This thesis is a microhistorical investigation of the dynamics of control and resistance in Pollsmoor Prison and Valkenberg Psychiatric Hospital’s Maximum Security section from 1964 to 1994 in South Africa. It examines the evolution of daily life inside these institutions, both situated in the Western Cape, and the extent to which these institutions were part of the security apparatus developed by the apartheid state. The permeability of Pollsmoor and Valkenberg shed light on the connections between repression, resistance, collaboration and survival inside and outside closed institutions. The division of incarcerated populations according to race, gender, age and behaviour reflected wider logics of governance of the South African society. Similarly, the modalities of resistance and collaboration adopted by ‘political’, ‘common law’ and ‘insane’ prisoners on the inside echoed the processes of popular mobilisation on the outside. The construction of a ‘healthy nation’ through the production and control of deviances was hence far from being a smooth process. The thesis is divided into three parts, each composed of three chapters. The first part analyses the way a system of law and order, based on delineation, the bestowal of privileges and violent repression, was imposed in prisons and psychiatric hospitals’ Maximum Security sections and how this evolved according to the changing social and political imperatives of the apartheid state. The second part shifts the gaze to the level of the courts, where psychiatric and criminological discourses became increasingly entangled throughout the period. The operating modalities of the judicial system reflected the fears and expectatives of the white minority, while providing a racialised image of black populations as both dangerous and childlike. Finally, the third part analyses the links between outside and inside resistances and adaptations to the regime of apartheid. It focuses on the 1994 prison revolts as prisms to understand the processes of subjectivation and politicisation which had emerged in closed institutions during apartheid.

Genome transcription is much more widespread than has been traditionally thought because our view of a "gene" or "transcription unit" has changed dramatically over the past 4 to 5 years with the identification of many different non-coding ribonucleic acids. In the yeast, Saccharomyces cerevisiae, meiosis and sporulation are an important part of the life cycle and IME4 gene expression is required for these processes. IME4 sense transcript levels of expression are influenced by the level of its complementary non-coding antisense strand by mechanisms that are currently unknown. The a1-alpha2 heterodimer binding in the downstream 3' region of IME4 is one component required for repression of IME4 antisense transcription. However, this thesis shows that the general regulatory protein Reb1 is also required in this system. Reb1 involvement is most likely to create a nucleosome-free zone in the promoter region of the IME4 antisense strand therefore contributing to transcription.

This is the first book-length philosophical study of Husserl’s transcendental phenomenology and Freud’s theory of the unconscious. The book investigates the possibility for Husserl’s transcendental phenomenology to clarify Freud’s concept of the unconscious with a focus on the theory of repression as its centre. Repression is the unconscious activity of pushing something away from consciousness, while making sure that it remains active as something foreign within us. How this is possible is the main problem addressed in the work. Unlike previous literature (including Ricœur, Merleau-Ponty and Derrida) this book makes full use of the resources of genetic phenomenology and passivity in the attempt to clarify the Freudian unconscious. The central argument developed is that the structure of the lebendige Gegenwart as the core of Husserl’s theory of passivity consists of preliminary forms of bodily kinaesthesia, feelings and drives in a constantly ongoing process where repression occurs as a necessary part of all constitution. The clarification of Freudian repression thus takes place by showing how it presupposes a broad conception of consciousness such as that presented by Husserl’s genetic phenomenology. By arguing that “repression” is central to any philosophical account of subjectivity, this book takes on the most distinct challenge to philosophy posed by Freud.

Notre recherche est particulièrement centrée sur le Sipo-SD, principale organisation de police allemande chargée de la répression de la Résistance. L’idée commune d’une « Gestapo », unique organisation allemande en charge de la répression de la Résistance, s’avère en réalité très sommaire. Une des questions centrale est de savoir comment la Gestapo s’inscrit dans l’antenne du Sipo-SD de Marseille. Nous prêterons tout l’attention sur la place de la Wehrmacht et, le rôle joué par l’Abwehr, la Feldgendarmerie. L’analyse de la 8ᵉ compagnie de la division Brandebourg et de la Geheim Feld Polizei (GFP) apportera un éclairage nouveau sur le dispositif répressif. L’examen du kommando de la section VI du consulat général d’Allemagne ou du Sonderkommando AS contribuera à une connaissance plus fine des acteurs. On ne peut traiter de la répression de la Résistance sans s’interroger sur la place de la Milice, la principale force répressive du régime de Vichy dans ce dispositif. Nous poursuivrons par l’étude du personnel du KDS de Marseille. Les auxiliaires français du Sipo-SD n’ont pas jamais fait l’objet d’une étude rigoureuse, ce que nous tenterons de faire pour Marseille. Quel est l’apport du PPF au Sipo-SD ? Enfin, nous terminerons en mettant l’accent sur les grandes opérations conduites par le KDS contre la Résistance marseillaise et régionale au cours de la période paroxystique de la répression de l’été 1944. L’opération Mercenary, les affaires Catilina et Antoine permettront d’analyser comment fonctionne la répression allemande dans la période qui précède la Libération et où elle atteint son plus haut niveau de violence. / Our research is particularly centered on Sipo-SD, main organization of German police in charge of the repression of the Resistance. The common idea of a "Gestapo", an unique German organization in charge of the repression of the Resistance, turns out in reality very basic. One of the questions power plants is to know how the Gestapo joins in the office of Sipo-SD of Marseille. We shall pay quite particularly the attention on the place of the Wehrmacht within this device, the role played by Abwehr, Feldgendarmerie. The analysis of the 8th company of the division Brandenburg and of the Geheim Feld Polizei (GFP) will give a new perspective on the repressive device. The examination of the Kommando squad of the section VI of the general consulate of Germany or Sonderkommando AS will contribute to a finer knowledge of the actors of the plan. We cannot deal with the repression of the resistance without wondering about the place of the Milice, the main repressive strength of the regime of Vichy in this device. We shall continue by the study of the staff of the KDS of Marseille. But the French auxiliaries of the Sipo-SD were never the object of a rigorous study, what we shall try to make for Marseille. Finally, we shall end by emphasizing the big operations led by the KDS against the Resistance from Marseille and regional during the paroxystic period of the repression of the summer, 1944. The operation Mercenary, the affairs Catilina and Antoine shall allow to analyze how works the German repression for the period which precedes the liberation and where it reaches its highest level of violence.

A longa presença da Igreja Católica no Brasil foi marcada pelo permanente contato com as instâncias de poder do Estado. Lado a lado ou em campos opostos, mas sempre na condição de forças que se influenciaram mutuamente, essa relação encerra parte importante da história nacional. Tendo isso como pano de fundo, por meio da documentação produzida pelo Departamento de Ordem Política e Social do Estado de São Paulo sobre o setor social católico, esta pesquisa buscou apreender elementos políticos e religiosos que teriam causado atritos entre Estado/Igreja no período de 1954 a 1974. Partiu-se da concepção de que os discursos e as práticas de uma parte do catolicismo nacional em busca de uma reformulação econômica da sociedade, então fundamentada na lógica capitalista, seriam uma das causas dessas contradições. / The long standing presence of the Catholic Church in Brazil was characterized by the permanent contact with the instances of the power of the state. Side by side or in opposite fields, but always in the conditions of forces that influenced each other, this relationship ends the important part of the national history. Having this like a background, via the documentation produced by the Department of Political and Social order of the State of Sao Paulo considering the catholic social sector, this research attempted to learn the political and religious elements that could have caused conflicts between the State/Church between 1954 to 1974. The discourses and the practices of one part of the national Catholicism in search of an economic reformulation of society, based on the capitalist logic, was seen as one of the reasons for these contradictions.

Resíduos lignocelulósicos são substratos proeminentes para a produção sustentável de polihidroxialcanoatos (PHAs) e etanol. A xilose é um dos principais componentes da lignocelulose, mas o aproveitamento eficiente desse açúcar ainda representa uma barreira técnica. O objetivo desse trabalho foi obter linhagens bacterianas mais eficientes no consumo desse açúcar. Foi introduzido maior número de cópias dos genes do catabolismo (xylAB) e transporte (xylFGH) de xilose, nas linhagens Escherichia coli KO11, produtora de etanol, e Burkholderia sacchari LFM 101, produtora de poli-3-hidroxibutirato (PHB). Os recombinantes foram avaliados quanto ao consumo de xilose e produção na presença e ausência de glicose. Para B. sacchari LFM 101 essa estratégia não incrementou o consumo desse açúcar. Para E. coli KO11 xylAB reduziu o tempo de consumo de xilose e aumentou a produção final de etanol em 30%, mas esse efeito foi prejudicado pela repressão catabólica; enquanto xylFGH foi deletério ao reduzir para quase zero o crescimento e produção de etanol por essa linhagem. / Lignocellulosic residues are remarkable substrates for the sustainable production of polyhydroxyalkanoates (PHAs) and ethanol. Xylose is one of the most important lignocelullose component but its efficient utilization still represents a technical barrier. The aim of this work was to obtain bacterial strains more efficient in the xylose consumption. Multiple copies of the catabolism (xylAB) and transport (xylFGH) genes of xylose were introduced in the ethanol producer Escherichia coli KO11 strain and the poly-3-hydroxybutyrate (PHB) producer Burkholderia sacchari LFM 101. The recombinants strains were evaluated for their production and xylose consumption in the presence and absence of glucose. This strategy did not increase xylose consumption in B. sacchari strains. The xylAB gene improved xylose consumption and increased the ethanol production about 30% in E. coli KO11, but this effect was impaired by catabolite repression; while xylFGH gene was deleterious to reduce the growth and ethanol production by this strain.

O presente trabalho pretende narrar a história da Ala Vermelha, organização que surgiu como dissidência do Partido Comunista do Brasil (PC do B) e se transformou em partido autônomo em 1966, momento em que se inseriu nas lutas sociais brasileiras, chegando, inclusive, a realizar ações armadas de expropriação de fundos e de propaganda revolucionária entre 1968 e 1971. A Ala Vermelha apresenta um aspecto singular, que viria a distingui-la dos demais grupos guerrilheiros que atuavam naquela época no Brasil. Na plenitude do processo de luta armada, esta organização iniciou um procedimento autocrítico com relação à própria luta armada, procedimento este que se iniciou em 1969 para culminar em 1974, quando avaliou seu equívoco ao optar pelas ações armadas de forma imediata / The purpose of this work is to tell the story of the Red Wing, an organization that appeared originally as a dissidence inside the Brazilian Communist Party (PC do B) and became an autonomous party in 1966. From 1968 to 1971, it became actively involved in the Brazilian social struggle and even carried out armed actions to expropriate funds and disseminate revolutionary propaganda. The Red Wing had an unique trait that would distinguish it from other guerrilla groups operating at that time: in the heat of the armed struggle, this organization set off a self-criticism procedure focused on the very fight it was engaged on. This procedure was started in 1969 and culminated in 1974, when the organization concluded that its option for immediate armed reaction had been a mistake

No período em que os militares exerceram o poder político no Brasil, assumindo a direção do país (1964-1985), foi criado um órgão de repressão misto, que reunia elementos das três Forças Armadas e das diversas forças policiais: o Destacamento de Operações de Informações (DOI) - a partir de uma experiência piloto, a Operação Bandeirante. Criado e desarticulado durante o regime militar, o DOI foi um dos produtos mais específicos e marcantes da violência institucional praticada na época. Problematiza-se a função dos interrogatórios preliminares produzidos pelo DOI de São Paulo dentro da engrenagem repressiva, procurando compreender como se articulavam os dois eixos de atividade do órgão: informação e segurança. Parte-se da constituição do DOI para se investigar, em seguida, como se processavam os interrogatórios preliminares, como se constituía seu ethos discursivo, quais os temas abordados e, finalmente, quais os métodos empregados para obter as informações e darlhes um tratamento, de modo a construir um depoimento \"coerente\", livre de contradições. / During the time that the military exerted the political power in Brazil, taking over the country\'s government (1964-1985), a mixed repression agency was created, assembling elements from the three Armed Forces and from several police forces: the Information Operations Detachment (DOI) - after a pilot experience, the Bandeirante Operation. Created and deactivated during the military rule, the DOI was one of the most specific and striking products of the institutional violence practiced during the period. One examines the function of preliminary interrogatories produced by the São Paulo DOI within the repressive gear, trying to understand how the two axis of activity of the agency, information and security, worked together. From the beginning of the DOI, one follows on to investigate how the preliminary interrogatories were processed, how their discursive ethos was constituted, the subjects of interest, and, finally, the methods employed to obtain information and to treat this information in order to build a \"coherent\" deposition, free of contradictions.

Este trabalho propõe algumas reflexões sobre oito contos da obra Inventário do irremediável, de Caio Fernando Abreu, lançada em 1970: Inventário do irremediável, Itinerário, O ovo, Apeiron, Réquiem, A quem interessar possa, O mar mais longe que eu vejo e Morte segunda. Em nosso entendimento, considerando suas condições de produção, os contos examinados se relacionam a uma forma de resistência a um mundo que se configura como opressor sob diversos aspectos. Partimos de um conto que trata a questão da repressão sexual. Em seguida nos detemos, em outra narrativa, na repressão que rege o indivíduo urbano. Depois nos dedicamos a um conto que versa sobre a violência de uma sociedade repressiva. Na seqüência, analisamos textos que apresentam a forma de um cadáver, de uma mulher e de um suicida encararem a morte, e finalmente nos atemos a contos em que a repressão se associa a experiências incompreendidas e não superadas. / This work proposes reflections about eight short stories of the book Inventário do irremediável, by Caio Fernando Abreu, launched in 1970: Inventário do irremediável, Itinerário, O ovo, Apeiron, Réquiem, A quem interessar possa, O mar mais longe que eu vejo and Morte segunda. In our comprehension, considering the conditions of the conception, the studied stories are related to a form of resistance to a world which seems oppressive under several sides. We start our study with a story that deals with sexual repression. Afterwards, in another narrative, we investigate the repression that governs the urban citizen. Then we examine a story that deals with the violence of a repressive society. After that, we analyze stories that present the way that a corpse, a woman and a suicidal face the death, and finally we focus on texts in which the repression links to misunderstood and not overcome experiences

Les discriminations à l'embauche, qui consistent en le refus pour un employeur de recruter un ou plusieurs candidats pourtant compétents sur le fondement de considérations non-objectives prohibées par la loi française, portent atteinte au principe d'égalité de traitement entre les individus cher à la République. C'est la raison pour laquelle, depuis quelques années maintenant, on assiste à la mise en place d'un ensemble de mesures destinées à lutter contre le phénomène discriminatoire lors de l'embauche. Ce vaste ensemble de mesures constitue ce qu'on appelle la politique criminelle de lutte contre les discriminations à l'embauche. S'y intéresser, objet du présent travail de thèse, c'est se poser et répondre à la question de savoir si l'ensemble des moyens mis en œuvre en France aujourd'hui pour lutter contre le phénomène discriminatoire spécifié permettent effectivement d'y répondre avec pertinence. Autrement dit, la politique criminelle de lutte contre les discriminations à l'embauche, telle qu'envisagée et conçue aujourd'hui dans notre pays, permet-elle de maîtriser, voire même d'enrayer, les pratiques discriminatoires énoncées ? Pour y parvenir, nous procédons ici à une analyse critique des mécanismes et procédés mis en place par les acteurs œuvrant pour la lutte contre les discriminations à l'embauche. Aussi, notre analyse s'organise autour des deux volets constitutifs de cette politique criminelle que sont le volet répressif et d'aide aux victimes, ainsi que le volet préventif. / Discriminations at the recruitment, consisting in an employer's refusal to hire one or several candidates even competent ones, based on non objective considerations, which are prohibited by the French law, interfere with the principle of equal treatment between individuals, a principle dear to the Republic. That is why we have witnessed for a few years the setting-up of measures aimed at fighting the discriminatory phenomenon at the recruitment. This large set of measures forms what is known as the criminal policy of fight against recruitment discrimination. To take an interest in it, as is the aim of this thesis, is simply to wonder whether, today in France, all the means implemented to fight the specific discriminatory phenomenon, really enable to answer it aptly. In other words, does the criminal policy of fight against recruitment discrimination enable to control, even to stop the said discriminatory practises, such as they are considered and conceived today in our society? In order to achieve this, we will go on with a critical assessment of the mechanisms and methods set up by the stakeholder striving for the fight against recruitment discrimination. Therefore, our analysis organises itself around the two sectors constitutive of this criminal policy of fight against recruitment discrimination which are on the one hand the repressive and victim assistance sector and on the other hand the preventive sector.