Following unprecedented earthquakes in 1999, highly centralized Turkey initiated reforms that aimed to improve disaster management collaboration and to empower local authorities. In 2011, two earthquakes hit the country anew affecting the city of Van and town of Erciş in Turkey’s southeast. In attempts to reduce disaster risk, global disaster risk reduction frameworks and disaster scholars and practitioners advocate collaborative and decentralized disaster management strategies. This thesis investigates how such strategies are received in a centralized and hierarchical national political-administrative system that largely is the anti-thesis of the prescribed solutions. More specifically, this research investigates the barriers and prerequisites for disaster management collaboration between both public and civil society actors in Turkey (during preparedness, response, and recovery) as well as how Turkey’s political-administrative system affects disaster management collaboration and its outcomes. The challenges to decentralization of disaster management are also investigated. Based on forty-four interviews with actors ranging from national to village level and NGOs, the findings suggest that the political-administrative system can alter the relative importance, validity, and applicability of previously established enabling or constraining conditions for collaboration. This may in turn challenge previous theoretical assumptions regarding collaboration. By adopting a mode of collaboration that fit the wider political-administrative system, collaborative disaster management progress was achieved in Turkey’s national level activities. Although there were exceptions, collaboration spanning sectors and/or administrative levels were generally less forthcoming, partly due to the disjoint character of the political-administrative system. Political divergence between local and central actors made central-local collaboration difficult but these barriers were partly trumped by other prerequisites enabling collaboration like interdependence and pre-existing relations. The findings suggest that the specific attributes of disasters may both help and hinder disaster management collaboration. Such collaboration generally improved disaster response. The findings also indicate that the decentralization attempts may have been premature as the conditions for ensuring a functional decentralization of disaster management are presently lacking. Decentralization attempts are commonly suggested to increase local capacity and local participation but the findings of this dissertation suggest that in Turkey, these commodities may currently have better chances of being increased by refraining from decentralization.

中國經濟的快速成長導致電力需求的急劇增教。雖然現在主要仍是以煤炭的方式提供全國的電力，但中國政府也一直在尋找能有效降低環境污染的替代能源。因此“水力發電”在中國能源政策扮演的角色越來越重要－－這時，擁有巨大水資源的雲南省就變成了中國西南的關鍵提電者之一。過去二十年之內，已有企業與政府針對該省重點的水力設施進行大量投資。然而，發展水電雖然有助於生產大量的電，也帶來眾多環境和社會層面的影響。中國政府承認這些反面的影響，因此開始了設計一系列水電發展政策來預防可能的嚴重後果。 本論文分析中國中央政府和雲南地方政府共同制定的水電移民政策，以及新政策對當地執行過程所帶來的影響。基於多元的田野調查，本論文顯示地方政府如何落實中央政府制定的政策。雖然這幾年中國的水庫移民政策有大量的改進，但因為建設大水電站涉及層面廣，時間長，安置過程久，所以中央政府政策的彈性調整，造成當地政府執行過程對不同時間的移民外置帶來不對等的安置，因此印發水庫移民的方抗。 / Policy-making of dam-induced resettlement is a dynamic process that shows how group interests have been distributed and adjusted during different stages of water resource development in China. Since 1949, China’s political direction, economic system and its national strength have been in constant flux, reflecting in the policy towards land appropriation and resettlement induced by water conservancy and hydropower projects. The present study focuses on the changes that have taken place in the area of dam-induced resettlement policy after 2006 when the first regulations on resettlement caused by water resource and hydropower projects were amended. It shows how this policy change is perceived by villagers relocated in the course of dam construction, and addresses the question of why policy improvements have not led to desired results. The paper first addresses policy change in the area of dam-induced resettlement over the past six decades. In subsequent sections, I draw on findings gathered during my doctoral fieldwork to demonstrate how the recent improvement of resettlement regulations for water resource and hydropower projects at the central level are translated into implementation strategies at the local level in Yunnan. I show that while delegating the implementation of resettlement processes to the lowest level of the administrative hierarchy allows for innovative policy experimentation and flexible adaptation, the long timespan needed for the construction of large dam projects gives rise to uneven policy implementation and resistance on the side of resettled communities.

This dissertation focused on the nature of political control over the bureaucracy with reference to the Northern Province (1994-1998). Bureaucracies are controlled in various ways. Mechanisms aimed at ensuring public accountability towards ministers, national assemblies, the courts or ombudsmen may be instituted. The civil service may become politicised, so that it shares the ideological enthusiasm of the government of the day. Counter-bureaucracies may be formed to create an alternative advisory service and to strengthen the hand of elected politicians. Should the bureaucracy be subjected to political control? The reality of 'government by officials' may function behind the facade of representative and democratic accountability, which is the precise reason why control over bureaucratic power is one of the most urgent problems in modern politics and public administration and why no political/administrative system has found an easy solution to this problem yet. It is against this background that answers can be found to the question of whether the bureaucracy should be subject to political control and how such control should be exercised. Research questions which could herald possible solutions to the problem, were pursued. The study describes, analyses, and evaluates political control over the bureaucracy as an integral part of public adminstration and an essential ingredient of representative democracy. The dissertation also investigated the difference between the variables of the political and the administrative systems state-related structures and institutions and the ideological grounding of state-related concepts that influence the milieu of political control over the bureaucracy. Among others, the study determined the nature of the bureaucracy, provided a picture of how bureaucracies function, and described the factors and institutions that influence the interaction between the political and the administrative systems in terms of political control. / Public Administration and Management / M.P.A. (Public Administration)

上世紀80年代中國產生了許多的變化，在經濟上採取較為開放的態度。汽車產業也在這樣的趨勢下與國外的跨國汽車企業合作，發展自己的汽車製造工業，至今中國已經成為最大的汽車製造國。為了發展汽車產業，中國透過國有企業與跨國企業合作成立許多合資公司，本文所取用的東風汽車集團與廣汽集團旗下都存在許多這樣的子公司。國家透過國有企業作為帶動產業發展的火車頭，但國有企業複雜的所有權問題牽涉中央與地方關係的運作，影響著汽車產業的發展。運用國有企業作為中介制度的同時，中央與地方關係也同時在運作，在長時間的發展下因國企所有權差異而產生的不同發展模型也逐漸變化，最終中國的汽車發展模式趨於類似。在這過程中，國家的影響實際上分做中央與地方同時進行，短期而言似乎看不到到中央的影響力，但就長期而言中央確實引導了中國汽車產業並助其發展。在理論方面，筆者以為中國汽車產業的成長長久以都是在國家資本主義的途徑上進行的，而非是發展型國家或管理型國家的模式。因為中國雖然引進市場經濟相當長的一段時間，但是實際上不管是中央還是地方的手都不曾離開過這個領域，即便是現在中國最主要的汽車生產與銷售仍舊以國有企業為主。 / China had has series transitions since 1980s years, and it had adopted open attitude at economical work. In this trend, state owner enterprises cooperated (SOEs) with foreign cross-national enterprises (CNEs) to develop self’s automotive industry. Now, China had become biggest country of automotive produce. For developing automotive industry, it established many companies by Chinese SOEs and foreign CNEs, for example Dongfeng motor group, Guangzhou automobile group. SOE like locomotive that it brings development, but it has problem of property that affect working of central-local relationship. While state utilizes SOE to be intermediary institution, central and local is continually interaction. In long time, ownership led to differently developmental model that was changed that trend to similar model. In fact, national affection is divide two parts: central and local. In short term, we difficultly observe central affection but, in long term, central affection is remake. In theoretically, I argue that Chinese automotive industrial development below to approach of state capitalism and it is not developmental state and regulatory state. China had work market economy but government, central and local, still intervenes domestic market, instead of major firm of Chinese produce and selling is SOEs.