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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Quels étaient les modernismes existant en Asie de l’Est pendant les années 1920 et 1930 où la première vague des mouvements modernistes a eu lieu ? À travers les études du transfert littéraire de Paul Morand à partir de la France vers la Chine, en passant par le Japon, on s’interroge sur la façon dont les acteurs du monde littéraire japonais et chinois impliqués dans la réception littéraire de Morand ont pensé le modernisme et la modernité. On compare les réflexions des communautés littéraires des deux pays vis-à-vis du modernisme au sein de cette réception morandienne en trois grandes parties : tout d’abord, les traducteurs principaux japonais et chinois des œuvres morandiennes, Horiguchi Daigaku et Dai Wangshu ; ensuite, les critiques qui ont introduit Morand dans le débat du modernisme des années 1920 et 1930, allant jusqu’à créer un champ littéraire dédié à la réception de Morand. Dans le cas japonais, ce sont Chiba Kameo, la communauté littéraire établie, l’École des sensations nouvelles japonaise et sa revue de cercle L’Époque littéraire. Tandis que dans le cas chinois, ce sont l’École des sensations nouvelles chinoise et sa revue littéraire affilée Trains sans rail ; enfin, les deux écrivains représentatifs des Écoles des sensations nouvelles japonaise et chinoise, Yokomitsu Riichi et Liu Na’ou, dont les styles littéraires ont souvent été comparés avec celui de Morand. Par les analyses de ces trois parties, nous voudrions présenter les configurations particulières du modernisme en Asie de l’Est de l’époque. / What were the modernisms of East Asia during the 1920s and the 1930s? By studying the literary journey of Paul Morand from France to China via Japan, we question how the intellectuals of Japanese and Chinese literary world who were involved in this literary reception during the 1920s and the 1930s, considered modernism through French ideas. The Japanese and the Chinese reflections on modernism are compared in three main aspects: first, the translation of Morand’s works done by Horiguchi Daigaku and Dai Wangshu. Second, the criticisms which involved Morand into the debate concerning modernism in this period, created a literary field for the reception of Morand in these two countries. For the Japanese case, the parties that were concerned the most were Chiba Kameo, the established literary community, the Japanese Neo-Perception School and her coterie magazine Age of Literature. Whereas for the Chinese case, the Chinese Neo-Perception School and her affiliated magazine Trains without Railway were the most relevant. Third, two representative writers of the Neo-Perception Schools, Yokomitsu Riichi and Liu Na’ou, whose literary styles were often compared to those of Morand’s. Through the analysis of these three aspects, we seek to show the configurations of modernism in East Asia.

第一章緒論：說明本論文之研究目的與方法及戴季陶的生平與志業。第二章民初戴季 陶對社會問題的研究：敘述民國初年的社會思潮、戴季陶對社會問題的研究與主及戴 季陶與中共成立的關係。第三章：戴季陶反共思想的來源與政況背景：敘述共產國際 與中共關係、聯俄容共與中國國民黨的改組及早期國共的對立與衝突，並探討戴季陶 對聯俄容共的態度。第四章戴季陶的反共言論：研究戴季陶對中山先生思想的闡揚及 其反共的言論與著作。第五章戴季陶對反共事業的影響：敘述戴季陶的反共言論對國 民黨人反共行動之影響。第六章結論。

abstract: The purpose of this project was to examine the lives and solo piano works of four members of the early generation of female composers in Taiwan. These four women were born between 1950 and 1960, began to appear on the Taiwanese musical scene after 1980, and were still active as composers at the time of this study. They include Fan-Ling Su (b. 1955), Hwei-Lee Chang (b. 1956), Shyh-Ji Pan-Chew (b. 1957), and Kwang-I Ying (b. 1960). Detailed biographical information on the four composers is presented and discussed. In addition, the musical form and features of all solo piano works at all levels by the four composers are analyzed, and the musical characteristics of each composer's work are discussed. The biography of a fifth composer, Wei-Ho Dai (b. 1950), is also discussed but is placed in the Appendices because her piano music could not be located. This research paper is presented in six chapters: (1) Prologue; the life and music of (2) Fan-Ling Su, (3) Hwei-Lee Chang, (4) Shyh-Ji Pan-Chew, and (5) Kwang-I Ying; and (6) Conclusion. The Prologue provides an overview of the development of Western classical music in Taiwan, a review of extant literature on the selected composers and their music, and the development of piano music in Taiwan. The Conclusion is comprised of comparisons of the four composers' music, including their personal interests and preferences as exhibited in their music. For example, all of the composers have used atonality in their music. Two of the composers, Fan-Ling Su and Kwang-I Ying, openly apply Chinese elements in their piano works, while Hwei-Lee Chang tries to avoid direct use of the Chinese pentatonic scale. The piano works of Hwei-Lee Chang and Shyh-Ji Pan-Chew are chromatic and atonal, and show an economical usage of material. Biographical information on Wei-Ho Dai and an overview of Taiwanese history are presented in the Appendices. / Dissertation/Thesis / D.M.A. Music 2011

Dai Wangshu 戴望舒 (1905-1950) was a prolific translator, working on both French and Hispanic literature. However, his translation work has often been considered relevant only to the extent that it helped him to develop a self-fashioned modernist style in his own poetic writing. Moreover, no systematic study has been conducted on his interest in Hispanic literature, particularly on his translation of Federico García Lorca’s poetry, a project to which he dedicated over half of his professional career but left unfinished. In addition, investigations on Dai have been generally approached from a narrow theoretical perspective that has risked overlooking the social factors that affected his literary activities. This thesis, therefore, aims to reveal the extent and the way in which translating Lorca into Chinese contributed to the establishment and consolidation of Dai’s position as a social agent in the field of literary production in China. The methodology is constructed in an attempt to reconcile a sociological perspective on translation drawing on Pierre Bourdieu’s theory with a more interpretive understanding of literary writing based on the notion of transculturation inherited from Latin American cultural studies. Examining Dai’s translation of Lorca’s poetry from this integrated perspective allows foregrounding the heterogeneity and multiplicity of Dai’s literary dispositions, at both a macroscopic and a microscopic level, without ignoring the social factors involved in his translation practice. By embedding Lorca’s poetry in the field of literary production in China, Dai privileged a particular set of possibilities over the others, both literary and ideological at the same time. This kind of behaviour in Dai can be interpreted in terms of transculturation and observed in various textual domains, involving formal literary elements, discourses and worldviews. Furthermore, Dai’s project of translating Lorca’s poetry, which expanded over a three-decade period, allows establishing striking connections among literary journals and groups at various temporal and spatial locations, each of them associated with different and often competing views on translation, literature and politics. In sum, Dai’s translation project of Lorca played a pivotal role in establishing and consolidating Dai’s position in the literary scene to the extent that his status as a literary figure was more determined by his translation work than by his own poetic writing. Dai’s translation of Lorca involved not only transculturating a specific text-type, the romance, but also a particular view on the role of literature in society that, unexpectedly, positioned him as an author opportunistically committed to the Communist cause. This investigation contributes new evidence that helps to question some long-standing assumptions both in studies on Dai and in reflections on the role of translation in Chinese literature. In addition, it allows arguing for a study of such a role at large without the need to subsume translation to any other sort of practice.

Between 1919 and 1934, as members of China's Guomindang (Nationalist Party) struggled to take control of and transform the country, they increasingly appropriated language and symbols associated with the fallen Qing Dynasty. At the same time, these were accompanied in party discourse by radical appeals that included strong critiques of China's past. In this they were far from unique: studies of nationalisms around the world have found them to combine appeals to the new and the old. Yet in China this combination incited particular controversy, as Guomindang members and others, wrestling with the cultural legacy of the empire, put forward powerfully radical critiques not only of the culture of the past but also of traditionalist appeals to it. The result was distinctive textual practices I term 'revolutionary traditionalism', which appropriated cultural elements of the imperial orthodoxy while reconciling these appropriations with radical language. Yet this revolutionary traditionalism could not unproblematically form a unified modern nationalist orthodoxy. Radical and traditionalist positions in regard to culture recurred through power struggles within and beyond the party. Through these struggles, by the end of the 1920s revolutionary traditionalism came to characterise the new Nationalist Government formed by Guomindang members in Nanjing. While like other nationalists Guomindang members reinvented the language and symbols to which they appealed, however, the case of Confucius shows that they could not unilaterally control these reinterpretations. The central place of Confucius in national culture was established through a process of negotiation, as groups identifying themselves as 'Confucian' petitioned the state, appropriating its own traditionalist discourse, for recognition and commemoration. Yet these Confucians, pursuing their own often religious agendas, also cast doubt on the authenticity of the state's commitment. Revolutionary traditionalism thus remained unstable, repeatedly challenged both from radical and traditionalist positions.

Craft villages played a significant role in the development of Vietnam’s rural economy for a long time. The range of products and production methods, including the processing of materials and chemicals, are now adapted to modern market requirements but environmental and labour protection issues are not adequately considered in the management of the craft villages. The reasons are various: poor education of responsible operators, deficient technical equipment or missing regulatory framework and implementation of existing regulations. The INHAND project (Integrated Water Management Concept for Craft Villages) started in 2011 and is studying the food processing village of Dai Lam located on the banks of the Cau River in the Bac Ninh province (about 40 km NE of the capital Hanoi). The household-scale business focus mainly on rice and cassava processing with 200 out of 1000 households producing alcohol from cassava and rice, 10 households producing tofu, and 30 households recycling aluminium. In addition, most households also raise pigs. The wastewater is released mostly untreated into the receiving stream. Within the framework of the INHAND project, four German und two Vietnamese partners will conduct a basic analysis inventory in the village with identification of suitable measure for an integrated, environmentally sound concept for the removal and reuse of all output streams. The second major task of the 3.5 years research project is the conceptualisation, development and implementation of pilot-scale treatment facilities in the village and the scientific monitoring of their planning and operation. / Đã từ lâu, làng nghề đóng vai trò quan trọng trong quá trình phát triển kinh tế nông nghiệp tại Việt Nam. Các sản phẩm và phương thức sản xuất, bao gồm cả giai đoạn xử lý vật liệu và hóa chất, đã từng bước được cải tiến cho phù hợp với yêu cầu của thị trường hiện đại. Tuy nhiên, những yếu tố về môi trường và an toàn lao động vẫn chưa được quan tâm đúng mức tại các làng nghề do nhiều nguyên nhân như: trình độ của nhà sản xuất, vận hành còn hạn hẹp, thiếu trang thiết bị kỹ thuật, các quy chuẩn còn thiếu hoặc chưa được thi hành triệt để. Dự án INHAND (đề án xử lý nước tổng thể cho làng nghề) được khởi động từ năm 2011 và hiện đang tiến hành nghiên cứu làng nghề chế biến thực phẩm Đại Lâm ,nằm bên bờ song Cầu, thuộc tỉnh Bắc Ninh, cách Hà Nội 40 km. Mô hình kinh tế hộ gia đình tại làng chủ yếu tập trung vào chế biến gạo và sắn: 200 trong số 1000 hộ gia đình nấu rượu gạo và sắn, 10 hộ sản xuất đậu phụ, 30 hộ tái chế nhôm. Ngoài ra, gần như tất cả các hộ đều có nuôi lợn. Nước thải của làng được dẫn trực tiếp ra các khối nước mở, gần như không qua xử lý. Trong khuôn khổ dự án INHAND, bốn đối tác Đức và hai đối tác Việt Nam sẽ tiến hành phân tích hiện trạng môi trường của làng để tìm ra những biện pháp thích hợp nhằm xử lý và tái sử dụng các dòng thải. Nhiệm vụ thứ hai trong thời gian 3,5 năm của dự án là lập ra đề án, phát triển và triển khai các trạm xử lý ở quy mô thử nghiệm, đồng thời quan trắc khoa học các quá trình thiết kế và vận hành.

本論文之研究，旨在檢討戴震反對程朱思想的意義，以澄清戴震對程朱思想的誤解， 並評估戴震哲學的價值．參考文獻以戴震《原善》、《緒言》、《孟子私淑錄》、《 孟子字義疏證》以及《戴震文集》為主．（上述各項，係以里仁書局重新標校之《戴 震集》為底本）又後人之論述戴震思想及其反程朱之相關論著，亦儘量加以參考．研 究方法則就戴震批評程朱的三個層面：形上學、心性說、工夫論，分別處理．處理方 法是：首先說明戴震的批評意見，其次介紹戴震的思想，最後是對戴震的批評加以檢 討． 本論文全一冊，計十萬餘字，分六章十四節．第一章是緒論，說明本文的研動機、方 法與宗趣，並考察前人的研究意見，以及說明本文所依據的資料等．第二章介紹戴震 的思想淵源、哲學著作、治學精神，以及戴震與程朱的關係；其次，則是分析戴震反 程朱思想的背景，以作為本文的研究基礎．第三章說明戴震對程朱「理氣論」的批評 ，介紹戴震「理存於氣」的主張，並檢討他反對程朱「理氣論」之得失．第四章說明 戴震對程朱「心性說」的批評，介紹戴震「血氣心知」的主張，並檢討他反對程朱「 心性說」之得失．第五章說明戴震對程朱「工夫論」的批評，介紹戴震的「工夫論」 ，並檢討他反對桯朱「工夫論」之得失．第六章是結論，檢討戴震反程朱思想的意義 ，以及評估戴震哲學的價值． 透過本論文之研究，可知戴震對程朱思想的批評，是出於誤解；但無可平認，程朱思 想有其嚴峻的一面，因而有過度抑制情欲的流弊；戴震哲學的價值即來自對情欲的肯 定，而其缺失，卻也因此而產生．