M.A. / The following dissertation examines the political and economic policy approaches of the South African Communist Party for, in main, the period 1993 to 1996. The study is an exploratory one and relies largely upon the policy expressions that have emanated from the SACP, in official or related documents, during the period 1993 to 1996. Although interviewees are acknowledged in the appended source list, these have not been explicitly referred to in the text. The dissertation opens with the submission of an hypothesis, towards the tentative substantiation of which it works throughout. The hypothesis should none the less be subject to further consideration and critique. The central argument made in the dissertation is that: It is a product of the revisionism within the SACP that followed the upheavals in the Soviet bloc and the Apartheid state in the period 1989 to 1993, that the Party should no longer be understood according to older Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy or the two-stage revolutionary theory that sustained it during the exile period of 1950 to 1990. Moreover, the Party's fusion with the ANC by means of common programmatic platforms, in 1955 and again in 1993/1994, has allowed it to neglect the development of its vision of a post-apartheid socialist transformation. These factors resulted in the elimination of tangible benchmarks according to which the Party could have measured progress towards socialism in the period after the South African democratic election of 1994, and have exacerbated the Party's inability, by itself, or as part of a Left vanguard, to engage effectively with the Rightward shift that the post-apartheid democracy has taken since 1996. The study concludes, however, that there is some scope for the Party to engage with the global 'neo-liberal' order and South Africa's essentially liberal democracy. This engagement might be based upon the Party's now secular political agenda and should be aimed at deepening South Africa's democracy.

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La thèse examine ce que signifie être intellectuel et communiste à travers le cas du critique littéraire. Dans ce but elle reconstitue « l’ordre des livres » communiste lors de la première Guerre froide (milieu des années 1940-milieu des années 1950). Après une présentation liminaire du contexte d’exercice et d’écriture de la critique littéraire d’« expression communiste » en Guerre froide, une première partie dresse un panorama de cette critique et de ses caractéristiques dans l’avant-Guerre froide et un contexte encore de basses eaux idéologiques. Puis la thèse étudie son durcissement et sa « pamphlétarisation », son anti-américanisation : son entrée en Guerre froide. Une troisième partie restitue le déploiement bibliographique, la « petite bibliothèque rouge » communiste de Guerre froide qui en découle, tandis que la dernière partie brosse les variantes, la crise larvée et l’ébauche d’inflexion du milieu des années 1950 de cette critique littéraire. Il résulte de ce parcours un portrait du critique littéraire communiste en « penseur d’orthodoxie » des livres et des auteurs, aux tendances « publicistes » fortes et un aperçu de la « culture littéraire » communiste : réaliste social(ist)e, soucieuse de thématiques issues du quotidien, des luttes politiques et sociales en France et dans le monde, dix-neuviémiste dans ses références esthétiques et littéraires, soucieuse d’efficience politique et sociale, anti-formaliste sur les plans esthétique et thématique… / This Master's thesis tackle what it means to be a Communist and an intellectual through the example of literary appreciation. In order to do so, it will reconstruct the Communist “order of books” during the first Cold War (mid 1940s-mid 1950s). After a presentation of how this literary criticism came to be and its writing process, a first part will give a comprehensive overview of the criticism and its caracteristics, before the Cold War, when ideologies were still fledgling. Then the thesis will focus on how the literary criticism became more radical, sounding more like pamphlets and being more anti-American; in other words, how it took part in the Cold War. The next part will analyze the development of a bibliography, which would later evolve into the "little red library" of Communism during the Cold War. Finally, the last part will show how the literary criticism started to morph in the mid 1950s, it will explain its variations and the dormant crisis that it experienced. As a result of this work, we will be able to draw a portrait of the Communist literary critic as a thinker who would envision his readings and its authors through the prism of Marxist orthodoxy, someone who would strongly feel about expressing his political views. We will see a glimpse of the Communist literary culture, with its both social and socialist realism, which was concerned with everyday issues or political and social struggles, both in France and abroad. In this culture, the influence of the 19th century could be seen in its esthetic and literary references alike, as it strove to achieve something socially and politically, in an uncluttered fashion, as far as topics and style were concerned.

A travers diverses sources et particulièrement des sources orales recueillies auprès d’anciens militants communistes simples adhérents ou responsables et d’articles de la presse communiste martiniquaise, cette thèse cherche à éclairer sur la ferveur militante d’hommes et de femmes de la Martinique, d’une famille politique essentielle dans le courant du XXe siècle.Cette étude parcourt une longue période s’étendant principalement de 1920 à 1971, montrant les débuts balbutiants du communisme à la Martinique, son ascension, sa période florissante et les débuts de son lent déclin. La problématique est d’abord de faire découvrir des Martiniquais dans leur vécu de militant communiste, montrer comment ces hommes et ces femmes s’approprièrent une doctrine, la transformèrent peut-être pour l’adapter à leurs besoins, à leur culture. Il s’agit également d’examiner quelle structure communiste fut mise en place en Martinique, cette organisation était-elle à l’image des fédérations métropolitaines ou était-ce une formation politique spécifique au milieu martiniquais?Ensuite pour mieux appréhender les choix et les parcours, il a fallu arriver à l’identification des modèles, des origines de ce militantisme et la formation des militants. Les référents furent tant des figures propres au marxisme et au socialisme international et national que des personnalités contestataires du milieu politique martiniquais.Puis proposer une lecture des pratiques et des stratégies militantes pour évaluer la qualité et la particularité de cette militance ainsi que les conséquences de l’engagement de ces militants dans différentes sphères. Quelles étaient leurs propositions, pourquoi leurs revendications politiques différaient-elles de celles des autres communistes coloniaux ? Comment expliquer leurs choix d’une nouvelle société plus égalitaire dans un État socialiste mais toujours associé à la France ?Ce travail de recherches positionne cette militance au centre d’une analyse qui explore l’histoire politique et sociale d’une population, en s’appuyant sur d’autres disciplines comme la sociobiographie et les sciences politiques. Il examine le façonnement d’une société par un groupe politique prégnant entre 1920 et 1971, ainsi que les réponses de ce groupe face à différents problèmes politiques et sociaux en privilégiant une approche par les acteurs. / Through various sources, particularly oral sources collected from ancient communists, ordinary members or officials, and articles of martinican Communist press, this thesis shows about the militant fervor of martinican men and women and essential political family in the course of the twentieth century. This study covers a long period extending mainly from 1920 to 1971 showing the early stuttering of communism in Martinique, his ascension, his prosperous period and the beginning of his slow decline. The issue is first to make discover Martinicans in their experience of communist militant, present how these men and women appropriated a doctrine, transformed it perhaps to suit at their needs, at their culture. It is also to consider what communist structure was put in place in Martinique; this organization was it like the metropolitan federations or was it a specific political party? Then to better understand the choices and paths, it’s necessary arrive at identifying mentors, origins of this activism and training of militants. Referents were as figures specific to Marxism and international and national socialism as figures as specific martinican politics. Then offer a reading of practices and activist strategies for assessing the quality and uniqueness of this militancy and the consequences of the commitment of these activists in different spheres. What were their political choices, why their political demands did they differ from others colonial Communists? How to explain their choice of a new society more egalitarian in a socialist state, but always associated with France? This research study positions that militancy in the center of an analysis that explores the political and social history of a population, based on other disciplines such as socio-biography and political-sciences. It examines the shaping of a people by a political significant group between 1920 and 1971, and the proposals of this group face different political and social problems in promoting an approach by the actors.

全篇共一冊，十三萬字，分成五章二十節，本文係以珍寶島事件為中心，以中共部分 為重點。 第一章：簡介一般邊界問題的起源、演變、重要性及其相關概念，並說明研究動機、 目的、範圍、限制、途徑與方法，藉以作為整個研究架構展開之起點。 第二章：從幾個中共對外戰爭的個案裡，歸納出五個導致中共發動對外武裝衝突行為 的主要驅動力，藉以進一步瞭解其對外戰爭的特色和形成模式。 第三章：檢證上述五個主要驅動力在中蘇共邊界武裝衝突個案中的解釋能力，並說明 珍寶島事件及其後來的邊境衝突的經過情形，最後分析這些衝突事件對國際政治和中 共外交政策的影響。 第四章：探討中蘇共邊界談判的促成原因、經過情形、雙方立場、在國際法上的法律 效果及其在雙方「關係正常化談判」中的內容和性質。 第五章：評估邊界及領土問題在中共外交政策上所扮演的角色，和內政目標在中共外 交決策上所具有的地位和影響力，確認中蘇共邊界衝突的性質，並展望中蘇共邊界問 題在未來可能的發展趨勢。

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2001. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 324-362).

Zugl.: Diss. / Literaturverz. S. 183 - 189.

LIMA NETO, Ildefonso Rodrigues. Escrita subversiva: O Democrata (1946-1947). 2006. 283 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em História) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Social, Fortaleza-CE, 2006. / Submitted by Raul Oliveira (raulcmo@hotmail.com) on 2012-06-25T15:48:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_Dis_IRLNeto.pdf: 1577781 bytes, checksum: 3f7d034ecb339604f7da2f87f02afd8d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-06-25T16:02:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_Dis_IRLNeto.pdf: 1577781 bytes, checksum: 3f7d034ecb339604f7da2f87f02afd8d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-06-25T16:02:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_Dis_IRLNeto.pdf: 1577781 bytes, checksum: 3f7d034ecb339604f7da2f87f02afd8d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / This study approaches an analysis of the communist newspaper "O Democrata" (in English "The Democrat"), during 1946 and 1947, in Fortaleza-CE, Brazil. It is aimed to recover paths of the transgressing press in the State of Ceará, from the beginning of the 19th century. It is shown the relation between traditional and subversive written press. This study also approaches documents from interference perspectives and public places where they were sold in Fortaleza. From the main source of the research, it is intended to amplify the comprehension of the speech by the use of oral sources and documents during the years of 1946 and 1947. It is also evaluated the contribution of the written press during the election period and the importance of the evening newspaper in order to diffuse the communist ideas. / Este estudo compreende a análise do jornal comunista O Democrata, no período de 1946 e 1947, na cidade de Fortaleza-Ceará (Brasil). Procuro recuperar o trajeto da imprensa transgressora no Estado, a partir do final do Século XIX, e mostro a relação do impresso com a tradição da escrita subversiva. Neste trabalho, abordo o documento dentro da perspectiva das interferências e a circularidade do mesmo nos espaços públicos da cidade. A partir da fonte principal de pesquisa, tento ampliar a leitura da escrita fazendo uso das fontes orais e documentos relativos ao período da temática. Avalio, ainda, a participação do impresso nas eleições e mostro a importância do vespertino para difusão das práticas e idéias comunistas.

Thesis (M.A. (Political Science)) -- University of Limpopo, 2014 / The study was about the South African Communist Party (SACP) and its entry into SA politics after 1990. The main question is whether it should contest elections independently of its Tripartite alliance partners led by ANC in democratic SA. As a democratic country it allows any party to participate in the elections. Given that space SACP can contest and triumph electorally thus assume the reins of government. For SA to become socialist, SACP has to campaign and triumph electorally for this to happen. The study followed a qualitative research paradigm. Purposeful sampling was used to collect data through in-depth interviews with information-rich respondents who have specialist knowledge about the study. Interviews and document analysis were used for data collection. For this reason, open-ended questions in the form of an interview guide were used to solicit information, perceptions and attitudes towards and about SACP. A tape recorder was used to capture information from these interviews. The recorded data was transcribed and coded into themes one by one which in turn formed part of the research portfolio. From the study findings contemporary SACP is a product of the revisionism that has come to characterise the post-Cold War. It is not surprising why the party then is not ready to contest election alone.