The purpose of this study is to use a qualitative method to investigate the Swedish curriculums of 1919, 1962 and 2011 in search of attitudes and different usages of the popular culture of the time. To reach these conclusions Antonio Gramsci’s theories about cultural hegemony have been applied to prove how the superior classes, in this study these classes are represented by the Swedish school as an institution, use popular culture to maintain sovereignty of the lower classes. Ergo the problem highlighted in this study is whether the cultural class society exists in a fixed state since the 1919’s with the school as the institution to implement the tradition of cultural hegemony. The study shows that, as the usage of popular culture has not become a more frequent tool recommended from the Swedish government, it has become more accepted that teachers do use it in various forms and that the demand of a canonised aesthetical selection has become almost eradicated.

Quelques critiques universitaires ont été écrites sur des spectacles récents prenant pour thématique le conflit israélo-palestinien, mais il n’existe pas d’étude d’ensemble à ce sujet. Par ailleurs, depuis le début des années 2000, plusieurs recherches se sont attachées à préciser les relations qu’entretiennent le théâtre et la politique. Cette thèse vise à approfondir cette réflexion à partir des transferts culturels d’œuvres israéliennes et palestiniennes vers la France, des années 1970 à nos jours.Pour ce faire la méthodologie mise en œuvre articule historiographie du théâtre, histoire des représentations théâtrales et étude du champ de production culturelle en diachronie. Elle a permis de mettre en évidence la persistance de l’Orientalisme renforcé par le déphasage historique entre la France et Israël et l’inégal développement entre la France et la Palestine. La représentation théâtrale peut offrir un espace de résistance aux assignations identitaires subies par les artistes d’Israël et de Palestine, ou bien reproduire les rapports de domination lisibles à travers le degré de légitimité des dramaturg(i)es. La thèse rappelle la complexité des rapports de domination qui ne sont pas réductibles au racisme ou à un « choc de civilisations » mais relèvent d’une hégémonie culturelle entretenue par les institutions théâtrales et universitaires, et critiques dramatiques. Ces instances de légitimation sont analysées ici en tant que productrices d’un discours idéologique dont l’étude remet en question la posture de neutralité qui accompagne l’autonomie de l’art. / In a limited scope, academic critiques have been written on recent productions on the theme of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, still there exists no comprehensive study on the subject. Additionally, several studies have focused on clarifying the relationship between theatre and politics since the early 2000s. The thesis aims to expand on this line of thought, deriving from cultural transfers of Israeli and Palestinian works to France, from the 1970s to the present day.The methodology implemented articulates theatre historiography, history of theatrical performances and the study of the cultural production field in diachrony. The methodology allowed for the highlighting of the persistence of Orientalism, reinforced by the historic phase-shift between France and Israel and the unequal development between France and Palestine. The theatrical performance can either offer a space of resistance to the identity assignements suffered by artists from Israel and Palestine, or can reproduce domination relations that are legible through the degree of legitimacy of the theatre performances and performers. The thesis evokes the complexity of relations of dominance that are not reducible to racism or a "clash of civilizations" but are a cultural hegemony maintained by theatrical and academic institutions, and drama reviewer. These instances of legitimation are analyzed here as producers of an ideological discourse, the study of which challenges the posture of neutrality that accompanies the autonomy of art.

[pt] O presente trabalho visa analisar e criticar os principais paradigmas construídos e mistificados pela modernidade, pretensamente homogênea e de validade universal, mas, na realidade, eurocêntrica e provinciana. A perspectiva moderna, em especial cartesiana, está tão enraizada nos estudos filosóficos, políticos e até jurídicos atuais, que é possível localizá-los, inclusive, nos pressupostos basilares da discussão contemporânea acerca da universalização dos Direitos Humanos. Esta discussão está hoje limitada, majoritariamente – mas não completamente – pela relação binária universalismo versus relativismo, extremamente simplificadora. Defender-se-á aqui a insuficiência desta relação, que exclui, por si só, diversos aspectos e elementos essenciais, desconsiderando a infinita complexidade do tema. Também se deseja analisar nesta dissertação algumas práticas legitimadas pelos autodenominados direitos humanos, os quais permitem que práticas desumanas sejam justificadas pela busca de algum suposto ideal humanitário. / [en] The present work aims to analyze and criticize the main paradigms constructed and mystified by modernity, supposedly homogeneous and universally valid, but in reality, Eurocentric and local. The modern perspective, especially Cartesian, is so rooted in philosophical, political and even legal studies nowadays, it is possible to locate them in the basic assumptions of contemporary discussion of universal human rights. This discussion is now limited mostly - but not completely – by the binary relation between universalism and relativism, extremely simplistic. This work will defend the failure of this relationship, which excludes, by itself, various aspects and elements, ignoring the infinite complexity of the issue. It will also be analyzed in this work some practices legitimized by the self-called human rights, which allow inhumane practices to be justified by the pursuit of some supposed humanitarian ideal.

Dissertation thesis deals with the construction of the identity of Slovak art modernism in the period of the First Czechoslovak Republic (1918-1938) within the context of the official ideology of Czechoslovakism and in relation to Czech modern art. For many artists, theorists, and art historians in Slovakia, who, as part of the intelligentsia, felt obliged in the newly formed state to create and confirm a national identity through art, the search for Slovakness in art was crucial. This search was influenced by the nature of Czech - Slovak cultural relations, mutual misunderstandings, and stereotypes. The forms of Slovak modernism were formed in close connection with Czech modernism and at the same time as resistance to it. In this sense, we can consider the emphasis on Slovakness in the fine arts as an attempt not to merge artistically with the current of Czech art modernism. This study thus examines how national identity is constructed through the visual arts and what role plays its broader cultural and political background.

No description available.

改革開放以來實施的經濟改革，造成中共內部貪汙腐敗之現象日益嚴重，因此，新聞傳播媒體被賦予扮演權力監督機制的一環，針對一些違法亂紀的政府單位或商人進行監督懲處。然而，不同於西方新聞媒體的角色，在中共威權政體之下，輿論監督必須遵守黨國體制的輿論監督規範，以維持中共統治之合法性。為了探討中共輿論監督之樣貌，以及影響輿論監督的背後因素，本文以中央電視臺《焦點訪談》節目內容作為分析個案，在理論觀點上，以葛蘭西的文化霸權為基礎，結合理論與實證，以2013年該節目之新聞報導內容作為個案資料，討論國家對傳媒的影響，以及《焦點訪談》對政治和社會造成的影響，在此論述過程中，試圖釐清威權主義國家輿論監督的報導原則。 / The economic reforms in China after the opening policy, the corruption in the Communist Party of China (CPC) has become more and more severe.The media, consequently, has been used to endow itself with mechanism of supervising power, aiming at supervising and punishing the government department and businessman breaking laws and violating discipline.However, different from the western media, the public opinion supervision needs under the authentic regime of CPC,to abide by the public opinion supervision regulations of Party-State system.This thesis taking the Focus Report, program of China Central Television (CCTV) as the analysis case, will inquire into the public opinion supervision of CPC and the influencing factors behind it.And based on the cultural hegemony of Gramsci as the theoretical perspective, this thesis, combing the news report of Focus Report in 2013 to discuss how a country to influence its media and the influence for the politics and society of the program itself, will clarify the report principle of public opinion supervision of authoritarian state.

Quelles sont les voies par lesquelles les changements sociaux affectent les identités collectives et de quelle manière une nouvelle identité vient à être adoptée par une population. Les grandes transformations qui eurent lieu en Mongolie du 19e siècle à la moitié du 20e siècle seront abordées pour tenter de répondre à ces questions. Dans un court laps de temps, cette région passa par trois systèmes politiques différents; d'une partie semi-autonome du territoire de l'empire Qing à une théocratie bouddhiste puis à une République populaire. Dans chacun des cas, les contextes sociaux ayant provoqué des changements dans la définition identitaire seront abordés ainsi que la forme par laquelle les nouveaux concepts d'identité collective allaient être sélectionnés, modifiés ou construits. / Great social transformations took place in Mongolia from the 19th to the first half of the 20th century where the region changed in a very short amount of time from being a semiautonomous part of the Qing empire to being a theocratic Buddhist state, to finally becoming a People's republic. This thesis illustrates the ways in which social changes have affected the collective identities and how these came to be adopted by the population. In each of these cases, the social context which brought changes in the definition of identity are analyzed as well as the nature from which the new collective concepts are selected, modified or constructed.

90年代後，中國大陸的文化政策逐步鬆綁，流行音樂市場呈現百家爭鳴。其中，台灣流行音樂的市占率超過80%，傳播其所承載的意識型態，伴隨著一代又一代的中國大陸青年成長，對中國大陸社會的影響不曾間斷。在文化政策的宏觀調控下，中共官方對台灣流行音樂持續施展政治性的運用，運用黨國機器的管制與特殊的演出場域收編轉喻台灣流行音樂；而台灣歌手在「政治正確，商演不斷」市場的考量下，也樂於登上黨國控管的演出場域。這也使得中國大陸市場上的台灣流行音樂，鑲嵌於中共官方政策意識型態中。 / Since the 90s, cultural policy of the Chinese mainland has deregulation.The music market is more divers, and Taiwan's pop music market share over 80%. Chinese government tries to Metaphor and Metonymy Taiwanese pop music, Taiwanese singer to move closer Party-state field to market incentives.

Quelles sont les voies par lesquelles les changements sociaux affectent les identités collectives et de quelle manière une nouvelle identité vient à être adoptée par une population. Les grandes transformations qui eurent lieu en Mongolie du 19e siècle à la moitié du 20e siècle seront abordées pour tenter de répondre à ces questions. Dans un court laps de temps, cette région passa par trois systèmes politiques différents; d'une partie semi-autonome du territoire de l'empire Qing à une théocratie bouddhiste puis à une République populaire. Dans chacun des cas, les contextes sociaux ayant provoqué des changements dans la définition identitaire seront abordés ainsi que la forme par laquelle les nouveaux concepts d'identité collective allaient être sélectionnés, modifiés ou construits. / Great social transformations took place in Mongolia from the 19th to the first half of the 20th century where the region changed in a very short amount of time from being a semiautonomous part of the Qing empire to being a theocratic Buddhist state, to finally becoming a People's republic. This thesis illustrates the ways in which social changes have affected the collective identities and how these came to be adopted by the population. In each of these cases, the social context which brought changes in the definition of identity are analyzed as well as the nature from which the new collective concepts are selected, modified or constructed.

國際關係理論歷經第三次的理論大辯論後，理論的發展已朝向「自然主義－反自然主義」、「理論－實踐」、「基礎主義－反基礎主義」議題的論爭中。從這些論爭之中使我們發現做為國際關係學科的本體論、知識論及方法論，已經開始向社會學的方向轉折。其中，尤以新自由制度主義及建構主義的轉折更為明顯。然而，從更深層的視野來看目前各學派的理論，多多少少都含有霸權主義的成分於其中。基於此，本論文借用葛蘭西「文化霸權」的理論觀點，檢視現實主義、新現實主義、自由主義、新自由制度主義及建構主義等主流國際關係理論中的文化霸權因素，同時運用哈伯馬斯的「溝通行動理論」的概念，對上述主流國際關係理論的霸權性質進行反思，以期建構出一個在本體論、知識論、方法論上都能獲得解放的國際關係理論。 基於以上理念，本論文的發展與架構鋪陳共分為8章35節。 第一章為緒論，主要敍述論文的整個架構及重要理論說明，包括葛蘭西的「文化霸權」及哈伯馬斯的「溝通行動理論」，藉由上述兩種理論的哲學基礎，以分析說明目前國際關係理論的爭論議題，及其未來可能的發展趨勢。 第二章介紹國際關係理論三次大辯論及其理論的發展現況，然後闡明國際政治各個學派的哲學與後設基礎。 第三章概述葛蘭西「文化霸權」的理論，主要探討葛蘭西的文化霸權；它並不是一個實體的權力，而是一個意識形態及實體相互結合的領導權概念。 第四章是藉由葛蘭西的文化霸權概念，論析目前國際關係理論無論是在物質及精神意識方面，都具有文化霸權的成分。換言之，目前的國際關係理論並無法完達到解放國家受到壓迫的目標。 第五章介紹哈伯馬斯的「溝通行動理論」，主要研究溝通行動理論所涵蓋的範圍：包括了主體與主體、主體與客體及主體與社會之間的溝通關係。 第六章是運用哈伯馬斯溝通行動理論分析主體與主體（國家╱國家）、主體與客體（國家╱客觀世界）、主體與社會（國家╱國際社會、組織、制度…）之間的溝通關係，藉以解放國際關係理論所受到的壓迫與不公平現象。 第七章陳述反思下的國際關係理論其本體論、知識論及方法論。 第八章章為結論，提出本論文的主要貢獻：第一，以溝通行動為媒介的國際關係理論，會出現以國際社會的整體做為各個行動體溝通行動的場域，這個場域是一個「實體（物質）結構」、是一個「關係（權力、制度）結構」、也是一個「觀念（意義）結構」，更是經由實踐所織構出的「網絡結構」；第二，國際關係的本體論、知識論及方法論之間是一個相互辯證的過程，他們彼此之間可以相互辯證轉換。 關鍵詞：文化霸權、溝通行動理論、國際關係理論、國際政治、社會理論 / After three times of intensive debates, the direction of International Relations theory has moved to “naturalism-anti-naturalism”,”theory-implementation”, ”fundamentalism-anti-fundamentalism”. From the debates we can realize the International Relations is supported by Ontological, Epistemological, Methodological and it has change into sociology. Although the direction of neo- Liberalism and Constructivism has become clear and if we read of those theories, all of them have included some degree of Cultural Hegemony. This research takes Antonio Gramsci’s “Cultural Hegemony” theory to exam Realism, neo-Realism、Liberalism、neo-Liberalism and Constructivism. At the same time, I also use “theory of Communication” of Jurgen Habermas to talk about the hegemony among those theories, in order to let the ontological, epistemological and methodological can be applied to the theories. This research paper is divided into 8 sections and 35 chapters. Chapter one is introduction, of both theories of “Cultural Hegemony” of Gramsci and “theory of Communication” of Jurgen Habermas to illustrate today’s international disputes for International Relations and the possible development for the future. Chapter two is the three intensive debates for International Relations and the development of those theories, including international politics fundamental philosophy. Chapter three is the theory of “Cultural Hegemony” of Gramsci. It’s not an existing power but an ideal form in connection with concept of leading power. Chapter four is the use of the theory of “Cultural Hegemony” of Gramsci in the concepts of today’s international relations. Both substantial and spiritual aspects include hegemony. In other words, today’s theories of international relations can’t reach the goals of resolve the nations under pressure. Chapter five is the theory of Communication” of Jurgen Habermas, focusing on the relations of communication of Subjective to subjective, subjective to objective and subjective to community. Chapter six is the use of theory of Communication” of Jurgen Habermas in terms of the communicate relations among subjective to subjective(nation/nation), subjective to objective(nation/objective world), subjective to social(nation/ international community, organization, institution…) and then to prevent from the pressure and unfairness of theory of international relations. Chapter seven is the theory of international relations of ontology, epistemology and methodology. Chapter eight is the conclusion, with two major points: First, the use of communication actions on the theory of international relations will make the global community into a unique arena in order to provide it for different communication groups. These areas are a entity (substantial) structure, a relation(power, institutional) structure and also a aspect(meaning) structure and furthermore it can be implemented into network-structure；Second, the theory of international relations on ontology, epistemology and methodology is a dialogue and development process, that can be interacted and transfered to others. Key Word: Cultural Hegemony, Theory of Communication, International Relations theory, International Politic, Social Thiory