L’université du Bénin (ex Dahomey), étudiée entre 1950 et 2002, est un essai de contribution à l’histoire des universités en Afrique subsaharienne. L’ambition de cette recherche a été de montrer comment une université a pu être un lieu-clé dans le processus de construction nationale du Dahomey-Bénin, au lendemain des indépendances africaines de 1960. Créée en 1970, grâce essentiellement à l’appui de la France, l’université du Bénin, à l’instar de toutes celles de l’Afrique francophone, est marquée par un conflit permanent entre continuité et rupture avec le système éducatif hérité de l’époque coloniale. Conçue comme l’institution publique de formation des élites, l’université du Bénin est aussi un haut lieu de militantisme de la jeunesse et d’opposition au pouvoir, avec des répercutions sur la vie nationale entière. Étudier l’histoire de l’université, c’est en définitive, faire l’histoire de la société, de la jeunesse, des élites, du pouvoir, de l’administration et des relations internationales. Aussi, comprendre les enjeux des transformations de l’enseignement supérieur au Bénin aujourd’hui, nous apparaît-il, à la lueur de nos propres recherches, nécessiter des collaborations internationales permettant de croiser les échelles d’analyse et de multiplier les points de vue. / The University of Benin (ex Dahomey), studied between 1950 and 2002, is an attempt to contribute to the history of universities in sub-Saharan Africa. The ambition of this research was to show how a university could be a key place in the process of national construction of Dahomey-Benin, following the independence of Africa in 1960. Established in 1970, with mainly to the support of France, the University of Benin, like all those in French-speaking Africa, is marked by a permanent conflict between continuity and rupture with the educational system inherited from the colonial era. The Benin University, conceived as a public institution for the training of elites, is also a center of youth activism and opposition to power, with repercussions on the entire national life. To study the history of the university means ultimately to study the story of the society, youth, elites, power, administration and international relations. To understand the challenges of the transformations of higher education in Benin today, it appears to us, in the light of our own research, to require international collaborations allowing to cross the scales of analysis and to diversify the points of view.

本論文將研究在2013年習近平主席上任不到幾個月以來，並在中國共產黨不斷承諾要改善國家法治的情況下，中國為何在國家電視台上開始播出犯罪嫌疑人的電視認罪。這些電視認罪的播出引起了來自海外的廣泛譴責，從某種程度上在國內也受到了批評，因為電視認罪的播出被視為國家非法壓迫人的手段，並被認為是在重演當年毛澤東時代不公正的批判鬥爭行為。本論文是第一項對這種新侵權行為的系統研究，並試圖填補該研究領域的空白。本作者通過採訪在電視上曾經認罪過的人發現許多電視認罪是有“表演”色彩，往往犯罪嫌疑人被迫“背台詞”、穿著特定的服裝、在攝像頭面前“演戲”等。這表明國家在利用電視認罪來達到某種特定的目的。作者對90個2013年至2016年之間播出的電視認罪進行了分析並發現認罪者當局故意讓嫌疑人感到恥辱來強調他們有罪，使用嫌疑人認罪時所使用的話來牽連他人或貶低他人，以支持中共的這種行為並對於來自國外批評的聲音做出回應。本論文借用François Bourricaud （1987年）對合法性的概念作為一種活躍的合法化進程以表明中國新的電視認罪行為不只是簡單的進行壓迫的工具，而更多是一種強制性推動共產黨合法性的戲劇表演。 / This study asks why China started broadcasting confessions of suspects on national television in 2013, just months after the accession of President Xi Jinping, and despite the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP’s) repeated promises to improve the country’s rule of law. The broadcasts have triggered widespread condemnation overseas, and to a lesser extent at home, for being illegal, another example of state repression, and resembling the unjust public struggle sessions of the Mao era. This thesis attempts to fill a gap in scholarship and provide the first systematic study of this new and understudied human rights violation. Interviews conducted with those who had confessed on television revealed that many are “show” confessions, where the suspect is made to memorise “lines,” get in “costume,” and “act” in front of the camera, indicating that they are “produced” for a specific purpose. In addition, an analysis of 90 confessions aired between 2013 and 2016 revealed that deliberate efforts were made to shame the confessor, emphasize their guilt, and use the words of their confession to incriminate and denigrate others, promote support for the CCP and its actions and respond to outside criticism. Borrowing François Bourricaud’s (1987) concept of legitimacy as a dynamic process of legitimation, China’s new televised confessions can be seen as much more than simply another tool of repression, rather they are acts of forced theatre aimed at furthering CCP legitimacy.

The purpose of this study is to describe the subjective psychological experience of relapse in cocaine/crack and heroin users with the aim of identifying the significant cognitive, emotional and social themes involved in relapse. A better understanding of relapse may aid in providing more effective treatment for substance users. Both the intra- and interpsychic factors involved in relapse that emerge from the study are viewed from within a broad systems theory approach. In this study, not only the whole system is of relevance, but also the subsystems. Various sub systems are also identified to allow for the recognition of patterns, functions and recursive feedback loops that maintain substance-using behaviour. Due to the qualitative nature of the study, the context surrounding substance abuse and the substance users assumes vital importance. The interrelationships between the various intrapsychic structures, the family unit, the social contexts, the drugs themselves and the physiological aspects of substance abuse are identified. A qualitative research design was applied. In-depth semi-structured interviews were used to gather data from the eight participants, who were crack and heroin users who attended the in-patient rehabilitation programme at Phoenix House. Seven of the participants were still in the in-patient rehabilitation programme at the time of the interview, while one participant was in the aftercare programme. All have been through a rehabilitation process before and were at Phoenix House due to a relapse. A thematic analysis was conducted and the process of analysis settled on eight overall themes. Extensive descriptions of these themes are provided. The discussion highlights the role of relapse in the cycle of self-destruction that constitutes substance abuse, in addition to the role relapse plays in the process of recovery. Connection seems to be the key to breaking the cycle of alienation that users experience. Falling into the trap of rejecting users without looking beyond their behaviour allows them to continue functioning in a way that confirms their view of themselves as unlovable, which, in turn, maintains their behaviour. Although systems theory is an independent approach in its own right, the nature of its view allows for the incorporation of other approaches. Where possible and relevant, other theories are incorporated into the discussion of the results, with the aim of gaining an integrated understanding of the findings of the study within the broader field of substance abuse. / Dissertation (MA (Clinical Psychology))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Psychology / unrestricted

No description available.

This thesis aims to explore the political, social and religious opposition to Liberation Theology in Latin America during the 1960s to 1990s, and the transformation of Christianity. During this period, most Latin American countries underwent social struggles and political repression in which opposition and persecution arose from dictatorial and military governments who labeled those committed to the poor as communists. Liberation Theology emerged as an ecclesial and theological trend committed to the poor, in the late 1960’s and early 1970’s in Latin America. This thesis traces the origins, development, expansion and repression of Liberation Theology. This work maintains that under the Cold War context and the National Security Doctrine, Liberation Theology became a target of political repression because its commitment with the poor placed it as subversive and communist. This research reveals how it was repressed with violence and the promotion of counteracting religious groups, leading to changes in Christianity.

La présente thèse est née d’une interrogation sur le véritable rôle de l’iconographie de l’Éros adolescent, c’est-à-dire de l’adolescent érotisé, dans la culture occidentale et plus précisément sur l’enjeu et les fonctions que représente son image en tant que symbole d’amour, de beauté et de désir dans le cadre de la pédérastie en Europe et plus précisément dans l’Allemagne Wilhelmienne dans le contexte de l’intensification de la répression sexuelle au tournant du XXe siècle. Pour les Grecs, c’est le corps juvénile masculin avec ses charmes particuliers qui représente le plus beau sexe et le bon objet de plaisir. C’est une erreur fondamentale de croire que cette beauté était valorisée à cause de son parentage avec le corps féminin. La beauté de ses traits était liée à un certain charme et à des caractéristiques particulière au corps et à l’esprit masculins en voie de se former : la vivacité de l’esprit, la vigueur, la résistance, la force, l’endurance, la ténacité, l’ardeur, la fougue et l’enthousiasme faisaient partie de cette beauté que les garçons se devaient de renforcer par la pratique régulière d’exercices intellectuels et physiques. L’éducation pédérastique des garçons, garante des valeurs masculines, assurait que leur grâce et leur raffinement ne sombreraient pas dans la mollesse et l’effémination. L’ambiguïté féminine, l’androgynie qui sera perçue plus tard comme une caractéristique de la beauté adolescente mâle, plus encore, comme la raison de cette beauté, était plutôt, à cette époque, ce dont les garçons devaient se préserver et être préservés. Ainsi, le statut du jeune mâle lui confère, depuis la Grèce antique, un rôle prédominant dans la culture occidentale et explique, en partie, l’omniprésence de ses représentations dans l’art et la littérature européennes jusqu’au XIXe siècle. Pourtant, l’iconographie et la propagande autour de son image se transforment progressivement et fatalement jusqu’à l’aube de la Première Guerre mondiale. C’est notamment l’association de son image à l’érotisme et la beauté qui devient progressivement un tabou honteux, voire pervers. Instrumentalisée et esthétisée selon les intérêts de différents groupes qui s’opposent, le contrôle de l’iconographie et de la sexualité de l’adolescent devient, de cette manière, un enjeu majeur du pouvoir à la fin du XIXe et au tournant du XXe siècle. Ce phénomène est européen mais le Reich wilhelminien, en construction et en quête d’identité, représente un exemple idéal pour analyser ce phénomène que nous replaçons, d’une part dans le contexte de la répression sexuelle et, d’autre part, dans le contexte des mouvements de jeunesse et de contestation qui se développent parallèlement au cours de cette période. Notre étude, basée sur des observations et des faits précis, a l’audace d’essayer de comprendre un phénomène tabou et représente une invitation à une réflexion sur le destin de la beauté masculine et des amours masculins dans notre société. Nous invitons le lecteur à remettre en question certaines de ses convictions et nous espérons réussir à redonner à l’Éros adolescent, trop souvent censuré et négligé, au moins partiellement, la place qu’il mérite dans l’histoire européenne en insistant sur le rôle qui fut le sien dans l’art et la littérature ainsi que sur les enjeux et les fonctions qu’il a si souvent représentés dans les conflits politiques et sociaux. / The following thesis arose from an analysis of the actual role which the iconography of the adolescent Eros, i.e. the eroticized juvenile, plays in the western culture. More precisely, it is about the issue and the functions of its image as a symbol of love, beauty and desire in the framework of pederasty in Europe and more precisely in Wilhelminian Germany in the context of intensified sexual oppression at the turn of the 20th century. For the ancient Greeks, it was the young male body with its particular charms which represented the most beautiful gender and which was a fine object of pleasure. It is totally wrong, however, to believe that the value of this beauty was increased because of its descent from the female body. The beauty of its features was connected with certain charms and characteristics which are particular of the male body and spirit that are on their way to develop : A liveliness of the spirit, strength, power of resistance, endurance, toughness, verve, impetuosity and enthusiasm were part of this beauty which the boys had to intensify through regular mental and physical exercises. The boys’ pederastic education, a guarantee of male values, made sure that their grace and sophistication would not disappear into softness and effeminateness. Female ambiguity, the androgyny which will be seen later as a characteristic of juvenile male beauty or – even more – as a reason for male beauty, was at this stage rather something that the boys had to avoid or had to be sheltered from. Thus, the status of the young male has given him – since ancient Greece – a predominant role in western culture, which partly explains the omnipresence of his representation in European art and literature until the 19th century. However, the iconography and the propaganda about his image are transformed gradually and fatally till the beginning of the First World War. It is especially the association with eroticism and beauty which becomes gradually a taboo, something disgraceful or even perverted. Either instrumentalized or aestheticized – according to the interests of the different opposing groups – the control of this iconography and sexuality of the juvenile becomes in this way a great matter of dispute of power at the end of the 19th century and at the turn of the 20th century. This phenomenon is a European one but the Wilhelminian Reich – under construction and on a quest for identity – represents an ideal example for analyzing this phenomenon which on the one hand I put into the context of sexual oppression and on the other hand into the context of youth movements and contestation developing in parallel ways over this period of time. In my research – based on both observations and precise facts – I dare to try to understand a taboo phenomenon and I invite the reader to reflect upon the destiny of male beauty and male love in our society. The readers are invited to question some of their convictions and I hope I succeeded in giving back to juvenile Eros – too often censured and neglected, at least partially – the place he deserves in European history, insisting both upon the role he had in art and literature as well as on the issues and functions which he represented so often in political and social conflicts.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the impact of agricultural policies applied in Czechoslovakia in the structure of agricultural land use and economic Fund from 1945 to 1959, with particular emphasis on selected areas around Vlasim. Attention is paid to the consequences of a national agricultural policy on agriculture. This thesis also shows the influence of the Communist Party, the circumstances leading to its rise to power, explains specific steps and their impacts. By the time the policy framework was set Vlasim, agricultural and economic situation in the region. The local situation is clearly illustrated by several case studies processed, of which the first, very clearly shows the complete process and the impact of changes in agricultural policy Vlasim since 1945.

Submitted by Ricardo Cedraz Duque Moliterno (ricardo.moliterno@uefs.br) on 2016-03-31T20:57:44Z No. of bitstreams: 1 CORRETA TEXTO FINAL Disserta??o de Mestrado THIAGO MACHADO DE LIMA.pdf: 3502925 bytes, checksum: a2208fd97cf0d3c2b4d8aebe37bf069e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-31T20:57:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CORRETA TEXTO FINAL Disserta??o de Mestrado THIAGO MACHADO DE LIMA.pdf: 3502925 bytes, checksum: a2208fd97cf0d3c2b4d8aebe37bf069e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-31 / Funda??o de Amparo ? Pesquisa do Estado da Bahia - FAPEB / On March 31, 1964 the outbreak of a civil-military coup overthrew President Jo?o Goulart Republic (PBT). In this process, a series of repressive actions, led by the Brazilian armed forces articulated with civilians, has been unleashed throughout the country. The city of Esplanada, located on the north coast of Bahia, suffered directly with mishaps generated by this coup d'etat. A week after the deposition of the President, the town was invaded by dozens of soldiers of the 6th Military Region (Bahia-Sergipe) that disfigured the local political scene. The Mayor, Erikson Orlando Carvalho Lins (PSP), popularly known as Dr. Neno, was deposed, arrested and responded to a Military Police Inquiry (IPM) on charges of being element "subversive" and have attack on the "National Security "but even through all this, the political still found ways to react and challenge of their opponents in the Civil Justice. Given these facts, we have developed this thesis an analysis of the impact of Civil-Military Coup of 1964 in the city of Esplanada focusing on the repressive situation experienced by the Mayor Dr. Neno. We seek to understand the factors that led the military to have the esplanadense political target, the development that had every stage of their repression, subjects, political groups and institutions, such as the Catholic Church, which have been directly and indirectly involved in this process, participation of the local population, the mechanisms used by the Mayor to undertake a reaction, and the outcome of this story. The time frame established for the work had as goal the year 1962 (last general election held in Bahia before the deposition of President Joao Goulart) and 1964 (when the coup). / Em 31 de mar?o de 1964 a deflagra??o de um golpe civil-militar dep?s o presidente da Rep?blica Jo?o Goulart (PBT). Nesse processo, uma s?rie de a??es repressivas, sob o nome de ?Opera??o Limpeza?, comandada pelas For?as Armadas brasileiras articuladas com civis, foi desencadeada em todo territ?rio nacional. A cidade de Esplanada, localizada no Litoral Norte da Bahia, sofreu diretamente com os embara?os gerados por esse golpe de Estado. Uma semana ap?s a deposi??o do presidente, a localidade foi ocupada por dezenas de soldados da 6? Regi?o Militar (Bahia-Sergipe) que desfiguraram o cen?rio pol?tico local. O prefeito, Erikson Orlando de Carvalho Lins (PSP), popularmente conhecido como Dr. Neno, foi deposto, preso e respondeu a um Inqu?rito Policial Militar (IPM) sob a acusa??o de ser elemento ?subversivo? e ter atentado contra a ?Seguran?a Nacional?, mas, mesmo passando por toda essa situa??o, o pol?tico ainda encontrou meios para reagir e desafiar parte dos seus opositores na justi?a civil. Diante desses fatos, desenvolvemos nesta disserta??o uma an?lise sobre os impactos do golpe civil-militar de 1964 na cidade de Esplanada tendo como foco a experi?ncia repressiva vivenciada pelo prefeito Dr. Neno. Buscamos compreender os fatores que levaram os militares a terem o pol?tico esplanadense como alvo, o desdobramento que teve cada etapa da sua repress?o, os sujeitos, grupos pol?ticos e institui??es, a exemplo da Igreja Cat?lica, que estiveram envolvidos direta e indiretamente nesse processo, a participa??o da popula??o local, os mecanismos utilizados pelo prefeito para empreender uma rea??o, e o desfecho dessa hist?ria. O recorte temporal estabelecido para o trabalho teve como baliza o ano de 1962 (?ltima elei??o geral realizada na Bahia antes da deposi??o do presidente Jo?o Goulart) e o ano de 1964 (momento do golpe).

No description available.

Diploma thesis "Child sexual abuse in Czech republic" deals with the development and especially with the stage in our republic about this issue. The thesis in the first two parts examine the issue of child sexual abuse from number of points of view, which are the actors how enter to the issue, what does the child sexual abuse mean and which are its forms, analyse the problems during the solution of this issue in Czech republic. In the second part the diploma thesis goes in for the possibilities of solution of the issue in Czech republic. With the help of the evaluation of some options, where as examples are some foreign models, in this thesis there are proposed some proceedings which would be advisable to introduce in Czech republic for the effective solution of the issue.