Les discriminations à l'embauche, qui consistent en le refus pour un employeur de recruter un ou plusieurs candidats pourtant compétents sur le fondement de considérations non-objectives prohibées par la loi française, portent atteinte au principe d'égalité de traitement entre les individus cher à la République. C'est la raison pour laquelle, depuis quelques années maintenant, on assiste à la mise en place d'un ensemble de mesures destinées à lutter contre le phénomène discriminatoire lors de l'embauche. Ce vaste ensemble de mesures constitue ce qu'on appelle la politique criminelle de lutte contre les discriminations à l'embauche. S'y intéresser, objet du présent travail de thèse, c'est se poser et répondre à la question de savoir si l'ensemble des moyens mis en œuvre en France aujourd'hui pour lutter contre le phénomène discriminatoire spécifié permettent effectivement d'y répondre avec pertinence. Autrement dit, la politique criminelle de lutte contre les discriminations à l'embauche, telle qu'envisagée et conçue aujourd'hui dans notre pays, permet-elle de maîtriser, voire même d'enrayer, les pratiques discriminatoires énoncées ? Pour y parvenir, nous procédons ici à une analyse critique des mécanismes et procédés mis en place par les acteurs œuvrant pour la lutte contre les discriminations à l'embauche. Aussi, notre analyse s'organise autour des deux volets constitutifs de cette politique criminelle que sont le volet répressif et d'aide aux victimes, ainsi que le volet préventif. / Discriminations at the recruitment, consisting in an employer's refusal to hire one or several candidates even competent ones, based on non objective considerations, which are prohibited by the French law, interfere with the principle of equal treatment between individuals, a principle dear to the Republic. That is why we have witnessed for a few years the setting-up of measures aimed at fighting the discriminatory phenomenon at the recruitment. This large set of measures forms what is known as the criminal policy of fight against recruitment discrimination. To take an interest in it, as is the aim of this thesis, is simply to wonder whether, today in France, all the means implemented to fight the specific discriminatory phenomenon, really enable to answer it aptly. In other words, does the criminal policy of fight against recruitment discrimination enable to control, even to stop the said discriminatory practises, such as they are considered and conceived today in our society? In order to achieve this, we will go on with a critical assessment of the mechanisms and methods set up by the stakeholder striving for the fight against recruitment discrimination. Therefore, our analysis organises itself around the two sectors constitutive of this criminal policy of fight against recruitment discrimination which are on the one hand the repressive and victim assistance sector and on the other hand the preventive sector.

Orientador: Fernando Andrade Fernandes / Banca: Antonio Milton de Barros / Banca: Marisa Helena D'Arbo Alves de Freitas / Resumo: O presente trabalho enfoca a criminalidade econômica sob a perspectiva da obrigação do Estado de estabelecer uma política criminal condizente com a magnitude e seriedade desta espécie de delinqüência. A criminalidade econômica sempre existiu. A repressão estatal, porém, é tímida e ineficaz, em razão da posição política, social e econômica de seus agentes e sua influência no círculo do poder. A ação estatal de combate a essa forma de criminalidade precisa utilizar a concepção global das ciências criminais, buscando subsídios na criminologia, projetando estes dados na dogmática jurídico-penal, com a conseqüente adoção de políticas criminais adequadas. O trabalho enfoca a moderna concepção de criminalidade econômica, influenciada pela globalização e pela sociedade de risco. O Direito Penal Econômico contribui para a solução dos problemas apresentados ao dar nova interpretação a seus institutos e aceitar novos bens jurídicos, os supra-individuais. Os desafios da modernidade exigem novos paradigmas penais, na busca da justiça social. / Abstract: This paper focus on economic criminality as being a State obligation to stablish a criminal policy suitable to the magnitude and the social damage of this kind of delinquency. The economic criminality has always existed. However, the reprimand applied by the State is inadequate and inept due to the agents’political, social and economical position. The State action against this form of criminality needs to make use of the crime science global conception, looking for resources in the criminology, projecting these data into the criminal legal doctrine and, afterwards, adopting the adequate criminal policies. This paper focus on the modern conception of economic criminality influenced by the globalization and the risk society. The Economic Criminal Law contributes to solve the presented problems giving a new interpretation to its grounds and accepting new legal properties, that is, supraindividual properties. The modern challenges demand the adoption of new legal paradigms in the search for social justice. / Mestre

Syftet med studien är att se hur Kriminalvårdens säkerhetsavdelningar kallade Fenixavdelningarna legitimeras, genom att göra en kritisk diskursanalys av synen på fångarna som placeras där. Vi gör det för att skapa en förståelse för de diskursiva processer som påverkar den kriminalpolitiska utvecklingen. Avsikten var att se till diskursen om de Fenixplacerade i ett dialektiskt förhållande till de institutioner som upprätthåller en särskiljning av fångarna inom fängelsesystemet. Studien är genomförd utifrån en kvalitativ ansats med Faircloughs metod av kritisk diskursanalys utifrån ett socialkonstruktivistiskt förhållningssätt. Den teoretiska ram som används är bland annat Foucaults teorier om den disciplinära makten, Goffmans om stigmatisering samt Maslows psykologiska teorier. Vi belyser även tidigare forskning inom de teoretiska fälten som komplement till teorierna. Resultatet påvisade att de diskursiva formationer som upprätthålls om de Fenixplacerade beskriver denna grupp fångar som särskilda eftersom de betraktas som ”psykiskt störda” och ”samhällsfarliga”. På så sätt legitimeras en disciplinerande isolering och avskildhet av dessa fångar för att kunna föra en nyliberal politik av ”hårdare tag” och strängare straff. Detta står i motsättning till det sociala arbetets mål om att skapa jämlika villkor i samhället. / The purpose of the study is to see how the “high security”-departments within the prison system in Sweden called “Fenixavdelningarna” are legitimized, by making a critical discourse analysis of the perception of the prisoners placed there. We do it to create an understanding of the discursive processes that affect criminal policy development. The intention was to look upon the discourse concerning this group of prisoners in a dialectical relationship with the institutions that maintains a separation of these prisoners within the prison system. The study was conducted based on a qualitative approach with Faircloughs critical discourse analysis approach based on the ideas of social construction. The theoretical framework used is among others Foucault's theories of disciplinary power, Goffman's theories of stigmatization and Maslow's psychological theories. To complement our theories we add earlier research within this field of knowledge. The results demonstrate that the discursive formations that are maintained on the prisoners placed in these “high security”-departments describes this as certain to other prisoners because they are considered to be "mentally disturbed" and "dangerous to society". Our conclusion is that this is legitimizing a disciplinary isolation and an exclusion of these prisoners in order pursue a neo-liberal policy of "hard on crime" and more severe punishments, and this development contradicts the objectives in social work.

Submitted by Morgana Silva (morgana_linhares@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-07-04T19:36:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1182622 bytes, checksum: 2e5942b467ad9f97326d7ce6284d69d6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-04T19:36:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1182622 bytes, checksum: 2e5942b467ad9f97326d7ce6284d69d6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-20 / This paper aims to shed some light on the applicability of leniency agreement in the Brazilian System of Competition Defense. For this, it’s necessary a rescue on the development of the idea of freedom, and then get to free competition as principle underlying the Economic Order. The democratic state, established in the 1988 Constitution, is the contemporary stage of defense of legal, economic and social values which are intended to guarantee national development, and promote the construction of a free, fair and inclusive society. It will be seen that the mentioned Economic Policy correlates with the Criminal Policy idealized by the State. There will be a theoretical and historical establishment that takes account of the evolution of the discipline of Antitrust in Brazil. There will also find space in this paper for the illustration of the idea of Antitrust Sanctioning Law to see how the Government may, very effectively, investigate and punish officials based on their own standards, serving as a counterpoint to the Economic Criminal Law. This route of parallel paths between administrative and legal marks of Antitrust is clearly reflected in the Leniency Agreement institute. Thus, a conceptual frame about what will be the object spanned by the leniency agreement will be presented: cartels. Will fetch up the demonstration of various types of cartel, with special emphasis on bidding cartels. Finally, the work dissects the institute's Leniency Agreement itself, solidifying its legislative and conceptual basis, and presenting their rules. Through the combination of legal rules, will be shown the way to be observed when entering into an agreement. Based on this view, will be presented the Historical of Conducts of a Leniency Agreement in a bidding cartel. Also adds up the context of the Leniency Agreement in international models implemented in the United States and European Union. In addition, this paper will seek to give lights to the criteria for distinguishing between administrative predictions arising from decisions made by administrative courts, especially the Administrative Council for Economic Defense, and its possible implementation in criminal area, suggesting alternatives that may match in an harmonic way the application of the institute and the preservation of its effects. / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo lançar algumas luzes acerca da aplicabilidade do Acordo de Leniência no Sistema Brasileiro de Defesa da Concorrência. Para isso, vislumbrou-se como necessário um resgate acerca do desenvolvimento da ideia de liberdade, para então se chegar à livre concorrência como princípio inspirador da ordem econômica. O Estado Democrático de Direito, estabelecido na Carta de 1988, representa o estágio contemporâneo de defesa de valores jurídicos, econômicos e sociais que têm por finalidade garantir o desenvolvimento nacional, além de promover a construção de uma sociedade livre, justa e solidária. Será visto que a mencionada Política Econômica encontra correlação com a Política Criminal idealizada pelo Estado. Será feito um apurado teórico-histórico que dê conta da evolução do disciplinamento do Antitruste no Brasil. Também encontrará espaço no presente trabalho a ilustração da ideia de Direito Antitruste Sancionador, a fim de que se possa perceber como a Administração Pública pode, muito eficazmente, investigar e punir agentes com base em suas próprias normas, servindo de contraponto ao Direito Penal Econômico. Essa via de caminhos paralelos entre administrativização e judicialização do Antitruste encontra reflexo claro no instituto do Acordo de Leniência. Para tanto, será apresentado um panorama conceitual acerca do que venha a ser o objeto de combate abarcado pelo Acordo de Leniência: os cartéis. Buscar-se-á a demonstração dos diversos tipos de cartel, dando especial relevo aos cartéis em licitação. Por fim, o trabalho esmiúça o instituto do Acordo de Leniência em si, firmando sua base legislativa, conceitual e apresentando suas regras de procedibilidade. Por meio da combinação de disciplinamentos legais, será demonstrado o caminho a ser observado quando da celebração de um Acordo. A partir dessa visão, será feita a demonstração do Histórico de Condutas do Acordo de Leniência num cartel em licitação. Acrescenta-se também a contextualização dos modelos internacionais de Acordo de Leniência implementados nos Estados Unidos e União Europeia. Além disso, buscar-se-á dar relevo aos critérios de distinção existentes entre as previsões administrativas oriundas das decisões proferidas pelos órgãos da administração, especialmente o Conselho Administrativo de Defesa Econômica e a sua possível implementação na seara penal, sugerindo alternativas que possam compatibilizar de forma harmônica a aplicação do instituto e a preservação dos seus efeitos.

L’attribution d’une compétence d'incrimination à l’Union soulève les questions complexes qui sont traditionnellement rattachées au pouvoir pénal, notamment celle de la promotion, par les choix d’incrimination d’une conscience collective et de l’expression des valeurs essentielles à une société. En l’occurrence, c’est la question d’une identité européenne. Le projet d’intégration pénale s’est développé très rapidement depuis les trente dernières années sans qu’une réflexion approfondie sur la légitimité d’une telle évolution ne soit menée. Son caractère expérimental a souvent été considéré comme une illustration de la banalisation de la réponse pénale, qu’il s’agisse d’apporter une réponse à des violations suscitant une forte alarme sociale ou de viser à rendre efficace une législation technique. L’absence de politique pénale européenne fait craindre une intervention de l’Union méconnaissant les exigences liées à l’intervention pénale dans un État de droit que sont le respect de la personne et surtout le principe de l’ultima ratio. / The attribution of a criminalisation competence to the Union raises complex questions traditionally attached to the criminal law power, particularly the one of promotion through criminalisation choices of a collective conscience and the expression of values essential to the society. It is the question of a European identity. The penal integration project has developed very rapidly the last thirty years without any deep reflection on the legitimacy of this evolution. Its experimental character is often considered as an illustration of the banalisation of the criminal sanction, being it in order to respond to violations rising a high social alarm or in order to give effectivity to a technical legislation. The absence of criminal policy creates the fear of a European intervention not respecting the requirement attached to the resorting to criminal law in a State under the Rule of Law that are the respect of the person and mostly the principle of ultima ratio

A criminal modality that is becoming increasingly important nowadays and has many victims is the contract killing or the use of hitmen. The situation is aggravated by the presence of a process of crime institutionalization. The Peruvian government has responded to this problem typifying the aforementioned crime in the Criminal Code under condemns with are becoming longer. Was this the best solution?In the present article, the author answers this question by analyzing the penal types of contract killing while making a critic of the national criminal policy, taking into account the existence of other criminal types and other possible solutions, to finally prove its futility. / Una modalidad criminal que en el presente está cobrando importancia y muchas víctimas es el asesinato a sueldo o sicariato; situación que se agrava por la presencia de un proceso de institucionalización del crimen. El gobierno peruano ha respondido a este hecho tipificando dicho delito en el Código Penal bajo penas cada vez mayores. ¿Ha sido esta la mejor solución?En el presente artículo, el autor responde a dicha cuestión analizando los tipos penales del sicariato mientras realiza una crítica a la política criminal nacional, teniendo en cuenta la existencia de otras figuras penales y otras posibles soluciones, para finalmente demostrar su inutilidad.

A prostituição ainda é uma atividade inserida em um contexto de significativo desconhecimento e indiferença. As razões, necessidades, aspirações, crenças, motivações e histórias de mulheres que se dedicam a essa atividade ficam imersas em meio a preconceitos, invisíveis aos olhos da sociedade brasileira e ausentes na formulação de política criminal e pública. Por meio da análise da relação que o Estado, principalmente o direito penal, possui com a atividade de prostituição feminina e sua deficiência em garantir direitos a estas pessoas, esperamos elaborar um arsenal teórico capaz de fornecer informações elementares à criação e execução de políticas públicas e de legislação adequadas a esta parcela da população, a fim de reduzir a desigualdade social produzida pela interferência de um ordenamento jurídico cego e indiferente aos contextos em que se dá a atividade de prostituição feminina. Como forma de apresentar a complexidade em que está inserida a prática no Brasil, serão utilizados os resultados de pesquisas empíricas feitas no país por pesquisadores de diversas áreas do conhecimento. / Prostitution is still an activity inserted in a significant context of ignorance and indifference. The reasons, needs, aspirations, beliefs, motivations and stories of women who are engaged in this activity are immersed amid prejudices, invisible to the eyes of Brazilian society and absent in the criminal and public policy formulation. Considering the relationship the state has had with female prostitution activity and its incapacity to properly secure rights to this specific group, we hope to develop a theoretical knowledge capable of providing basic information to the creation and implementation of public policies and also define parameters as a guideline for lawmakers and policy makers when adopting legislation or policies targeting this population, with the porpuse of reductioning social inequality produced by the interference of a blind legal system, indifferent to the contexts in which are the activity of female prostitution. In order to present the complexity in this practice in Brazil, it will be used the results of empirical research conducted in the country by researchers from different areas of knowledge.

A Constituição de 1988 é dirigente, isto é, traça os objetivos ideológicos da ação política do Estado brasileiro, inclusive por meio de imperativos à atividade legislativa. A República Federativa do Brasil autodefine-se como um Estado Democrático de Direito (artigo 1º), que tem como dois de seus fundamentos a dignidade da pessoa humana e a cidadania. Além disso, consta do artigo 3º da Constituição a chamada cláusula transformadora, que estabelece como objetivos fundamentais a serem alcançados pela República: a construção de uma sociedade livre, justa e solidária; a garantia do desenvolvimento nacional; a erradicação da pobreza e a redução das desigualdades sociais. Para alcançar tais objetivos, a própria Constituição estabelece, em seu artigo 170, que a ordem econômica deve submeter-se aos ditames da justiça social. A política criminal é parte das estratégias de intervenção da política social para consecução dos objetivos dirigentes traçados na Constituição. Para tanto, utiliza-se de dados empíricos, que lhe são fornecidos pela criminologia, sobre o atual estágio de desenvolvimento da sociedade contemporânea, a atividade econômica globalizada e a criminalidade econômica, com sua vitimização massiva e sua afetação de bens jurídicos supraindividuais e sociais. O presente trabalho visa a discutir as propostas político-criminais defendidas por Winfried Hassemer e Jesús-María Silva Sánchez para a criminalidade econômica na sociedade contemporânea, contrapondo-as à proposta de responsabilizar penalmente as pessoas jurídicas. / The Constitution of 1988 is a mandatory guideline, which means, it traces the ideological objectives of the political actions of the Brazilian State, including by demanding to legislative activity. The Federative Republic of Brazil defines itself as a Democratic State of Law (article 1), which has as two of its basis the dignity of the human being and the citizenship. Beyond that, the article 3 refers to a clause known as the transformer clause, which states as the main objectives to be achieved by the Republic are: to build a free, just and solidary society; to assure the national development; to eradicate the poverty and to reduce the social unequalities. To succeed in these purposes the own Constitution states in the article 170 that the economical order must be submitted to the social justice commands. The criminal policy is part of the intervention strategies of social policy to achieve the objectives guided by the Constitution. To do so, there are used empirical data, which are provided by the criminology, about the actual stage of development of contemporary society, the globalized economical activity and the economical criminality, with its massive victimization and or that affects social and supra-individual goods. The present essay aims to discuss the proposition of criminal policies made by Winfried Hassemer and Jesús-María Silva Sánchez to face the economical criminality in the contemporary society, in opposition to the suggestion that defends the criminal liability of the companies.

Nous observons des différences significatives au sein de la protection pénale des libertés et droits fondamentaux de la femme entre l'Iran et la France. Ces dissemblances sont issues de divergences fondamentales dans la définition des concepts bâtisseurs des droits de l'Homme, basée sur les perceptions du monde selon l'Islam et la laïcité. Ces divergences influent sur la mise en œuvre juridique des droits de l'homme et de la femme au niveau international et national. La France a réaffirmé ses engagements vis-à-vis de la Déclaration DHC par l'adoption de celle-ci dans le Code constitutionnel français. Elle a adhéré à la majorité des textes internationaux et régionaux concernant les droits fondamentaux de l'Homme, la prévention des violences faites aux femmes et la discrimination à l'égard des femmes. Elle s'est engagée à appliquer les traités internationaux ratifiés et à les absorber en droit interne à travers le mécanisme prévu par le Code Constitutionnel. En Iran, selon le Code Constitutionnel, toutes les lois doivent être compatibles avec les prescriptions islamiques. Nous avons étudié l'incompatibilité avec l'Islam de certains droits proclamés dans la DUDH et dans d'autres textes internationaux, notamment la Convention sur l'élimination de toutes formes de discriminations à l'égard des femmes. Le droit pénal comparé franco-iranien, à l'égard de la protection pénale de la femme, permet d'identifier clairement la politique criminelle dans la lutte contre les violences faites aux femmes et la discrimination à travers les incriminations et les réponses punitives à cet égard. / We observe significant differences in the criminal protection of fundamental rights and freedoms of women between Iran and France. These dissimilarities are derived from fundamental differences in the definition of concepts of human rights based on the perception of the world in Islam and secularism. These differences affect the legal implementation of the human rights of women in the national and international level. France has affirmed its commitment to the DDHC by its adoption in the French constitutional bloc. It has acceded to most international and regional instruments on human rights, prevention of violence against women and discrimination against women. It is committed to implement the ratified international treaties and to internalize through the mechanism provided by the Constitutional Code. Iran claimed the Constitutional Code; all laws must be consistent with Islamic requirements. We studied the incompatibility of Islam with certain rights enshrined in the UDHR and other international instruments including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. The French Criminal Law in relation to Iranian penal protection of women clearly identifies the criminal policy in the struggle against violence against women and discrimination through criminalization and punitive responses in this regard.

La justice restaurative est un modèle en mouvement qui vise, par la participation active des protagonistes, la restauration du lien social brisé par une infraction. Hétérogènes et disparates, les pratiques restauratives éprouvent des difficultés à investir le champ des politiques criminelles française et roumaine relatives à la délinquance des mineurs et jeunes majeurs. Reconnues en tant que telles ou dissimulées sous un visage répressif, leur diversité illustre la richesse du mouvement mais représente également une source de confusion en raison de l'absence d'un cadre conceptuel clairement défini. Tributaires d'une stratégie gestionnaire, les dispositifs restauratifs sont affaiblis par l'inconsistance des fondements théoriques. La détermination d'un corps de principes directeurs favoriserait la métamorphose du mouvement restauratif en un modèle de justice porteur de transformations. Transversales, ces transformations se manifestent par un changement de regard que la justice restaurative pose sur l'infraction, envisagée comme un conflit portant atteinte aux personnes, sur la responsabilité, qui puise ses sources dans la notion de lien social et prend une forme prospective et solidaire, ainsi que sur la peine, qui revêt une double fonction restaurative : des protagonistes et du lien social. Ainsi conçu, le modèle restauratif n'est pas voué à se substituer au système pénal classique, mais s'inscrit dans un rapport de complémentarité avec ce dernier. Les protagonistes se réapproprient l'acte de justice et sa temporalité en participant activement à la résolution du conflit infractionnel, dans une démarche humaniste qui aspire à la pacification des rapports sociaux. / The restorative justice is a model in motion aiming, through the protagonists' active participation, to restore the social link broken by a crime. Heterogeneous and disparate, the restorative practices are experiencing difficulties implementing the field of French and Romanian criminal policies related to juvenile and young adult criminality. Openly restorative or concealed under a punitive appearance, its wealth is derived from the diversity of its practices, yet it represents as well a source of confusion, due to the Jack of a clearly defined conceptual framework. Depending on managerial approaches, the restorative devices are weakened by the inconstancy of their theoretical foundation. Thus, the establishment of a set of guiding principles would allow the restorative movement to transform into a restorative model. Cross-functional, these transformations are revealing themselves through a change of view regarding the crime, considered as a conflict harming the persons, the responsibility, drawing its sources from the notion of social link and bearing a prospective form, as well as the sentence, fulfilling a double restorative function : of the protagonists and of the social link. Therefore, the restorative mode! is not bound to be substituted to the traditional criminal system, but to act in a complementary manner with the latter. The protagonists are reappropriating the act of justice and its temporality by taking an active part in the resolution of the criminal conflict, in a humanistic approach aiming to pacifv social relations.