Submitted by Jailda Nascimento (jmnascimento@pucsp.br) on 2016-09-16T19:22:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Vanessa De Mattos.pdf: 1961121 bytes, checksum: abf51a599ac71d124da744618741e2d6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-16T19:22:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vanessa De Mattos.pdf: 1961121 bytes, checksum: abf51a599ac71d124da744618741e2d6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis aims to analyze the work of death squads, death squads, political repression at the national level during the period from 1973 to 1979. We seek evidence that the violence of the Bonapartist state has also used these groups to perpetuation of political repression in contrast to the prevailing view that these organizations were limited to the application of "social cleansing". Active during the period of bourgeois Bonapartist autocracy, the death squads were part of the repressive system and had "modus operandi" itself, applied to any social segment taxed by the state as subversive, meeting the wishes of the hegemonic segments in the bourgeoisie represented by the class-State. Because of this integration, agents of squads enjoyed political protection from those autocrats by applying the abuse of legality which secured them legal freedom. Impunity was also afforded them through the logic of manipulative legality, embedded in that state. The end of the economic miracle and political opening process marked the decline of the death squads in view of the withdrawal of support of autocrats, the hegemonic sectors of the bourgeoisie and the favorable public opinion to those practices. To develop this research, we used DOPS documents, present in the São Paulo State Archives; the personal collection of Dr. Hélio Bicudo, available at PUC-SP Library and the National Archives of Rio de Janeiro. These documents were submitted to the immanent analysis, aimed at the analysis of the object in the search for ways of being and their role in the historical process / A presente tese tem o objetivo de analisar a atuação dos grupos de extermínio, os esquadrões da morte, na repressão política, em âmbito nacional, durante o período de 1973 a 1979. Buscamos evidenciar que a violência do Estado bonapartista se utilizou também desses grupos para perpetuação da repressão política em contraposição à ideia dominante de que essas organizações limitavam-se à aplicação da “limpeza social”. Atuantes durante o período da autocracia burguesa bonapartista, os esquadrões da morte integravam o sistema repressivo e possuíam “modus operandi” próprio, aplicado a qualquer segmento social taxado pelo Estado como subversivo, atendendo aos anseios dos segmentos hegemônicos na burguesia representados pelo Estado classista. Em virtude dessa integração, os agentes dos esquadrões gozavam de proteção política por parte daqueles autocratas por meio da aplicação do uso abusivo da legalidade que garantiu a eles liberdade legal. A impunidade também lhes foi conferida por meio da lógica da juridicidade manipulatória, entranhada naquele Estado. O fim do milagre econômico e o processo de abertura política marcaram a decadência dos esquadrões da morte tendo em vista a retirada do apoio dos autocratas, dos segmentos hegemônicos da burguesia e da opinião pública favorável àquelas práticas. Para o desenvolvimento desta pesquisa, utilizamos documentos do DOPS, presentes no Arquivo do Estado de São Paulo; do acervo pessoal do Dr. Hélio Bicudo, disponíveis na Biblioteca da PUC-SP e do Arquivo Nacional do Rio de Janeiro. Esses documentos foram submetidos à análise imanente, visando à análise do objeto na busca pelas formas do ser e sua função no processo histórico

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-04-27T12:41:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Arleandra de Lima Ricardo.pdf: 2644423 bytes, checksum: 608c8551bf76812296260ae03fb64351 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-27T12:41:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Arleandra de Lima Ricardo.pdf: 2644423 bytes, checksum: 608c8551bf76812296260ae03fb64351 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The objective of this thesis is to apprehend the repressive daily activities of the agents from the Bureau of Political and Social Order in the state of Pernambuco, during the period of 1931 to 1956. These repressive practices were perpretated with the consent, integration and participation of the civil society and the military forces regarding the restriction of freedom of expression, violation of correspondence, arbitrary arrests, persecutions, punishments and tortures. Such traces of history have been extracted from the documentation available in the Jordão Emerenciano State Archives in Pernambuco, and in the medical records and books. They deal with the exchange of information between the Public Security Secretariat, the Regional and State Stations, the Army and the Navy, also involving the Ministries of War, Foreign Affairs, Labor, as well as businessmen and the press. All this logic of surveillance, oppression, coercion and repression were invested against militants and people suspected of being part of left wing organizations, especially the Communist Party of Brazil (PCB), people associated with the integralist right wing, or because they were suspected of affecting the good manners, like the artists, or for expressing opinions on the political conjuncture, such as journalists, or for suspicion, such as the military staff, North American soldiers, among others. Based on the ideals of defense of national security and moral integrity, the functions attributed to the agents located in the various bureaucratic instances overlapped, when they did not conflict. The changes in the correlation of political forces that oscillate from the increase in central power expressed in the figure of Getúlio Vargas, for their final fragilization, impact on the services rendered by such agents, resulting in a maze of accusations, suspicions and repressive procedures that were not always coherent between themselves. The agents advocated both in defense of the upper echelons of regional politics, or the central government of Vargas, as well as in their own cause. Therefore, the daily life of these agents expresses a period in which the state goes beyond the limits of bourgeois democracy, assuming its Bonapartist form / Esta tese teve como objetivo apreender o cotidiano repressor dos agentes lotados na Delegacia de Ordem Politica e Social de Pernambuco, no período de 1931 a 1956. Práticas repressivas que contaram com a anuência, integração e participação da sociedade civil e dos militares e expressas no cerceamento à liberdade de expressão, à violação de correspondências, prisões arbitrárias, perseguições, punições e torturas. Tais vestígios da história foram extraídos da documentação disponível no Arquivo Estadual Jordão Emerenciano de Pernambuco, e constam dos prontuários e livros de ofícios. Versam sobre as trocas de informações entre a Secretaria de Segurança Pública, as Delegacias Regionais e Estaduais, o Exército e a Marinha, envolvendo também os Ministérios da Guerra, do Exterior, do Trabalho, bem como empresários e imprensa. Toda essa lógica de vigilância, opressão, coerção e repressão foi investida contra militantes e pessoas suspeitas de integrarem organizações de esquerda – em especial o Partido Comunista do Brasil, ou de pertencerem à direita integralista, ou porque suspeitas de afetarem os bons costumes como os artistas, ou por exprimirem opiniões sobre a conjuntura política, como os jornalistas, ou por desconfiança como militares, soldados norte-americanos, entre outros. Calcada no ideário de defesa da segurança nacional e da integridade moral, funções atribuídas aos agentes lotados nas diversas instâncias burocráticas se superpunham, quando não conflitavam. As alterações na correlação de forças políticas que oscilam do aumento do poder central expresso na figura de Getúlio Vargas, para a sua fragilização final, impactam nos serviços prestados por tais agentes, resultando em um emaranhado de acusações, suspeições e procedimentos repressivos nem sempre coerentes entre si. Agentes advogam tanto em defesa dos altos escalões da política regional, ou do governo central de Vargas, quanto em causa própria. Assim, o quotidiano desses agentes expressa um período no qual o Estado ultrapassa os limites da democracia burguesa assumindo sua forma bonapartista

No período em que os militares exerceram o poder político no Brasil, assumindo a direção do país (1964-1985), foi criado um órgão de repressão misto, que reunia elementos das três Forças Armadas e das diversas forças policiais: o Destacamento de Operações de Informações (DOI) - a partir de uma experiência piloto, a Operação Bandeirante. Criado e desarticulado durante o regime militar, o DOI foi um dos produtos mais específicos e marcantes da violência institucional praticada na época. Problematiza-se a função dos interrogatórios preliminares produzidos pelo DOI de São Paulo dentro da engrenagem repressiva, procurando compreender como se articulavam os dois eixos de atividade do órgão: informação e segurança. Parte-se da constituição do DOI para se investigar, em seguida, como se processavam os interrogatórios preliminares, como se constituía seu ethos discursivo, quais os temas abordados e, finalmente, quais os métodos empregados para obter as informações e darlhes um tratamento, de modo a construir um depoimento \"coerente\", livre de contradições. / During the time that the military exerted the political power in Brazil, taking over the country\'s government (1964-1985), a mixed repression agency was created, assembling elements from the three Armed Forces and from several police forces: the Information Operations Detachment (DOI) - after a pilot experience, the Bandeirante Operation. Created and deactivated during the military rule, the DOI was one of the most specific and striking products of the institutional violence practiced during the period. One examines the function of preliminary interrogatories produced by the São Paulo DOI within the repressive gear, trying to understand how the two axis of activity of the agency, information and security, worked together. From the beginning of the DOI, one follows on to investigate how the preliminary interrogatories were processed, how their discursive ethos was constituted, the subjects of interest, and, finally, the methods employed to obtain information and to treat this information in order to build a \"coherent\" deposition, free of contradictions.

O presente trabalho pretende narrar a história da Ala Vermelha, organização que surgiu como dissidência do Partido Comunista do Brasil (PC do B) e se transformou em partido autônomo em 1966, momento em que se inseriu nas lutas sociais brasileiras, chegando, inclusive, a realizar ações armadas de expropriação de fundos e de propaganda revolucionária entre 1968 e 1971. A Ala Vermelha apresenta um aspecto singular, que viria a distingui-la dos demais grupos guerrilheiros que atuavam naquela época no Brasil. Na plenitude do processo de luta armada, esta organização iniciou um procedimento autocrítico com relação à própria luta armada, procedimento este que se iniciou em 1969 para culminar em 1974, quando avaliou seu equívoco ao optar pelas ações armadas de forma imediata / The purpose of this work is to tell the story of the Red Wing, an organization that appeared originally as a dissidence inside the Brazilian Communist Party (PC do B) and became an autonomous party in 1966. From 1968 to 1971, it became actively involved in the Brazilian social struggle and even carried out armed actions to expropriate funds and disseminate revolutionary propaganda. The Red Wing had an unique trait that would distinguish it from other guerrilla groups operating at that time: in the heat of the armed struggle, this organization set off a self-criticism procedure focused on the very fight it was engaged on. This procedure was started in 1969 and culminated in 1974, when the organization concluded that its option for immediate armed reaction had been a mistake

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T16:17:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andreia _Peron.pdf: 1943288 bytes, checksum: dc0f38aba602b089194cbba7f812c664 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-07-22 / The proposal of this research refers to the analysis of the political participation, the militancy and repression suffered by teachers of Paraná state, in the period corresponding to the civil-military post-coup in 1964, which led the military to remain for 21 years in power. The space-temporal clipping refers to the State of Paraná in the period of 1964-1984. To achieve the objective of this work it was used a diverse bibliography of data collected by the Department of public file of Parana state(DEAP)with respect to documents produced by the political and Social Order from Police of Paraná (DOPS/PR), as also interviews done with former politicians militants who had the characteristic of being teachers at that time. The memory of these teachers was marked in this work with the theoretical-methodological contribution that was appropriated from the history of present time and oral history so that (memory) contribute to the ongoing construction of this part of Brazilian history. / A proposta desta pesquisa refere-se à análise da participação política, da militância e da repressão sofrida por professores paranaenses no período correspondente ao pós-golpe civil-militar de 1964, que levou os militares a permanecerem por 21 anos no poder. O recorte espaço-temporal refere-se ao Estado do Paraná, no período de 1964-1984. Para alcançar o objetivo deste trabalho utilizou-se de diversas bibliografias, de dados coletados junto ao Departamento de Arquivo Público do Paraná (DEAP), no que tange a documentos produzidos pela Delegacia de Ordem Política e Social do Paraná (DOPS/PR), como também entrevistas realizadas com ex-militantes políticos que tinham a característica de serem, na época, professores. As memórias destes foram balizadas, neste trabalho, com o aporte teórico-metodológico que se apropriou da História do Tempo Presente e da História Oral, para que aquelas (memórias) contribuíssem para a contínua construção dessa parte da história brasileira referente ao período da ditadura militar.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T17:30:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ROBERTO_FLORENTINO_SILVA.pdf: 2985671 bytes, checksum: a9f521c8ecec873a7cb17c8154221dcf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-14 / This dissertation seeks to analyze the socio-spatial dynamics of prostitution in the city of Francisco Beltrão, Paraná, in its earliest manifestations, in specific moments, and at present, at another time, and alterations in the forms, functions, structures and processes of this activity, here understood as an economic activity. Part of the overall scale of the sex industry in a globalized world, of international trafficking of people, and the forms of organization of this activity in the city of São Paulo, to give a more precise cut of this activity on the scale of Francisco Beltrão. It attempts to analyze the explosive mix of sex, money and prejudices just as a socioeconomic activity in the light of the categories of Economic Geography. / Este trabalho busca analisar a dinâmica sócio-espacial da prostituição no município de Francisco Beltrão, Paraná, em suas primeiras manifestações, num momento, e na atualidade, em outro momento, e as modificações ocorridas nas formas, funções, estruturas e processos dessa atividade, aqui entendida como atividade econômica. Parte da escala geral da indústria do sexo no mundo globalizado, do tráfico internacional de pessoas, das formas de organização dessa atividade na cidade de São Paulo, para dar um recorte mais preciso dessa atividade na escala do Município. Tenta analisar a explosiva mistura de sexo, dinheiro e preconceitos apenas como uma atividade sócio-econômica, à luz das categorias da Geografia Econômica.

Carbon catabolite repression in A. nidulans is a regulatory system which allows the organism to utilize the most preferable carbon source by repressing the expression of genes encoding enzymes utilizing alternative carbon sources. A ubiquitination pathway was shown to be one of the key mechanisms which regulate carbon source utilization, when creB was found to encode a deubiquitinating enzyme. Strains containing mutations in creB show loss of repression for some metabolic pathways in carbon catabolite repressing conditions, and also grow very poorly on several sole carbon sources such as quinate and proline, suggesting CreB plays multiple roles in the cell. This work describes the analysis of the interaction of CreB with CreA, and with PrnB and QutD. Various epitope-tagged versions of CreA were expressed in A. nidulans, and an internally located HA-epitope tag was found to allow detection of CreA using Western analysis. A diploid strain was constructed between strains containing HA-tagged CreA and FLAG-tagged CreB. When CreB was immunoprecipitated, HA-tagged CreA was also precipitated in the diploid, indicating that CreA and CreB are present in a complex in vivo. To determine whether CreA is a ubiquitinated protein, a version of CreA that was tagged with both an HA epitope and a His-tag was expressed in A. nidulans, and protein extracts were precipitated with an UbiQapture™-Q matrix. Western analysis was used to show that CreA was present in the precipitate. These findings suggest that CreA is a ubiquitinated protein, and a target of the CreB deubiquitination enzyme. To determine whether the proline permease (PrnB) is a direct substrate of CreB, plasmids to express epitope-tagged versions of PrnB were constructed and introduced into the prnB mutant strain. No tagged protein could be detected by Western analysis, even when these constructs were over-expressed from the gpdA promoter. However, a construct to express an HA epitope tagged version of quinate permease (QutD) fully complemented the qutD mutant strain, and HA-tagged QutD could be easily detected in Western analysis when probed with the anti-HA monoclonal antibody. A diploid strain was made between a complementing transformant and a strain expressing a FLAG-tagged CreB construct. When QutDHA was immunoprecipitated, CreBFLAG was detected in the immunoprecipitate of the diploid. A proportion of QutDHA was also co-precipitated in the diploid when CreBFLAG was immunoprecipitated. Thus, CreB is present in a complex with QutD in vivo. Further results showed that the concentration of QutD in the cell is lower in a creB null mutant background than in the wild-type background, indicating that deubiquitination is required to prevent protein turnover. Northern analysis of mRNA showed that the failure of creB mutant strains to grow on quinate medium was not due to a failure of transcriptional induction of qutD, as the amount of mRNA was not lower in a creB1937 mutant background compared to the wild-type. Furthermore, experiments were undertaken that showed that QutD is a ubiquitinated protein. These findings suggest that quinate permease is regulated through deubiquitination involving the CreB deubiquitination protein in A. nidulans. In addition to the candidate protein approach asking whether CreA is a substrate of CreB, a proteomics approach was also used to identify proteins that interact with CreA. However, no clear interacting proteins were identified using this approach. / Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Molecular and Biomedical Science, 2008

Recently reported data demonstrate that Vav3, a Rho Guanine Nucleotide Exchange Factor (Rho GEF) is overexpressed in breast tumors, coexpressed with ER, necessary for proliferation in breast cancer cells, and predictive of response to neoadjuvant endocrine therapies in patients with ER+ tumors. Such data beg the question as to what roles Vav3 plays in modulation of steroid receptor activity in breast cancer and in resistance to current hormonal therapies. Using reporter assays, I provide novel evidence that Vav3 potentiates Estrogen Receptor activity and represses Androgen Receptor activity in breast cancer cells. Vav3 potentiates ligand-dependent estrogen receptor activity in the MCF-7. A truncated, constitutively active form of Vav3, caVav3 potentiates ligand dependent ER activity in both MCF-7 and T47D. Vav3 activates Rho GTPases through its GEF domain. ER potentiation by caVav3 is dependent upon GEF activity. A caVav3 mutant with defective GEF function represses basal and ligand-mediated ER activity in T47D. Although other studies have shown that Vav3 could activate various Rho GTPases, only constitutively active Rac1 mutants potentiated ER activity in both cell lines. Contrastingly, reporter assays were used to show that caVav3 inhibits ligand-mediated AR activity in the AR+ T47D cell line by both R1881 and DHT stimulation. caVav3-mediated repression of AR activity is GEF-dependent, as caVav3 GEF mutants potentiate AR activity. Constitutively active forms of Rho GTPases were found to repress AR activity to different extents, but R1881-mediated AR activity was only significantly repressed by caCdc42. My studies of the effect of androgens on AR protein by western blot show that androgens downregulate AR protein in the highly Vav3 positive T47D cell line. Previous studies have demonstrated that androgens stabilize AR protein in MCF-7, and I now provide evidence that overexpression of Vav3 or caVav3 reverses hormone-mediated AR protein stabilization in MCF-7. These data are especially relevant given recently published data that decreased AR protein levels contributed to failure of response to MPA in patients with metastatic breast cancer. Further breast cancer studies may prove Vav3 to be a potential drug target in hormone dependent, hormone independent, and metastatic disease.

Being able to respond to extracellular cues such as nutrients and growth factors is of vital importance to all living cells. Pathways have therefore evolved which can sense the extracellular status, transmit a signal through the cell and affect gene expression, which ultimately enables adaptation. Intriguingly, research has revealed that such signaling pathways responding to nutrient status are intrinsically linked to the lifespan of organisms, a phenomenon known as caloric restriction. This thesis utilizes budding yeast, Saccharomyces cerevisiae, as a model system to investigate how transcription factors affect gene expression in response to nutrient signaling pathways. Paper I investigates the role of the three homologous transcription factors Mig1, Mig2 and Mig3 in regulating gene expression in response to glucose. This is done by transcriptional profiling with microarrays of wild type yeast, as well as mutant strains where the MIG1, MIG2 and MIG3 genes have been deleted in all possible combinations. The results reveal that Mig1 and Mig2 act together, with Mig1 having a larger effect in general while Mig2 has a role specialized for high-glucose conditions. Using a strategy similar to that in paper I, paper II examines the roles of the two homologous transcription factors Gis1 and Rph1 in gene regulation. This study shows that Gis1 and Rph1 are both involved in nutrient signaling, acting in parallel with a large degree of redundancy. Furthermore, we find that these two transcription factors change both target genes as well as the effects on transcription when the yeast cell transitions through different growth phases. Rph1 is a functional JmjC histone demethylase, and paper III investigates the connection between this activity and the transcriptional regulation studied in paper II. We find that rendering Rph1 catalytically inactive has little effect on its role in nutrient signaling and gene regulation, but subtly affects certain groups of genes. Paper IV reveals that Rph1 does not affect the chronological lifespan of yeast as does its homolog Gis1. However, deleting or overexpressing RPH1 has effects on the response to rapamycin and caffeine, inhibitors of the evolutionary conserved TORC1 complex affecting lifespan in both yeast and mammals.

Post-Soviet Azerbaijan is often portrayed as a very secular country. Thus the mobilization of mosque communities in the late 1990s and their conflictual relationship with the authorities came as a surprise. The main aim of the dissertation is to shed light on this mobilization, focusing on the Sunni Abu Bakr and the Shi’ite Juma mosque communities in Baku. On the premise that Islamic mobilization may be interpreted as a “social movement”, internal, contextual and interactional aspects of mobilization have been studied. The analysis is chiefly based on interviews conducted in Baku in 2004/2005 with Imams, worshippers, religious and secular authorities. The study finds that young people looking for new approaches to religion have been drawn to these communities, where they encounter an independent, educated, conscientious clergy and, indeed, a “new” religion. This “sovereign” Islam does not go down well with authorities who fear politicization of religion. The Soviet heritage has provided them with a view of religion as something that should not be publicly displayed and with the institutions to control religion. Another key feature whose impact on state policy towards religious organizations cannot be underestimated is the fear of imported radicalism. A look at Islamic mobilization in North Caucasus, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan reveals many similarities, yet one momentous difference is the harsher repression in these contexts, which decreases the chances of a non-radical mobilization. The thesis concludes that the role of the state in mobilization processes in non-democratic contexts is crucial but counterintuitive, as the regimes’ efforts to stop the mobilization of movements actually leads to its intensification. In Azerbaijan, official pressure brings community members closer together and strengthens their resolve, rather than putting an end to mobilization. It also puts a spotlight on these communities which lights up the way for others in search of something new.