This study evaluates the efficacy of using Equivalence Based Instruction (EBI) to teach historical figures to teenagers with autism in a group setting. Stimuli consisted of three eight-member classes of (A) vocal names of inventors, (B) pictures of inventors, and (C) textual names of their inventions. Participants were assigned their own directly trained class members (Participant 1- A₁₂₃₄, B₁₂₃₄ ,C₁₂₃₄) and (Participant 2 - A₅₆₇₈, B₅₆₇₈, C₅₆₇₈). Participants trained on relation A→B, then after mastery, trained on relation B→C. Probes were conducted followed both A→B and B→C training to assess mastery. Participants each received instructions for three trials then alternated as observer for three trials. Results found both participants demonstrated class formation on their trained stimuli, and one participant demonstrated class formation for his train and observed stimuli. This suggest observational learning with EBI was effective for teaching new academic skills to teenagers with autism.

As classes de equivalência de estímulos são produto das contingências de reforço. No entanto, as pesquisas têm utilizado apenas contingências de reforço positivo e investigado, na sua maioria, como eventos relacionados a um mesmo reforçador podem passar a compor uma mesma classe. O objetivo do presente trabalho foi avaliar o efeito de diferentes contingências de reforço, positivo e negativo, no estabelecimento de discriminações condicionais na formação de classes de equivalência em humanos. Foram realizados dois experimentos. No Experimento I, 12 participantes treinaram simultaneamente 12 relações condicionais (AB e BC) utilizando três arranjos de contingência de reforçamento diferentes: reforçamento positivo (Ganhar/Manter), reforçamento negativo (Manter/Perder) e uma contingência mista de reforçamento negativo e positivo (Ganhar/Perder), seguidos de testes de formação de classes de equivalência. No Experimento I, os participantes expostos aos testes de equivalência acertaram todas as tentativas de teste. Estes resultados demonstram a possibilidade de formação de classes de equivalência em uma contingência de reforço negativo, porém um possível efeito de teto impede a comparação de cada contingência na formação de classes. No Experimento II, sete participantes foram expostos ao treino de 12 relações condicionais, com classes com um maior número de nódulos (AB, BC e CD) utilizando apenas duas contingências de reforço (Ganhar/Manter e Manter/Perder). Em ambos os experimentos, a sequência de aquisição das discriminações e o viés inicial produzido pelas contingências de reforço negativo sugerem um impacto diferencial da punição em relação ao reforçamento. Os resultados nos testes de equivalência sugerem que a formação de classes é menos provável quando utilizada uma contingência de reforço negativo em relação a de reforço positivo. Foi discutida a generalidade da formulação sobre formação de classes de equivalência, priorizando os padrões de controle de estímulos produzido pelas diferentes contingências. Ressalta-se a necessidade de maior investigação sobre quais os efeitos do uso de contingências aversivas no controle da resposta e mais especificamente no controle de estímulos / Equivalence classes are produced by reinforcement contingencies, however, research have used exclusively positive reinforcement and investigated mostly how events related to a same reinforcer may result in the formation a same class. The aim of this study was to evaluate how different reinforcement contingencies affect the acquisition of conditional discriminations and equivalence class formation in humans. Two experiments were conducted. In Experiment I, 12 participants learned 12 conditional relations (AB BC) under three different contingencies: positive reinforcement (Gain/Maintain), negative reinforcement (Maintain/Lose) and a mixed contingency (Gain/Lose). Equivalence class test were applied subsequently. In Experiment I, participants that underwent the equivalence tests performed correctly in all trials, although a roof effect might have prevented a proper comparison of the contingencies effect. In Experiment II, seven participants learned 12 conditional relations with more nodes (AB, BC e CD) and two reinforcement contingencies (Gain/Maintain and Maintain/Lose). In both experiments, the conditional discrimination acquisition sequence and the initial bias produced by the negative reinforcement contingency suggest a differential effect of punishment in relation to reinforcement. The equivalence test results suggest the possibility of equivalence class formation using a negative reinforcement contingency and indicate that equivalence classes are less probable using a negative reinforcement contingency than a positive reinforcement one. The generality of the equivalence class formulation was discussed emphasizing the investigation of stimuli control patterns produced by the contingencies. The lack of knowledge about stimulus control produced by aversive contingencies was highlighted

As classes de equivalência de estímulos são produto das contingências de reforço. No entanto, as pesquisas têm utilizado apenas contingências de reforço positivo e investigado, na sua maioria, como eventos relacionados a um mesmo reforçador podem passar a compor uma mesma classe. O objetivo do presente trabalho foi avaliar o efeito de diferentes contingências de reforço, positivo e negativo, no estabelecimento de discriminações condicionais na formação de classes de equivalência em humanos. Foram realizados dois experimentos. No Experimento I, 12 participantes treinaram simultaneamente 12 relações condicionais (AB e BC) utilizando três arranjos de contingência de reforçamento diferentes: reforçamento positivo (Ganhar/Manter), reforçamento negativo (Manter/Perder) e uma contingência mista de reforçamento negativo e positivo (Ganhar/Perder), seguidos de testes de formação de classes de equivalência. No Experimento I, os participantes expostos aos testes de equivalência acertaram todas as tentativas de teste. Estes resultados demonstram a possibilidade de formação de classes de equivalência em uma contingência de reforço negativo, porém um possível efeito de teto impede a comparação de cada contingência na formação de classes. No Experimento II, sete participantes foram expostos ao treino de 12 relações condicionais, com classes com um maior número de nódulos (AB, BC e CD) utilizando apenas duas contingências de reforço (Ganhar/Manter e Manter/Perder). Em ambos os experimentos, a sequência de aquisição das discriminações e o viés inicial produzido pelas contingências de reforço negativo sugerem um impacto diferencial da punição em relação ao reforçamento. Os resultados nos testes de equivalência sugerem que a formação de classes é menos provável quando utilizada uma contingência de reforço negativo em relação a de reforço positivo. Foi discutida a generalidade da formulação sobre formação de classes de equivalência, priorizando os padrões de controle de estímulos produzido pelas diferentes contingências. Ressalta-se a necessidade de maior investigação sobre quais os efeitos do uso de contingências aversivas no controle da resposta e mais especificamente no controle de estímulos / Equivalence classes are produced by reinforcement contingencies, however, research have used exclusively positive reinforcement and investigated mostly how events related to a same reinforcer may result in the formation a same class. The aim of this study was to evaluate how different reinforcement contingencies affect the acquisition of conditional discriminations and equivalence class formation in humans. Two experiments were conducted. In Experiment I, 12 participants learned 12 conditional relations (AB BC) under three different contingencies: positive reinforcement (Gain/Maintain), negative reinforcement (Maintain/Lose) and a mixed contingency (Gain/Lose). Equivalence class test were applied subsequently. In Experiment I, participants that underwent the equivalence tests performed correctly in all trials, although a roof effect might have prevented a proper comparison of the contingencies effect. In Experiment II, seven participants learned 12 conditional relations with more nodes (AB, BC e CD) and two reinforcement contingencies (Gain/Maintain and Maintain/Lose). In both experiments, the conditional discrimination acquisition sequence and the initial bias produced by the negative reinforcement contingency suggest a differential effect of punishment in relation to reinforcement. The equivalence test results suggest the possibility of equivalence class formation using a negative reinforcement contingency and indicate that equivalence classes are less probable using a negative reinforcement contingency than a positive reinforcement one. The generality of the equivalence class formulation was discussed emphasizing the investigation of stimuli control patterns produced by the contingencies. The lack of knowledge about stimulus control produced by aversive contingencies was highlighted

論文摘要 本文目的在以階級形成的觀點，透過文獻收集與深度訪談，詮釋1984至2002年之間，經驗過衝突和集體行動的台灣報業記者勞工意識的建構過程與內涵轉變。 研究發現，隨著報業自動化、政治解嚴、報禁解除，以及九○年代以後，有線電視、網路科技興盛以及閱報率下降，報業市場萎縮，報社因倒閉、停刊的裁員案例漸增，工作權不保的危機由印務部擴展至編輯部。過去強調新聞自由、專業的記者編輯，因工作內容特殊性，多不認同勞工身份，更遑論有勞工意識，但隨著自早停刊、自晚經營權轉移以及中時無預警裁撤中南編事件的勞資爭議事件，少數記者編輯卻在勞資爭議的抗爭過程，體認到「勞資關係不平等」，感覺到或有意的結合勞方共同利益，以實際行動對抗資方，激發勞工意識，意識的轉變由以往認知印刷廠工人才是勞工，轉變為只要是受僱者便和一般勞工無異，並體認作為勞工團結象徵的工會之重要性。 然而，至今報社工會且仍在運作者不到10家，除了工會法--廠場工會的限制削弱勞工集體力量的結構性因素外，報業藍、白領勞工工作利益的分歧，形成行動的斷裂，亦為長期報業工會力量弱化的主因。不過，即使在缺乏集體行動的文化傳統下，中國時報產業工會卻能多次以行動挑戰客觀條件的限制，展現強烈的工會性格，與具有工人關懷的知識份子有意識地組織強調集體主義、激發工人意識的工會有關，成為勞工對抗資方的背後支柱。

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / O objetivo do presente estudo foi desenvolver uma discussão teórica acerca do projeto varguista que pôde ser percebido como uma tentativa de criação de um "Estado de bem-estar" no Brasil. Uma ampla base teórica traz elementos de análise sobre Estado de bem-estar, como contribuições sobre o processo de engajamento do Estado na constituição de estratégias para lidar com a "questão social", os motores desse engajamento, os atores envolvidos e o peso de seus papéis, os objetivos dos projetos de Estado de bem-estar e as consequências na instituição dos welfare states. A partir da proposta de Esping-Andersen de compreensão de diferentes regimes de welfare state - conservador, liberal e social-democrata - análise do projeto varguista resultou como enquadrado no modelo conservador. A saída corporativa, com a construção de políticas sociais - marcadamente trabalhistas -, apresentou-se como novo marco de coesão social, pelo qual poderia ser permitida a participação da classe trabalhadora. Assim como no modelo conservador sistematizado por Esping-Andersen, os direitos sociais brasileiros tiveram um reduzido potencial desmercantilizador se verificados na relação com a ideia de "cidadania regulada", pois indica uma cidadania orientada apenas para grupos ocupantes de categorias profissionais reconhecidas legalmente e pela qual a relação salarial foi traduzida em direitos e garantida constitucionalmente. As políticas sociais apresentam-se como verdadeiras políticas de formação de classe: a cidadania regulada transformava-se em promessa de inclusão, moldando as perspectivas e aspiração da classe trabalhadora e assim, legitimando a luta pela sua própria efetivação. / The aim of this study was to develop a theoritical discussion on the Vargas Project that could be perceived as an attempt to create a welfare state in Brazil. A broad theoretical basis brings elements of walfare analysius, such as academic contributions on the process of engagement of the state in setting up strategies to deal with the social question, the engines of engagement, the players involved and the weight of their roles, the goals of the welfare state projects, and the impact of their implementation. From the Esping-Andersons understanding of different welfare state regimes conservative, liberal and social democratic the analysis of the Vargas project resulted as framed in the conservative model. A corporatist option, with the building of social policies specifically labor ones , rose as the new landmark of social cohesion, allowing workers participation. As in the conservative model systematized by Esping-Anderson, Brazilian social rights had a reduced decommodification potential. That is a result of the regulated citizenship, that indicates a citizenchip which was available only to holders of legally recognized occupational posts and that constitutionally guaranteed wage relation and converted it into rights. Social policies are presented as true policies of class formation: a regulated citizenship would become a promise of inclusion, shaping the views and aspirations of the working class and thus legitimizing the struggle for theis implementation.

The aim of this thesis is to explore the class and consciousness formation in a local setting by also developing and applying a theoretical framework which allow us to study the interaction of locus of class consciousness with the other loci of consciousness formation such as the community and the state. Such an approach is also grounded in the belief that a relational understanding of these processes requires us to take spatial dynamics such as local dependency, spatial fix and fixity and mobility into account. By critically drawing upon historico-geographical materialist approach(es), the thesis attempts at resolving the tensions between &lsquo / locality-wider society&rsquo / and &lsquo / structure-consciousness&rsquo / . By integrating them into a holistic and operational conceptual framework, it investigates the highly complex patterning of relations within urban structured coherences, and their effects upon the class and consciousness formation processes. It is shown that interpenetration of these fields of tension through urban processes is crucial in shaping a backbone for the concrete struggles fought by working class against capital in and of the urban regions. These issues are discussed with reference to two working class neighborhoods in Bursa. The first community, Emek, is an unplanned, illegally built settlement, hosting mostly migrant, and lower-wage earning industrial workers, and the second one, Akpinar, is a planned settlement, composed of low-cost housing cooperatives, symbolizing a higher living standard environment for well-paid, socially secure workers, mostly local in origin. The field research focuses on the relations between &lsquo / the labor market, housing market and local dependency&rsquo / and &lsquo / the strategies between mobility-fixity adopted both on part of capital and labor&rsquo / . The specific character of these strategies also tell us how the patterning of the relations between class, community and state loci of consciousness formation and the formation of local coherences mutually shape one another. It is often assumed in this context that formation of class-based consciousness is hindered by other loci of consciousness such as the community-based one. This study shows that community-based consciousness is itself largely absent in the communities in hand and when community-base is deployed by the local workers it is often strategically employed to get personal benefits. In this sense, the study concludes that the lack of community-based consciousness does not device more effective strategies of formation of class-based consciousness but perhaps another adverse factor in developing class-based consciousness in an environment heavily dominated by individualized form of consciousness.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / O objetivo do presente estudo foi desenvolver uma discussão teórica acerca do projeto varguista que pôde ser percebido como uma tentativa de criação de um "Estado de bem-estar" no Brasil. Uma ampla base teórica traz elementos de análise sobre Estado de bem-estar, como contribuições sobre o processo de engajamento do Estado na constituição de estratégias para lidar com a "questão social", os motores desse engajamento, os atores envolvidos e o peso de seus papéis, os objetivos dos projetos de Estado de bem-estar e as consequências na instituição dos welfare states. A partir da proposta de Esping-Andersen de compreensão de diferentes regimes de welfare state - conservador, liberal e social-democrata - análise do projeto varguista resultou como enquadrado no modelo conservador. A saída corporativa, com a construção de políticas sociais - marcadamente trabalhistas -, apresentou-se como novo marco de coesão social, pelo qual poderia ser permitida a participação da classe trabalhadora. Assim como no modelo conservador sistematizado por Esping-Andersen, os direitos sociais brasileiros tiveram um reduzido potencial desmercantilizador se verificados na relação com a ideia de "cidadania regulada", pois indica uma cidadania orientada apenas para grupos ocupantes de categorias profissionais reconhecidas legalmente e pela qual a relação salarial foi traduzida em direitos e garantida constitucionalmente. As políticas sociais apresentam-se como verdadeiras políticas de formação de classe: a cidadania regulada transformava-se em promessa de inclusão, moldando as perspectivas e aspiração da classe trabalhadora e assim, legitimando a luta pela sua própria efetivação. / The aim of this study was to develop a theoritical discussion on the Vargas Project that could be perceived as an attempt to create a welfare state in Brazil. A broad theoretical basis brings elements of walfare analysius, such as academic contributions on the process of engagement of the state in setting up strategies to deal with the social question, the engines of engagement, the players involved and the weight of their roles, the goals of the welfare state projects, and the impact of their implementation. From the Esping-Andersons understanding of different welfare state regimes conservative, liberal and social democratic the analysis of the Vargas project resulted as framed in the conservative model. A corporatist option, with the building of social policies specifically labor ones , rose as the new landmark of social cohesion, allowing workers participation. As in the conservative model systematized by Esping-Anderson, Brazilian social rights had a reduced decommodification potential. That is a result of the regulated citizenship, that indicates a citizenchip which was available only to holders of legally recognized occupational posts and that constitutionally guaranteed wage relation and converted it into rights. Social policies are presented as true policies of class formation: a regulated citizenship would become a promise of inclusion, shaping the views and aspirations of the working class and thus legitimizing the struggle for theis implementation.

This thesis discusses the working class formation, particularly the class consciousness formation of the working class during the Democrat Party period. Class consciousness formation is evaluated as a dimension of class formation process. Getting organized, trade unionization and collective action, especially calling a strike are among the significant aspects of class consciousness formation. During the DP period, right to strike is the most controversial and noteworthy issue. It is the basic debate in the trade union newspapers. This is the reason of discussing class consciousness with reference to right to strike as handled by the trade union newspapers. According to this study, class consciousness should be perceived as a phenomenon composed of different levels. In addition, class struggle can take place in different ways and class consciousness can have different forms. Although, it is hard to say that there is a class consciousness in the Leninist sense of the term, it is possible to talk about an economic-corporate consciousness with Gramsci&rsquo / s words. Trade unionization during the DP period and trade union publications are important experience of the workers in class consciousness formation process. Working classes do not generally taken into consideration in the studies of the DP period and also in the researches on Turkish labor history. The study also asserts that, experiences of trade unions or the workers in general during the DP period are worth to analyze for the Turkish labor history.

373f. / Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-10-09T15:02:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese - Maciel Henrique Carneiro da Silva.pdf: 2966299 bytes, checksum: f3df7a38bef0aa1cc174f94589bc34f2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2013-10-30T18:12:22Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese - Maciel Henrique Carneiro da Silva.pdf: 2966299 bytes, checksum: f3df7a38bef0aa1cc174f94589bc34f2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-10-30T18:12:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese - Maciel Henrique Carneiro da Silva.pdf: 2966299 bytes, checksum: f3df7a38bef0aa1cc174f94589bc34f2 (MD5) / CAPES / Esta pesquisa investiga as trabalhadoras domésticas de Recife e Salvador, suas experiências, suas lutas, sua formação enquanto classe, a precariedade de suas vidas, na conjuntura emancipacionista dos anos finais do século XIX e iniciais do século XX. Através da literatura de ficção, de processos criminais e cíveis, de anúncios de jornais, de documentação oficial, busco reconstituir as experiências de vida de domésticas negras, mestiças e brancas, escravas, livres e libertas. Argumento que essas domésticas agenciaram suas vidas em contextos de precariedade, mas que lograram produzir experiências de uma identidade de classe em formação. Elas não apenas estavam se formando enquanto classe unicamente a partir de suas próprias experiências. Os textos literários produzidos por escritores e memorialistas baianos e pernambucanos buscaram increvê-las em lugares sociais e raciais subalternos, adstritos aos valores paternalistas e escravistas ainda resistentes ao avanço de regras formais de relações de trabalho. Mas apesar da riqueza das fontes literárias na produção e disseminação de valores de submissão e do lugar subalterno do trabalho doméstico, defendo que o conjunto de experiências sociais das mulheres que a ele nos anos pré e pós-emancipação põem em suspeição imagens idílicas que associam serviço doméstico a servilismo, à harmonia entre patrões e empregadas. Por fim, e apesar do foco na formação de classe, reconstitui experiências mais amplas de conflitos populares cotidianos nos quais as domésticas tiveram participação, por acreditar que não é só na relação de trabalho que uma classe se forma. This research investigates female domestic workers in Recife and Salvador, their experiences, their struggles, their formation as a class and the precariousness of their lives, in the emancipation conjuncture of the final years of the nineteenth and early twentieth century. Through literature, fiction, criminal and civil lawsuits, newspaper advertisements and official documentation, I try to reconstitute the life experiences of black, half-breed and white domestics, slaves, free and manumitted. I argue that those domestics managed their lives in contexts of precariousness, but somehow succeeded to produce experiences of a class identity in formation. They not only were forming themselves as a class just from their own experiences. Literary texts produced by writers and memoirists from Bahia and Pernambuco tried to put them in social and racial subordinate places, attached to paternalistic and proslavery values still resistant to the advancement of formal rules of labor relations. But despite the wealth of literary sources in the production and dissemination of submission values and the subordinate place of the domestic work, I endorse that the set of social experiences of women who engaged in domestic work in the coming years pre and postemancipation put on suspicion idyllic images which associate domestic service to servilism, to harmony between employers and employees. Finally, despite the focus on class formation, I reconstituted wider experiences of popular daily conflicts in which the female domestic workers had participation, believing that not only in the working relationship a class is formed. / Salvador

This dissertation examines collaborations between the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) and non-union elements of global civil society (GCS). GCS is presented as a crucial emergent site of transnational class formation, and ITUC collaborations within this field are treated as potentially important moments in transnational class formation. The goal of the dissertation is threefold. It seeks to 1) address the lacuna in GCS studies around the involvement of organized labour; 2) provide an analysis of what ITUC GCS collaborations mean for the remit and repertoire of action of the ITUC; and 3) provide an analysis of the impact of ITUC collaborations on transnational class formation. What the findings show is that the ITUC is heavily engaged in GCS through numerous collaborations with non-union organizations concerned with environmental degradation, human rights, global economic inequality, and women workers. Most significantly, collaboration within GCS has provided the ITUC an avenue to incorporate the needs of marginalized women workers whose work does not “fit” into the traditional model of trade union organizing. These findings lead to the conclusion that these collaborations have allowed the ITUC to expand the remit of its activities beyond “bread-and-butter” unionism, and expand its repertoire of action beyond interstate diplomacy. However, the findings do not support the idea that the ITUC has adopted a social movement framework, although it is clear that the ethos of social movement unionism has had an impact on the organization. Nonetheless, the dissertation concludes that the incorporation of marginalized women workers, and the active engagement of the ITUC in global environmental policy debates, signifies a new moment in transnational class formation. / Graduate / 0629 / 0703 / davidbhuxtable@gmail.com