Forests provide a multitude of ecological services and are one of Canada’s most important natural resources that support a profitable industry, especially in New Brunswick. The activities associated with harvesting and forest management have documented ecological impacts such as the increased mobilization of mercury from the land to adjacent streams. Methylated mercury bioaccumulates and biomagnifies (concentrates) through food webs and in headwater streams forestry has been shown to change its accumulation. However, not much is known about the spatial trends of mercury accumulation and biomagnification through stream food webs and how different forest management practices affect these trends. To delineate these patterns, food webs were sampled across a spatial gradient from three basins experiencing different levels of forest management intensity. At a basin scale, methylmercury concentrations were greatest in filtered water, food sources, and one invertebrate taxa in a harvested but less intensively managed basin, likely due to increased inorganic sediments and dissolved organic carbon also observed. Biomagnification was lower in this same basin, possibly from inefficient trophic transfer of methylmercury from food sources. Longitudinally this basin also showed differences in fine particulate organic matter (FPOM) and coarse particulate organic matter (CPOM) mercury compared to the other basins, likely due to similar spatial patterns in organic matter. In conclusion, mercury dynamics in stream food webs were impacted by forestry primarily in water and basal food sources at a basin scale, but spatial patterns were inconsistent. / Thesis / Master of Biological Science (MBioSci) / Forest harvesting is an essential and large part of Canada’s economy, and it is important to ensure that its impacts on freshwater systems are minimal. Forest management can increase the amount of the toxic metal mercury entering streams and this can have harmful effects in top predators, like fish, since mercury concentrates through food webs. The knowledge lacking is how different harvesting practices change the amount of mercury in these food webs and whether impacts increase as streams get larger. Of the three basins I studied, the one with harvesting but little assisted regeneration (moderately impacted) had the highest mercury levels in water, leaves, and algae. From upstream to downstream the leaves and biofilm from the moderately impacted basin accumulated less mercury compared to the least harvested basin. Additionally, mercury concentrated less through the food web of this basin. The changes in the moderately impacted basin may be caused by sediments and other materials that transport mercury into the stream and increase water and food levels, but this high mercury was not being transferred to the other organisms in the food web. In conclusion, forest management had some effects on mercury at the base of food webs at a large scale, but patterns through space were inconsistent.

In recent years, International Relations scholars have begun to consider migration as an explanatory variable, recognizing its potential role in contributing to the outbreak of violent conflict. Despite the theoretical and empirical contributions resulting from this scholarship, the growing literature privileges a narrow category of migrants – involuntary migrants – failing to capture the role of the millions of voluntary migrants that might be part of the migration-conflict nexus. While some efforts have been made to explore the broader relationship between migration and security, this work focuses on developed countries, national security, and international migration. In short, this has led to the development of a new research agenda that bears little relevance to the African context (and other developing regions) where internal security and internal migration are much more prominent issues. This dissertation addresses these gaps by examining the migration-conflict nexus in the cocoa regions in two West African countries − Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana. These countries are excellent candidates for comparative analysis as both have a great deal in common in terms of their natural resources, geographies, cultures and relations to the world market. These countries also provide fertile ground for comparison as although they share similar migration histories, there have been fundamentally different outcomes in terms of migration-producing conflict. Whereas there have been violent outbreaks of conflict targeting migrants in Côte d’Ivoire leading to a protracted civil war, instances of violent conflict in Ghana’s cocoa growing regions are rare. By analyzing and contrasting the different migration-conflict trajectories across these cases, the dissertation develops an empirically-informed model for explaining migration-conflict dynamics in Africa and beyond. While the findings highlight the need to take migration seriously as a security issue in its own right, they also reveal the critical role of the following intervening variables in influencing the diverging outcomes: differences in state-society relations; diverging land tenure regimes; variations in state capacity and exogenous shocks; and contrasting experiences with autochthony discourses. Notwithstanding the empirical focus on migration-conflict dynamics in the Ivoirian and Ghanaian cocoa regions, the model developed herein provides important insights beyond these regional contexts. / Thesis (Ph.D, Political Studies) -- Queen's University, 2013-07-29 15:25:50.931

Using Tanzania as a case-study, this dissertation approaches the land grab issue in Tanzania with the following two main research question: How are new farmland investments shaping political dynamics and actors’ interactions in Tanzania? And, how actors’ interactions between and within levels of governance influence farmland investments’ outcomes at the local level? I tackle these questions by proposing an original theoretical framework which is based on two main assertions. First, local outcomes associated with farmland investments in Tanzania result from actors’ interactions. Second, these interactions are shaped by the interplay between three main elements: contingencies (C), actors’ agency (A), and structure (S). I use the acronym CAS to refer to these three elements. CAS, by combining various theoretical insights, is analytically productive because it furthers our understanding of what shapes relations among actors, and accounts for how their interactions change in time and space. It contributes significantly to the literature on land grabbing by proposing a unified analytical tool that builds up on the relational perspective that has been proposed by different scholars. In addition, CAS allows researchers to overcome misleading categorisations and to question dominant narratives that have been associated with the land grabbing literature. This dissertation is divided into 9 chapters. After the usual literature review (Chapter 1), theoretical framework (Chapter 2) and method (Chapter 3) chapters, Chapter 4 gets into the crux of the matter by first briefly presents Tanzania’s historical trajectory, with a specific focus on land policies in order to introduce this thesis’s empirical chapters, and to situate the reader in regards to Tanzania politics. Chapter 5 analysed land policies and related politics at the national level. It highlighted that actors’ interactions in relation to new farmland investments participate to the process of state formation. Chapter 6 and Chapter 7 both adopted a local perspective to capture the impacts associated with new farmland investments in district political arenas. More specifically, chapter 6 highlighted the importance of not overstating the authority of the central state, rather insisting on the key role played by intermediaries in Rufiji district. Chapter 7, seeking to capture how a specific investment has restructured the local political agrarian economy in Missenyi district, argued that Kagera Sugar safeguards its operational profitability by creating locally mediated market relations. It led to the emergence of new local patrons who used their position to benefit and foster their own material interests at villagers’ expense. Chapter 8 adopted a micro perspective, examining the political dynamics associated with investors-related land conflicts in a village in Missenyi district. I compared and explained why actors’ interactions are different even in the same institutional context, highlighting that the same local context may produce different CASs. In sum, this dissertation’s main findings are as follow. First, investments’ local impacts are contingent on investments’ terms of inclusion and exclusion that are constantly being negotiated between numerous actors. Second, although all actors exert their agency, their very capacity to negotiate and shape the social structure is partly influenced by structural constraints themselves. Third, it is interesting to note that specific local actors—and not necessarily the most powerful—such as district officials win almost every time, at least more than all the others. Although their place in the institutional architecture is decisive, it also shows that their capacity and ability to exert their agency is crucial: these district officials may have known better than others how to play their cards in the new Tanzanian farmland investment game. Fourth, even though processes through which new farmland investments affect the local political economy vary according to structural components (historical and institutional legacies), in both districts, the associated local outcomes were very similar. There are few exceptions, but the general trend in Tanzania is that most of the benefits associated with new farmland investments, the commodification of land and the increase of capital flows, are captured by government officials and political elites.

Il est indéniable que la notion de la famille dans l’œuvre camusienne est centrale ; cet axe fondamental est soutenu par d’autres thèmes majeurs, tels que la fraternité, la solidarité, et surtout l’humanité. Nous avons opté pour quatre axes pour les analyser :Dans la première partie, la filiation naturelle, il s’agit moins de montrer la part autobiographique que de démontrer l’impact des figures familiales sur l’œuvre camusienne. La progression du personnage du fils vers le cycle de la révolte participe à l’émergence d’un désir de fraternité ; celui-ci fait l’objet de la deuxième partie.L’étude de cette tendance vers la fraternité nous permet de déceler une mesure nécessaire dans les relations. Cette mesure, rappelée dans « le silence éloquent » d’une mère, met en évidence l’importance de la « pensée solaire », inhérente à la Méditerranée ancestrale, étudiée dans la troisième partie. Les paradigmes rattachés à cette mer ancestrale ne sont pas exclusifs à une communauté sans une autre ; leur adoption dans l’œuvre camusienne permet à celle-ci d’aspirer vers une parenté plus large : la parenté dans l’humanité, analysée dans la dernière partie. Nous avons conclu à la nécessité d’imaginer « le premier homme » heureux ; l’inachèvement du Premier homme ne devrait pas, en effet, estomper l’évolution de la conception de la famille vers une parenté humaine, mise en évidence dans mythe de l’autochtonie. / The notion of family is highly central to Camus’s work. The axial nature of this concept is an impetus to begin this thesis which aims at examining the expanse of this concept on Camus’s thinking. This major theme is supported by other ones as brotherhood, solidarity and above all humanity. We have chosen to divide it on four parts of analysis:The first part deals with natural descent. It is more about the impact of family characters on Camus’s work than on the autobiographical side; dealt throughout the three adopted cycles Absurdism, revolt, and at last love and reconciliation. The evolution of the son character towards the cycle of revolt in the mid of inevitable ups and downs took part in the emergence of fraternity desire, and this is the major theme in the second part. The study of this trend towards brotherhood has allowed us to uncover a necessary measure in the relationships. This measure recalled in “the eloquent silence” enhance the importance of “la pensée solaire” inherent in the ancestral Mediterranean Sea, and this makes it an object of study in the third part. The paradigms linked to this ancestral Sea are not exclusively specific to one community without another. Their adoption in Camus’s work allowed it to strive towards a larger parenthood; the parenthood of humanity dealt with in the last part. We have concluded by asserting the necessity of imagining the “first man” happy. The incompletion of Le Premier homme should not blur the evolution of the family conception to a human relationship, highlighted in the myth of autochthony.

During the latest armed conflict in the Central African Republic (CAR) from 2013 to the present, narratives emerged regarding who was an autochthon and who was not, pitting “true Central Africans” against “foreigners”, Christians against Muslims. This new cycle of violence is embedded in a long history of political violence in the CAR. Still, the claim of one group being more autochthon than another has not been a prominent feature of previous conflicts, neither has fighting in the past formed so clearly along religious identities. Being a Son of the Soil, an autochthon, evokes an image that denies CAR’s history of migration of social groups and reify fixity, and such conflicts have also been present in other parts of Africa, as well as in Europe and Asia. To date, most literature seeking to understand autochthony-related armed conflict has been dominated by elite-centric analysis that highlight the mobilization of autochthony as a strategy to retain power in cases of political liberalization or democratization (Cameroon, Kenya or Côte d’Ivoire). When not elite-centric, analyses of autochthony-related conflict have emphasized land, access to land issues or crudely predatory logics of vigilante groups on the local level (Côte d’Ivoire or the DRC). In CAR, neither political liberalization, nor land issues alone were prominent, but autochthony was a strategy as witnessed in other African cases of autochthony-related armed conflicts. In that sense, this research asks how and why is autochthony being mobilized in the CAR politics before and after the 2013 coup? The dissertation argues that elites and ordinary citizens discursively mobilize autochthony as an identity capital across various scales. They do it to access non-land related resources, claim hierarchy, and discriminate against the other. The mobilization of autochthony is tied to longer legitimacy-seeking strategies of the elite, and autochthony is a symbolic myth that can be mobilized at various levels. The dissertation’s main theoretical contribution is to challenge the tendency to consider elites and supporters as belonging and subscribing to different discursive realm. This study has considered that autochthony links leaders and their followers in a type of pre-given conception that no longer needs explanation. This contributes to considering elites and their supporters as tied by the same discursive realm, but the concrete meaning of the discourse is different across multiple levels. To make the argument, the dissertation uses a qualitative multi-method approach predominantly centered on discourse analysis, fieldwork, interviews, and newspapers archival research. My research shows that understanding autochthony violence requires a simultaneous analysis of how autochthony is given meaning at different levels by various actors in everyday practices from the macro to the micro. Instrumentalizing autochthony lies at the interplay of all these levels. In this work, autochthony is vague enough to connect leaders to followers and, at the same time, precise enough for listeners to make sense of the term by connecting it to their daily experience of it. The long-term existence of the autochthony discourse allows it to change and morph at times of heightened crisis. It does not emerge overnight, but it has a longer genealogy that must be understood in context. That is, it is not simply because Bozizé targeted Muslim-foreigners in his speeches that people mobilized against them. Top-down manipulation might have resonated with followers but understanding of autochthony also operated independently of the top-down manipulation. That the conflict manifested around sectarian lines fits within an autochthony framework because autochthony is an empty identity marker whose content can be filled in many ways – most frequently with reference to ethnicity, religion, language, myths of origin, or some combination of such markers.

Anthropogenic activities are increasing inorganic nitrogen (N) loadings to lakes in the northern hemisphere. In many boreal lakes phytoplankton are N limited, wherefore enhanced N input may affect the productivity of pelagic food webs. Simultaneously, global change causes increased inflows of terrestrial dissolved organic carbon (DOC) to boreal lakes. Between clear and humic lakes, whole lake primary and consumer production naturally differs. However, research is inconclusive as to what controls pelagic production in these lakes. Further, it is unclear how DOC affects the response of the pelagic food web to enhanced inorganic N availability. The overarching goal of this thesis was to study the effects of inorganic N and organic C for pelagic food webs in boreal lakes. In the thesis, I first identified the main drivers of pelagic production during summer in eight non-manipulated Swedish boreal lakes with naturally low or high DOC. Then I investigated how increased N availability affects the pelagic food chain, and how the response differs with DOC. Therefore, whole lake inorganic N fertilization experiments were conducted in six Swedish boreal lakes across a DOC gradient (low, medium, high) divided into three lake pairs (control, N enriched) with one reference and two impact years. In each lake, I also investigated the response of zooplankton growth using in situ mesocosm experiments excluding planktivores. I found that humic boreal lakes had lower phytoplankton production and biomass than clear water lakes. Further, phytoplankton community composition and food quality differed with DOC. However, high DOC did not reduce pelagic energy mobilization or zooplankton biomass, but promoted a higher dominance of cladoceran relative to copepod species. N addition clearly enhanced phytoplankton biomass and production in the experimental lakes. However, this stimulating N effect decreased with DOC as caused by light limitation. Further, the newly available phytoplankton energy derived from N addition was not efficiently transferred to zooplankton, which indicates a mismatch between producer energy supply and consumer energy use. Indeed, the mesocosm experiment revealed that decreased food quality of phytoplankton in response to N addition resulted in reduced food web performance, especially in clearer lakes. In humic lakes, zooplankton production and food web efficiency were clearly more resilient to N addition. In summary, my thesis suggests that any change in the landscape that enhances inorganic N availability will especially affect pelagic food webs in clear water lakes. In contrast, brownification will result in more lakes being resilient to eutrophication caused by enhanced N deposition.

Partant de l’étude d’un pèlerinage local du centre de la France approprié depuis les années 1960 par les migrants « Portugais » de la région, ce travail de thèse interroge la construction, l’expression et la visibilité des sentiments d’appartenance des pèlerins. Les appartenances se construisent et s’expriment aussi bien à partir de catégories religieuses que de catégories ethniques le plus souvent imbriquées. Ce pèlerinage apparaît comme un moment patrimonial où les « Portugais » mettent en exergue l’attachement au Portugal en même temps qu’ils affirment leur ancrage local, voire une autochtonie aux côtés de ceux qui, pour différentes raisons, investissent plutôt l’identité chrétienne. Cette thèse explore la construction complexe des appartenances, les circonstances et les manières dont elles s’expriment ou au contraire se taisent, d’une part à partir de l’analyse du pèlerinage en montrant comment les participants se représentent cet événement annuel et mobilisent tour à tour des références à la tradition, au territoire, à la religion et à l’origine, et d’autre part en mettant en lumière le rôle de l’Église et notamment du diocèse dans la fabrique d’une altérité ancrée dans un contexte religieux particulièrement inclusif / Based on the study of a local pilgrimage in the midst of France, witch appropriation was done by the Portuguese migrants of the area round 1960, this thesis questions the elaboration, expression and visibility, concerning their feeling as members of a community. These representations are built and expressed through both religious and ethnic, most often imbricated categories. This pilgrimage appears as a patrimonial moment, enhancing their attachment to Portugal and at the same time their claim for local roots. Or even autochthony, alongside those who, for various reasons, rather invest Christian identity. This thesis explores the complex construction of belongings, circumstances and ways in which they are expressed or, on the contrary fall silent, one hand from the analysis of the pilgrimage showing how participants perceive this annual event and mobilize alternately tradition, territory, religion or origin references, and secondly by highlighting the Church’s role, and especially that of the diocese in the making of an otherness rooted in a particularly inclusive religious context

Euripides’ Phoenissae is a challenging work that is often overlooked by scholars of Greek drama. This study analyzes how the concept of autochthony occupies a central thematic concern of the play. On the one hand, autochthony unites humans to soil, political claims to myths, and present to past. On the other hand, autochthony was often invoked to exclude foreigners, women and exiles from political life at Athens. We observe a similar dichotomy in the Phoenissae. Autochthony unites the episode action–the story of the fraternal conflict—with the very different subject matter of the choral odes, which treat the founding myths of Thebes. By focalizing the lyric material through the perspective of marginalized female voices (Antigone and the chorus), Euripides is able to problematize the myths and rhetoric associated with autochthony. At the same time, Antigone’s departure with her father at the play’s close offers a transformation of autochthonous power into a positive religious entity. I suggest that a careful examination of the many facets of autochthony can inform our understanding of the Phoenissae with respect to dramatic structure, apparent Euripidean innovations, character motivation, stage direction and audience reception. / text

Cette enquête d’ethnologie traite des rapports de pouvoir entre les Aïnous, la société et l’État japonais, et cherche plus particulièrement à décentrer le point de vue de la majorité concernant les Aborigènes et la conquête coloniale, en étudiant les transformations socioculturelles des Aïnous à travers la lente appropriation de l’île par le Japon. Elle privilégie, en étudiant les archives de l’histoire combinées aux données d’une ethnologie de terrain, ce que les Aïnous disent d’eux-mêmes et d’un passé marqué par le traumatisme de leur incorporation au corps national japonais après un long processus d’acculturation les ayant relégués au rang de minorité ethnoculturelle au statut encore précaire. Les historiographies japonaises et occidentales concernant la colonisation de l’ancienne île d’Ezo, se basant essentiellement sur le point de vue des conquérants, occultent par principe celui de ce peuple qu’elles qualifient parfois de disparu, et dont la subordination matérielle forcée avait déjà commencé bien avant, malgré la création d’un réseau de négoce exceptionnel. Nous pensons que ces archives et les données d’un long travail ethnographique peuvent nous aider à mieux comprendre cette communauté et les événements ayant façonné les épisodes de son histoire et de celle du Japon, longues séquences de transformations de leurs organisations socioculturelles et politiques respectives. Depuis l’annexion d’Ezo, et la longue préparation qui la précéda, l’étude de cet ensemble de données nous éclaire sur les modes opératoires des deux temps de la gouvernementalité d’un pouvoir ayant cherché à les manipuler à des fins politiques, après les avoir réifiés. Cet essai d’ethnohistoire, s’inscrivant dans le champ plus spécifique de l’anthropologie de la violence en situation coloniale et postcoloniale (symbolique lorsqu’elle prend les traits ponctuels de la discrimination raciale ou du déni d’existence, ethnique durant la période de la loi de l’indigénat de 1899 et des expérimentations de l’anthropologie physique), cherche à prendre en compte l’historicité de sources bibliographiques et ethnographiques jusque-là peu étudiées tout en se basant sur un long travail de terrain auprès des Aïnous, afin de nuancer la production d’une histoire du pouvoir exclusivement basée sur les discours de l’État, tendant à minimiser le fait aïnou au point de le rendre anecdotique, voire absent de l’histoire du pays. Il nous semble que les Aïnous sont les créateurs et les détenteurs d’une historicité que l’on a longtemps voulu leur nier pour mieux les déposséder. Loin d’être restée passive face à ces bouleversements, la communauté aïnoue se caractériserait plutôt par une valorisation de la combativité et une forte capacité de résistance à travers certaines figures héroïques (chefs de guerre d’antan, artistes, écrivains et militants d’aujourd’hui), malgré les tentatives d’acculturation à répétition auxquelles elle a dû faire face. De plus, la création d’un statut concernant l’indigénat aïnou dans une nation se pensant monoethnique nous semble annoncer une volonté de conceptualiser des structures coloniales, bientôt appliquées et modifiées dans les autres territoires annexés. Enfin, à travers son exploitation académique en tant que sujets de l’anthropologie physique japonaise à ses débuts, elle semble avoir joué un rôle important dans la constitution des nouveaux savoirs du Japon moderne importés de l’Occident. Ces analyses cherchent à apporter un éclairage nouveau sur leur pensée et ces stratégies en phase avec leur temps et d’une grande contemporanéité que les Aïnous sont parvenus à élaborer malgré un contexte défavorable, pour répondre et réagir aux transformations socioculturelles qui les ont traversés jusqu’à ce jour. / This research of ethnology studies the relationships of power between the Ainu, Japanese society and the Japanese State, and more specifically tries to shift the point of view of the majority concerning Aborigines and colonial conquest by studying the sociocultural transformations of the Ainu across the slow acquisition of Ezo by Japan. By studying historical archives combined with the data of ethnological fieldwork, it focuses on what the Ainu say about themselves and a past marked by the trauma of their incorporation into the Japanese national body after a long process of acculturation, which has relegated them to a precarious rank as an ethno-cultural minority. Both Japanese and Western historiographies concerning the colonization of the former island of Ezo, rely heavily on the conquerors’ perspective. These unilateral views obscure the existence of the Ainu’s own historiography, mostly silenced because of their forced material subordination. This allowed the colonial power to describe them as a vanished primitive people despite the fact that they created an exceptional international trading network in the past and possess a long history of resistance to domination. These archives and data from extended ethnographic fieldwork can help us to better understand this community and the events that shaped its history and that of Japan, and the long sequences of transformations of their respective socio-cultural and political organizations. Considering both the annexation of Ezo, as well as the long preparation that preceded it, the study of this set of data sheds light on the patterns of the colonial and postcolonial power’s governmentality, and efforts to manipulate the Ainu for political purposes, after having dehumanized and objectified them. This ethno-historical essay, in accordance with the more specific field of anthropology of violence in colonial and postcolonial contexts (violence can be symbolic when it takes on the occasional traits of racial discrimination and denial of existence, or ethnic, such as during the period of physical anthropology experiments or the long period following the Former Aborigines Act in 1899), seeks to take into account the historicity of previously little studied bibliographic and ethnographic sources. It also relies on long-term fieldwork with the Ainu. The result is a reinterpretation of the production of a history of power based exclusively on the State’s views and thoughts that aimed to minimize the Ainu’s existence to the point of relegating it to mere anecdote or possibly even rendering it invisible in the country’s history. Besides this critical situation, it appears that the Ainu are the creators and the holders of a historicity that has been denied for too long in order to better dispossess them. The Ainu, through academic exploitation as subjects of physical anthropology, appear to have been used in order to assess the practical application of Western colonial ideals and to support the modernization and creation of a Japanese colonial empire. Struggling desperately to free themselves from the shackles of the Former Aborigines Act of 1899 and from socio-cultural and academic violence by reversing stereotypes of ethnicity, the Ainu have patiently managed to integrate into the international network of indigenous activism, developing a vast cultural reinvention program focused on the main principles of autochthony. These analyses seek to shed new light on the Ainu’s way of thinking, the contemporary strategies to obtain the concrete application of their indigenous rights which they have managed to develop despite an unfavorable context, and to respond and react to the socio-cultural transformations they have been facing up to the present. / 本民族学調査は、アイヌと日本の国家並び社会とのあいだに生じる権力関係を対象とし、日本による漸進的なアイヌモシリ（北海道）占有の過程における、アイヌの社会文化的変容の考察を通じて、先住民と植民地主義的征服に関する多数派の観点を相対化することが目指される。本調査では、歴史資料に加え、現地での民族学調査に基づくデータを扱うが、それは、アイヌが自身とその過去について行う証言を重視するためである。アイヌによって語られる過去は、長きにわたる異文化受容の過程の後に、日本の国体に吸収され、文化民族的少数者という不安定な地位に追いやられたことに起因する外傷の痕跡を色濃く残している。一方、蝦夷ヶ島の植民に関する日本と西洋の史書は、基本的に征服者の視点に基づいており、それによれば、アイヌは並外れた交易のネットワークを築いていたにも関わらず、その強制的な物質的従属ははるか以前に遡るとみなされたり、また時にアイヌは既に消滅したものとみなされたりもする。つまりこれらの史書では、アイヌ自身の視点は端から隠蔽されているのである。従って、アイヌの共同体について、また、アイヌの歴史と日本の歴史における挿話を生み出してきた諸事件について、さらには、アイヌと日本双方の社会文化的・政治的な組織の変容の論理的筋道についてよりよく理解するためには、歴史資料のみならず、長年に渡る民族誌学的調査のデータを検討することが必要となるであろう。そして、こうしたデータの総体を検討することにより、蝦夷地の併合以降、並びに、それに先行する長い準備期間という、統治性に関わる二つの期間において、まずはアイヌを物化し、次いで政治的な目的で利用するための権力が、どのように形成されたのかが明らかとなるであろう。より厳密にいうのであれば、本民族誌学的試論は、コロニアル、ポストコロニアル的な状況下における暴力についての人類学という特殊領域に属し（その暴力は、人種差別や存在の否認といった限定的表現をとるときには象徴的なものとなり、形質人類学的実験や先住民に関する法律が施行されていた時期には民族的なものとなる）、アイヌのもとでの長年のフィールドワークに基礎をおきながら、これまであまり研究されてこなかった文献や民族誌学的情報の歴史性を重視し、そうすることで、アイヌの偉業を瑣末事とみなし、時に国史から抹消するまでに過小評価してきた、国家の言説に基づく権力の歴史の産物を相対化することを目指している。強権的な歴史観においては、アイヌからの収奪を促進するため、アイヌの歴史性は否定されてきたが、実際にはアイヌは、歴史性の創造者でありまたその保持者であるというのが本調査での見解である。自らを襲う幾多の変動に対し、アイヌは決して受動的であったわけではない。アイヌの共同体はむしろ、度重なる異文化受容の試練に対して発揮された、闘争性と強靭な抵抗力とによって特徴付けられるのであり、それは、数々の英雄的人物（往年の戦争指導者、芸術家、作家そして今日の活動家）の行動が示すとおりである。また、単一民族を自称する国家の内部で、アイヌに対する行政法的な地位（「北海道旧土人」）が設けられたという事実からは、この後、他の併合地域にも適応され、修正されていくこととなる、植民地支配のための機構を理論化しようとする国家の意志を読み取ることが可能である。さらにアイヌは、西洋から輸入された現代日本の新たな学識の形成のために重要な役割を果たしたと考えられるが、それは、黎明期にあった日本の形質人類学の研究対象として、学術的に利用されることによってなのである。これらの法的な拘束や、社会文化的・学究的な暴力の束縛からの解放を求めて激しく抵抗するなかで、アイヌは、自然と融合した未開人といった固定観念の価値を自らに有利なように逆転すると共に、粘り強い活動の結果、積極行動主義をとる先住民たちの国際的なネットワークに連なることにも成功し、先住民性に関する諸原則に則りながら、文化を再発明するためのプログラムを練り上げている。2008年の国会決議によって、日本の先住民として認定された後も、アイヌはナショナリズムや内向的姿勢に陥ることなく、他の多くの先住民たちに倣いながら、人新世（anthropocène）という危機的な時代の最中、利潤追求の結果抑制が効かなくなったまま、地球規模で推し進められる経済的発展に脅かされた環境の守護者として、その地位を確立している。本調査における分析により、自身が置かれた不利な状況にも関わらず、今日も依然として強い影響を残す社会文化的な変容に対応し、対処していくため、これまでアイヌが練り上げてきた、今日の状況にも適う、極めて現代的な性格を有する彼らの思考とその戦略について、新たな理解がもたらされるであろう。