquisa efetuada buscou colocar o presente objeto de estudo no debate mais amplo das Relações Internacionais, tomando como base as abordagens consagradas da disciplina na questão do gerenciamento da segurança dos Estados, isto é, as duas abordagens que constituem o mainstream da disciplina, a perspectiva teórica liberal (e suas variantes neoliberais) e o pensamento realista (e neo-realista). Dessa forma, as conclusões obtidas valeram-se de lentes teóricas distintas, porém necessárias para a compreensão das partes específicas de um conjunto complexo e das conexões causais entre essas partes. / The issue of nuclear weapons continues to appear as a focal point of International Relations. The efforts and concrete actions on disarmament, non-proliferation, and nuclear arms control are still issues that generate recurring tensions between States. However, in Brazil, there is little analysis of an academic nature about these issues and, with respect to current and prospective position of the Brazilian State in the Nuclear Weapons Non-Proliferation Regime, studies and analysis are even more scarce, or incipient. The present dissertation has as its object of study to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), the Regime arisen from NPT, and the Brazilian State insertion process in this Regime. Therefore our research work is structured in three areas: the first one is about the role of nuclear weapons in States security perception, the second is about NPT and its Regime, the third runs over the insertion of the Brazilian state in this regime. So, in summary, the research performed included the reasons that make a State to develop nuclear weapons, the NPT genesis and evolution of the perception of the meaning of that Treaty by the States, and the process and the degree of insertion of Brazil in the Nuclear Weapons Non-Proliferation Regime. The inquiry sought to place this object of study in the broader debate on Foreign Relations, based on the approaches of the discipline devoted to the question of managing the security of States, id est, the two approaches that constitute the mainstream of the discipline: the perspective theoretical liberal (and neoliberal variants) and realistic thinking (and neo-realist). Thus, we have used different theoretical lenses, which we think necessary for understanding the specific parts and causal connections between these parts of a complex issue.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:26:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Douglas Antonio Fedel Zorzo.pdf: 869265 bytes, checksum: 9473a988e551499f4b514201bc4f2ef5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The political theory of Niccolò Machiavelli is permeated by a constant and inflexible preoccupation: the military question. The problems about the government relations are followed alongside by considerations about the political necessity of formation and organization of national armies. The Machiavellian military theory, diluted in the set of his works, is revealed as an essential aspect for the maintenance of state ordinations and the conservation of the vivere civile. The success of political institutions is dependent on the capacity for coordination and full absorption of the structures directed for the exercise of war: the military art and the political art create, at the heart of Machiavelli's thought, bonds of an inseparable articulation. The proper relation with the martial apparatus is a condition for the survival of States. In this sense, the primary objective of the study here presented is to delineate and to expose how the Machiavelli's warfare conceptions are thoughtful and grounded in the core of political arguments. On the one hand, we will seek to illustrate the function exercised by the art of war in the interior of the dynamic of state, evaluating the necessary requirements for the fusion of war and politics, beyond to devote one particular attention to the implications of this role in republicans and princely governments. On the other hand, we will intend to expose the way in which the interpretations of the technical nature of the military arrangements advocated by the Florentine secretary were strongly guided by government issues. / A teoria política de Nicolau Maquiavel é atravessada por uma preocupação constante e inflexível: a questão militar. Os problemas sobre as relações de governo são acompanhados lado a lado pelas considerações sobre a necessidade política da formação e da organização de exércitos nacionais. A teoria militar maquiaveliana, diluída no conjunto de suas obras, se revela como um aspecto imprescindível para a manutenção das ordenações estatais e para a conservação do vivere civile. O êxito das instituições políticas é dependente da capacidade de coordenação e plena absorção das estruturas direcionadas para o exercício da guerra: a arte militar e a arte política, no âmago do pensamento de Maquiavel, criam laços de uma articulação incindível. O relacionamento adequado com o aparato marcial é uma condição para a sobrevivência dos Estados. Nesse sentido, o objetivo primário do trabalho aqui apresentado é o de delinear e o de expor em que medida as concepções bélicas de Maquiavel são pensadas e alicerçadas no núcleo de argumentos políticos. Por um lado, buscaremos ilustrar a função exercida pela arte da guerra no interior da dinâmica estatal, avaliando os requisitos necessários para a fusão de guerra e política, além de dedicarmos uma atenção particular às implicações desse papel nos governos republicanos e principescos. Por outro, pretenderemos expor o modo por meio do qual as interpretações de cunho técnico sobre as disposições militares defendidas pelo Secretário florentino foram fortemente guiadas por questões governamentais.

O presente estudo tem por escopo principal verificar a aplicabilidade do princípio da paridade de armas na cooperação jurídica internacional penal. Em face dessa premissa, analisam-se os regramentos nacionais e internacionais que devem ser levados em consideração pelos Estados que se intitulam Democráticos e, sobretudo, de Direito, a fim de assegurar uma persecução penal equânime, sob a ótica dos princípios do contraditório, da ampla defesa e da igualdade processual entre acusação e defesa. Para tanto, realizou-se um levantamento bibliográfico, a partir do qual se buscou elidir visão reducionista da cooperação jurídica internacional, no sentido de que não se olvide que no outro lado da missão punitiva do Estado encontra-se uma pessoa, com inúmeras garantias e direitos historicamente assegurados. No primeiro capítulo, aborda-se a cooperação jurídica internacional sob três aspectos: histórico, principiológico e analítico-descritivo. No segundo capítulo, estudam-se os princípios e garantias inerentes ao devido processo legal, os quais não podem ser suprimidos, sobretudo em âmbito internacional, por se tratar de direitos humanos consagrados. O terceiro capítulo aborda a instrumentalidade decorrente do cabedal teórico construído nos capítulos anteriores. Assim, a produção da prova em processos penais transnacionais é analisada sob o viés da cooperação jurídica internacional, passando-se pelo mecanismo do auxílio direto fundamentado em acordos bilaterais e pelas tentativas de equilibrar o sistema dentre outras, a possibilidade de se utilizar essa modalidade na cooperação internacional penal para a produção de prova em prol da defesa , para então se propor que a Defensoria Pública da União possa atuar a fim de promover o acesso internacional à justiça e a efetiva equalização do regime cooperacional. Por fim, reputa-se que o futuro da cooperação jurídica penal internacional está em se disponibilizar à defesa os mesmos mecanismos disponíveis à acusação, em plena e devida igualdade, haja vista não existir valor maior a ser respeitado do que a dignidade da pessoa humana. / The presente work has as main scope to verify the applicability of the equality of arms in international legal assistance in criminal matters. Given this premise, it attempts to analyze international and national specific regulations that must be taken into consideration by the states that call themselves democratic and, above all, of law, in order to ensure an equitable criminal prosecution, from the perspective of the principles of adversary proceeding, full right to defense and the equality of arms. Therefore, we carried out a literature review, from which it was sought to elide reductionist view of international legal assistance, in the sense that we cannot forget that, on the other side of the punitive function of the State, there is a person with numerous safeguards and rights provided historically. The first chapter deals with the international legal assistance in three aspects: historical, applicable principles and analytical-descriptive. In the second chapter, we study the principles and guarantees inherent to the due process of law, which can not be suppressed, because it is enshrined human rights. The third chapter addresses the instrumentality derived from the theoretical leather built in previous chapters. Thus, the production of evidence in transnational criminal proceedings is examined under the bias of international legal assistance, going up by the reasoned direct assistance mechanism of bilateral agreements and by attempts to balance the system, among others, the possibility of using this modality in international criminal cooperation for the production of evidence for the defense, and then propose that the Public Defense can act to promote international access to justice and the effective equalization of cooperacional regime. Finally, it believes that the future of international legal assistance in criminal matters is to make available to the defense the same mechanisms available to the charge, in full and due equal rights, because there is no greater value to be respected than the dignity of the human person.

The objective of this thesis is to evaluate the degree of influence of the military-industrial complex on the foreign policy decision-making process of the state by examining the examples of certain countries with a large and developed defense industry. In terms of this thesis there were analyzed the contemporary trends in global military expenditures and the dynamics of the global arms transfers. A critical point is evaluation of the advantages and disadvantages of the extensive investing in the military-industrial complex of state.

La politique étrangère de la République populaire de Chine est l’objet d’explications doxiques qui, en vertu d’un raisonnement rationaliste positiviste, lui attribuent des visées secrètes, déterminées par des « intérêts » de « sécurité ». L’accession en 2003 de la Chine au rang symbolique de troisième puissance spatiale, après les États-Unis et la Russie, a été présentée par les experts réalistes des Relations internationales comme un témoignage supplémentaire de l’ambiguïté du pouvoir politique chinois quant à son utilisation des technologies militaires dans l’espace extra-atmosphérique. L’objectif de la thèse est de proposer une approche constructiviste de la politique étrangère chinoise en matière de Prévention d’une course aux armements dans l’espace. Il s’agit de reconnaître les sources premières par lesquelles le pouvoir politique chinois fait connaître et évoluer sa position en la matière. Le discours diplomatique produit à Genève par la délégation chinoise auprès de la Conférence du désarmement (CD) entre 1998 et 2009 est le matériau analysé par l’étude. Sa matérialité discursive est instituée dans des documents multiples au travers desquels sont produits des récits en légitimation des normes prescrites par la délégation chinoise ainsi que des représentations problématisées du réel social. La production discursive de normes façonne un ethos idéalisé du pouvoir politique en RPC. Elle est aussi constitutive de stratégies rhétoriques de coercition et de contestation destinées à contraindre la production discursive des délégations des autres États à propos de négociations connexes. Ces stratégies sont à l’origine du « blocage » de la CD depuis 1998. / The People’s Republic of China foreign policy is subject to doxic explanations which, in accordance with a rationalist positivist problem-solving theory, see it as secretly determined by “security interests”. The symbolic world space power rank that China has gained until 2003, behind the United States and Russia, was set out by realist International relations experts as further evidence of Chinese political power ambiguity towards its possible application of military technologies in outer space. The purpose of this research is to put forward a constructivist approach of the Chinese foreign policy related to the Prevention of an arms race in outer space. Primary sources of its position must be identified in order to understand the way the Chinese political power develop it. The Geneva Conference on Disarmament (CD) diplomatic discourse produced by Chinese diplomacy between 1998 and 2009 is the material of the study. The discourse materiality is constituted by working papers and statements through which numerous narratives are produced in order to legitimate norms and to problematize the representations of social reality. Discursive production of international norms shapes an idealized ethos of the political power in People’s Republic of China. Discursive production is also constitutive of coercion and contestation strategies, designed to force the discursive production of the other State members representatives about related negociated issues. Since 1998, these strategies have resulted in the CD deadlock.

Au moyen âge et au début de l’époque moderne, un groupe de personnes se présentait comme les serviteurs de toute la noblesse : les hérauts. Ces personnages en apparence inférieurs se trouvaient investis de fonctions importantes pour l’identité des nobles et du prince. À la Renaissance, malgré un déclin certain cet office continua à exister et à servir princes et nobles dans un contexte d’évolution importantes. Auprès des Habsbourg, ils participèrent notamment aux guerres de Charles Quint, à la sédentarisation et à l’hispanisation de la cour sous Philippe II et à la révolte des Pays-Bas. A travers eux, c’est l’histoire du principat des premiers grands Habsbourg et de leur noblesse que l’on peut deviner. / During the middle-ages and the early modern period, a group of person was claiming to be the servants of the whole noble order. They were the heralds. Several important functions related with the identity of the prince and his nobility were associated with these apparently inferior persons. During the Renaissance, in spite of a manner of decline, this officeremained in existence and continued to serve both princes and nobles. The evolutions of these two traditionnal groups were nonetheless important. At the court of the Hapsburg, the heralds took part in particular in the wars of Charles V, in the sedentarisation an hispanisation of the court of Philip II and in the Dutch revolt. Through these persons, the history of the reign of the two first Hapsburg reveals itself.