[pt] Esta pesquisa visou investigar as buscas e as inquietações de professores inscritos no curso de pós-graduação lato sensu em educação das relações étnico-raciais, de modo a contribuir para o debate da demanda de formação continuada de professores a partir de políticas curriculares antirracistas, como a lei 10.639/03. A pesquisa qualitativa realizou-se no curso de pós-graduação em Educação das Relações Étnico-raciais no Ensino Básico, o Ererebá, iniciativa do Núcleo de Estudos Afro-Brasileiros e Indígenas do Colégio Pedro II (NEABICP2). Com o objetivo de conhecer os docentes e suas motivações, utilizaram-se o questionário e a entrevista semiestruturada como instrumentos metodológicos. Considerando a história da educação do negro no Brasil e os sentidos da formação docente, o contato com o campo e com os sujeitos da pesquisa evidenciou a lacuna formativa em relação à temática das relações étnico-raciais, mas também a possibilidade de existência de um currículo outro, no Ererebá, pautado em uma visão pluriversal, decolonial e contra-hegemônica, que vai ao encontro das demandas acadêmicas e subjetivas desses profissionais. Concluiu-se que os docentes, em sua maioria negros, buscam, nesta especialização, nutrir-se de referências, experiências e conhecimentos construídos a partir de matrizes africanas, afrodiaspóricas e indígenas por si mesmos como sujeitos em formação e para que sejam capazes de modificar os contextos escolares em que atuam, impactando positivamente a vida de seus alunos. / [en] This research aimed to investigate the searches and concerns of teachers enrolled in the lato sensu postgraduate studies in the education of ethnic-racial relations, in order to contribute to the debate on the demand for continuing teacher education based on curricular policies anti-racists, like the law 10.639/03. The Qualitative research was realized in the post-graduation in Education of Ethnic-Racial Relations in Basic Education, the Ererebá, an initiative of Center for Afro-Brazilian and Indigenous Studies at Colégio Pedro II (NEABICP2). With the objective to get to know the teachers and their motivations, the questionnaire and the interview semi-structured were used as methodological instruments. Considering the education history of black people in Brazil and the meanings of teacher education, the contact with the field and with subjects of the research highlighted the formative gap in relation to the theme of ethnic-racial relations, but also the possibility of the existence of a different curriculum, in Ererebá, based on pluriversal view, decolonial and counter-hegemonic vision, which meets the academic demands and subjective of these professionals. It was concluded that the theachers, in their majority black people, seek, in this specialization, to nourish themselves with references, experiences and knowledge constructed from African, aphrodiasporic and indigenous matrices to be able to modify the school contexts in which they operate and positively impact the lives of theirstudents.

[pt] A historiografia educacional brasileira, em sua vertente tradicional, fez circular a ideia de que os negros não frequentaram a escola até o século XIX. Esta pesquisa busca, sobretudo, analisar a relação entre a população negra e a escola, através das experiências de alunos da Casa de São José. A partir da análise documental dos registros escolares desta instituição, espaço de profissionalização no Rio de Janeiro, criado três meses após a Abolição, foi possível verificar o desenvolvimento do perfil racial dos alunos, que em sua origem contava com uma representação de alunos negros superior à de brancos. Com base em Mattos (2013) e Müller (2003) o clareamento percebido na evolução das matrículas, após a primeira década de funcionamento, foi compreendido por um lado como estratégia de distanciamento dos estigmas da escravidão, por outro como branqueamento, em razão da criação de estratégias não anunciadas que impediam o acesso de pessoas que se distanciavam dos padrões físicos e culturais desejados. Os pensamentos decoloniais influenciaram as interpretações acerca de tais práticas universalistas, tendo em vista que o padrão de poder eurocentrado, construído aos poucos pelos colonizadores e perpetuado mesmo após a descolonização, era exercido em nome da tentativa de homogeneização cultural, histórica, social, política, econômica, através de estruturas de controle que utilizaram a raça como base de classificação. / [en] The historiography of Brazilian education, in its traditional line, spread the idea that Afro-Brazilians did not attend school until the nineteenth century. This study particularly aims to investigate the relationship between the Afro-Brazilian population and schooling, through the experience of the students from The Casa de São José. From the documentary analysis of this institution’s records, a place for professional training in Rio de Janeiro and created three months after Slavery Abolition, it was possible to verify pupils´ racial profile development in this institution, which, at the beginning, revealed a larger representation of Black over White students. Based on Mattos (2013) and Müller (2003), the whitewashing in the enrolments progress, after ten years of the institution’s foundation, was understood on the one hand as a distancing strategy of slavery stigma and, on the other hand, as whitewashing due to the creation of unannounced strategies that prevented the access of people who distanced themselves from the desired physical and cultural standards. Decolonial thoughts influenced the interpretation of these given universalist practices, having in mind the Eurocentric power pattern gradually built by colonizers and perpetuated even after decolonization, which was held as an attempt of cultural, historical, social, political and economic homogenization through the control structures using race as a basis of classification.

This thesis explores the family language policies (FLP) of two Somali-Swedish families living in Rinkeby, Stockholm. It focuses on the relationships between FLP and identity construction in different social spaces. It aims to address three main gaps in the FLP research in Sweden: in representation, methodology, and epistemological understandings of family, language, and policy. Most studies focus on families originating in the global North, which renders invisible the practices of families representing minoritized indigenous or immigrants – the South in the North. Moreover, few studies investigate FLP in interaction, resulting in a knowledge gap of FLP as practiced. In general, issues of power in relation to languages, social inequalities and status in society are barely present, yet, understanding relationships between linguistic practices and social structures at different scales seems crucial for understanding how language ideologies emerge and inform FLP. This study thus contributes to the field of FLP by investigating the language practices of two Somali-Swedish families, the language ideologies shaping these practices, as well as the everyday challenges they face in raising children multilingually. It uses an ethnographic design, drawing on interviews and fieldnotes, with attention to researcher positionality. Throughout, the thesis takes a decolonial stance, discussing how North-South entanglements are present in the interactions of marginalized populations and illuminating their experiences of struggle and oppression. Findings suggest that, for these families, FLP is an intentional act of maintaining the Somali language, although practices do not always align with this policy. Participants use in fact a broad linguistic repertoire in their interactions, constructing multiple identities in different spaces through their discursive practices, which are connected to their FLP. These practices are informed by ideologies on the importance of Somali in identity-building and in connecting people within the Somali diaspora, and by the supposed benefits of multilingualism. Participants report challenges in maintaining their FLP, such as the main role attributed to mothers in language maintenance, facing negative reactions to FLP from peers and society, and lack of institutional support. Results from this thesis contribute to redressing the identified gaps by researching participants’ own views on what is important for them and what challenges they face, an essential element for a decolonial approach. They also offer a critical perspective on multilingualism in FLP, locating language within southern perspectives. Results could also aid state actors working with Somali-Swedish families, enabling them to offer more focused support regarding raising multilingual children.

This thesis explores the family language policies (FLP) of two Somali-Swedish families living in Rinkeby, Stockholm. It focuses on the relationships between FLP and identity construction in different social spaces. It aims to address three main gaps in the FLPresearch in Sweden: in representation, methodology, and epistemological understandings of family, language, and policy. Most studies focus on families originating in the global North, which renders invisible the practices of families representing minoritized indigenous or immigrants – the South in the North. Moreover, few studies investigate FLP in interaction, resulting in a knowledge gap of FLP as practiced. In general, issues of power in relation to languages, social inequalities and status in society are barely present, yet, understanding relationships between linguistic practices and social structures at different scales seems crucial for understanding how language ideologies emerge and inform FLP. This study thus contributes to the field of FLP by investigating the language practices of two Somali-Swedish families, the language ideologies shaping these practices, as well as the everyday challenges they face in raising children multilingually. It uses an ethnographic design, drawing on interviews and fieldnotes, with attention to researcher positionality. Throughout, the thesis takes a decolonial stance, discussing how North-South entanglements are present in the interactions of marginalized populations and illuminating their experiences of struggle and oppression. Findings suggest that, for these families, FLP is an intentional act of maintaining the Somali language, although practices do not always align with this policy. Participants use in fact a broad linguistic repertoire in their interactions, constructing multiple identities in different spaces through their discursive practices, which are connected to their FLP. These practices are informed by ideologies on the importance of Somali in identity-building and in connecting people within the Somali diaspora, and by the supposed benefits of multilingualism. Participants report challenges in maintaining their FLP, such as the main role attributed to mothers in language maintenance, facing negative reactions to FLP from peers and society, and lack of institutional support. Results from this thesis contribute to redressing the identified gaps by researching participants’ own views on what is important for them and whatchallenges they face, an essential element for a decolonial approach. They also offer a critical perspective on multilingualism in FLP, locating language within southern perspectives. Results could also aid state actors working with Somali-Swedish families, enabling them to offer more focused support regarding raising multilingual children.

The othering and exclusion of religious minority groups in Georgia is often understood through the prism of religious nationalism, which is argued to have developed as a result of the collapse of the Soviet Union and the respective need to fill up the leftover systemic void. Ethno-national and religious identity markers were used to create the image of true, pre-Soviet Georgian – Christian, ethnically Georgian group. Although, this understanding offers an explanation for the current social position of religious minority groups of the country, it fails to account and understand the link with and the impact of the Soviet regime, and how the collapse of a secular system produced highly religious discourses. Therefore, the work presented here seeks to understand the role and impact of Russian/Soviet colonization on the current social position of religious minority groups in Georgia. In order to answer the research aim, this thesis employs a decolonial approach and situates Soviet Russia as a colonial power, a successor of Tsarist Imperial Russia and its colonial practices of subjugation, classification, and social hierarchies. The empirical focus of the study is Adjarian Muslims, as they constitute ethnically Georgian religious minority, therefore holding a peculiar place of intersection of identities. The primary sources of the research are dialogical interviews with self-identifying Adjarian Muslims, while the secondary sources, such as the existing publications and research surrounding the social position of the group are analyzed by utilizing the ethnographic content analysis method. The findings of the study suggest that the remnants of colonial past still have an effect on the current social structures and social developments. The exclusion and othering of Adjarian Muslims in Georgia is similar and can be traced back to the practice of ethnicization of Islam, which is rooted in the Soviet/Socialist modernity and the enactment of Muslim groups as the inherent others to the civilized Russians. Due to this, Adjarian Muslims are marked by Islam notwithstanding their personal religious affiliation, and are thus excluded from the dominant understanding of Georgianness and the respective discussions. In addition, the study findings suggest that the region of Adjara is often regarded as the orient to the capital, and Adjarian Muslims are viewed as objects to be saved and civilized, rather than the equal subjects of the state.

[pt] Essa pesquisa objetiva contribuir para o debate da emergente política de educação escolar quilombola a partir da experiência de implementação de um projeto de escola quilombola na comunidade de Santa Rita do Bracuí, Angra dos Reis, RJ. Para tanto pautamos a análise dessa experiência considerando três importantes momentos que se entrelaçam nessa trajetória de luta por uma educação que dialogue com a cultura local, seus conhecimentos, lutas políticas e modo de vida específico, são eles: um passado marcado pela escravidão, pela luta da terra e pela permanência no território, um presente que incorpora novos contornos dessas mesmas lutas somados à reivindicação de uma educação escolar quilombola tendo como respaldo o conjunto de legislações existentes para o cumprimento da referida política. E, por fim, os caminhos e descaminhos percorridos, as estratégias consolidadas na/para a efetivação dessa experiência vivenciada na escola municipal inserida no território do quilombo Santa Rita do Bracuí. O desenvolvimento da pesquisa ocorre na interface da antropologia com o campo da educação pensado a partir de três pilares teóricos que, embora distintos, dialogam entre si: a perspectiva decolonial, intercultural e a educação diferenciada. A opção teórico-metodológica utilizada para o trabalho de campo foi a etnografia aliada à observação participante, entrevistas e análise de documentos. A partir da pesquisa realizada na referida comunidade, percebe-se que o processo de luta política vivenciada pelas lideranças quilombolas de Santa Rita do Bracuí denota trajetórias insurgentes, estratégias subversivas e construção de saberes emancipatórios que apontam, dentre outras coisas, dilemas e opções singulares para a reflexão acerca de como a modalidade de educação escolar quilombola tem sido pensada e construída pelas próprias comunidades, antes mesmo da publicação dos respectivos textos legais que subsidiam seus direitos a uma educação diferenciada. Compreendemos também que a escola quilombola pleiteada pelas lideranças do quilombo, além de ser concebida como um importante espaço para o fortalecimento da cultura local pode ser compreendida como um espaço de qualificação da luta pelo território. No ano de 2018, completamos 30 anos do artigo 68 na Constituição Federal de 1988. Ainda assim, vemos uma série de discursos antidemocráticos e racistas emergirem com força no horizonte político brasileiro. Um dos alvos desse novo imaginário político é justamente um retrocesso quanto aos direitos das comunidades quilombolas. Nesse sentido, a presente tese, para além da análise de uma experiência protagonizada por quilombolas e um projeto de escola pautado nesse movimento, traz consigo questões importantes que se configuram como desafios no que tange a promoção, implementação e continuidade das políticas educacionais voltadas para o reconhecimento das diferenças étnicas e culturais, além de subsidiar reflexões e inspirar outras lutas no campo educacional. Não obstante, a experiência aqui investigada deriva de uma demanda comunitária acionada por uma política educacional específica, diferenciada e fragilizada em tempo tão algozes. Dessa forma, diante de um cenário político marcado pelo retrocesso de algumas dessas políticas, que vinham consolidando-se em governos anteriores, compreendemos que a experiência aqui trazida reflete processos de lutas contra-hegemônicas e decoloniais à medida que são protagonizadas de e a partir de sujeitos Outros, que sofreram uma história de submissão e subalternização. Por conseguinte, ao mesmo tempo em que denuncia os processos que tangenciam as diferenças existentes no chão da escola, os mecanismos que reforçam as condições de subalternidades de determinados grupos, anuncia processos de transgressão e de desobediência epistêmica que vêm acontecendo nas brechas e nas fissuras decoloniais (WALSH, 2016). / [en] This research aims to contribute to the debate of the emerging quilombola school education policy based on the experience of implementing a quilombola school project in the community of Santa Rita do Bracuí, Angra dos Reis, RJ. In order to do so, we offer an analysis of this experience, considering three important moments that are intertwined in this trajectory of struggle for an education that dialogues with the local culture, its knowledge, political struggles and specific way of life: a past marked by slavery, struggling for the land and the permanence in the territory, a present that incorporates new contours of these same struggles added to the demand of a quilombola school education having as a basis the set of existing legislation for the fulfillment of the referred policy. And, finally, the paths and misplaced paths, the strategies consolidated in / for the effectiveness of this experience lived in the municipal school inserted in the territory of the quilombo Santa Rita do Bracuí. The development of the research takes place in the interface of anthropology with the field of education thought from three theoretical pillars that, although distinct, dialog with each other: the decolonial, intercultural perspective and differentiated education. The theoretical-methodological option used for the field work was the ethnography allied to participant observation, interviews and document analysis. From the research carried out in this community, it can be seen that the process of political struggle experienced by the quilombola leaders of Santa Rita do Bracuí denotes insurgent trajectories, subversive strategies and the construction of emancipatory knowledge that point out, among other things, unique dilemmas and options for the reflection about how the mode of quilombola school education has been conceived and built by the communities themselves, even before the publication of the respective legal texts that subsidize their rights to a differentiated education. We also understand that the Quilombola School claimed by quilombo leaderships, besides being conceived as an important space for the strengthening of local culture, can be understood as a space for the struggle for territory. In 2018, the Federal Constitution of 1988 and its 68 article completed 30 years. Nevertheless, we see a series of antidemocratic and racist discourses strongly emerging in Brazilian political horizon. One of the targets of this new political policy is precisely suppressing rights from the quilombola communities. This way, the present thesis, besides the analysis of an experience carried out by quilombolas and a school project based on this movement, brings with it important issues that present themselves as challenges in what concerns the promotion, implementation and continuity of educational policies aimed at the recognition of ethnic and cultural differences, as well as subsidizing reflections and inspiring other struggles in the educational field. Nevertheless, the experience investigated here was built from a community demand triggered by a specific educational policy, differentiated and weakened in such times. Thus, in the face of a political scenario marked by the retreat of some of these policies, which have been consolidating in previous governments, we understand that the experience brought here reflects processes of counter-hegemonic and decolonial struggles as they are carried out by these individuals, Others, who suffered a history of submission and subordination. Consequently, while reporting the processes that touch the differences on the school itself, the mechanisms that reinforce the subaltern conditions of certain groups, announce processes of transgression and epistemic disobedience that have been happening in decolonial gaps, spaces.

[pt] A legalização dos procedimentos de terceirização irrestrita (Lei. 13.429/17) e da reforma trabalhista (Lei. 13.467/07) representam um contexto de crise e reorganização do direito do trabalho no Brasil. Essa dissertação tem como objetivo questionar as bases do contrato de trabalho, centralizando o corpo das pessoas que trabalham como ponto fundamental para a discussão. Tratarei de críticas ao direito do trabalho, procurando como a própria construção abstrata e universal de seus sujeitos e objeto podem ter contribuído para essa crise. Mobilizando correntes interseccionais e decoloniais, argumentarei como os sistemas de dominação do capitalismo, colonialidade, heteropatriarcado e racismo operam nas diversas discriminações no mercado de trabalho. Para isso, analisarei diretamente o texto da reforma trabalhista, mais especificamente o seu Título II-A / Do dano extrapatrimonial, que simboliza a positivação de discriminações no direito brasileiro, relacionada principalmente às reparações dos danos extrapatrimoniais, agora vinculados ao último salário da vítima. / [en] The legalization of unrestricted outsourcing procedures (Law 13.429/17) and the labor reform (Law 13467/07) represent a context of crisis and reorganization of labor law in Brazil. This dissertation aims to question the basis of the labor contract, centralizing the body of the people who work as a fundamental point for the discussion. I will deal with criticisms of labor law, looking at how the very abstract and universal construction of their subjects and objects may have contributed to this crisis. By mobilizing intersectional and decolonial currents, I will argue how the systems of domination of capitalism, coloniality, heteropatriarchy, and racism operate in the various forms of discrimination in the labor market. For this purpose, I will directly analyze the text of the labor reform, specifically its Title II-A / Dignitary Torts, which symbolizes the discrimination by positive law in Brazilian law, related mainly to reparations for dignitary torts, now linked to the last salary of the victim.

This qualitative study, grounded in a phenomenological perspective, delves into the lived experiences of early childhood teachers who teach multilingual children in mainstream classrooms in Tennessee. Amidst the rising number of multilingual learners in mainstream educational settings and the dearth of adequate teacher training to address their needs, this research illuminates the experiences of these teachers. Furthermore, it seeks to advocate for the integration of translanguaging pedagogy into teacher training programs and state policies. This study employed a qualitative study using the three-in-depth-interview series from a phenomenological perspective (Seidman, 2019). The first interview focused on participants’ overall teaching experiences and classroom dynamics, while the second delved into their specific experiences with multilingual children. The final interview facilitated reflections on the preceding interviews and the participants’ reflections on the research process. Additionally, participants engaged in reflexivity by reviewing interview transcripts and adding comments. The study encompassed three kindergarten and three first-grade teachers in public schools in Tennessee. Data collection included in-depth interviews, screener and demographic questionnaires, and transcript comments. Key findings highlighted the high number of multilingual learners in mainstream classrooms, constraints stemming from scripted curricula, teachers’ assimilationist perspective on culture and monoglossic view on language; however, they demonstrated some positive views toward multilingual learners. Regarding the research process, both participants and the researcher expressed positive views. Ultimately, this study advocates for state policies to embrace a translanguaging approach to foster equitable environments for multilingual children so that they can use and develop their full linguistic repertoire. It also recommends the incorporation of translanguaging pedagogy and critical reflection in teacher training programs. Finally, it highlights the potential of research as a means for reflection, learning, and professional growth.

Modern political and market structures have normalized colonial violence into economic and social realities, while imperial powers still dictate modes of labor and resources extraction that benefit them in the present, but send the physical world hurtling into a future of crisis. Justifying this activity are Western mindsets based in rational exclusivity, which fail to recognize the constructed elements of their reality, instead subjugating and historicizing those with different ontological perspectives. In particular, Western logics have persecuted indigenous populations and their cultural connection to ancestral homelands in order to appease colonial paranoia and reassert exclusive claim to stolen land. This is not materially, ethically, or spiritually sustainable. This thesis examines the ways in which colonial and indigenous ontologies interact in the past, present, and future through identifying the reality-shaping narrative phantasies which shape encounters surrounding land. Phantasies of land and the ecosystems humans are a part of are especially central to how individuals and societies relate to the self, as well as human and non-human others. Through an analysis of the 1843 Thomas Gregory-Pamunkey petitions over claims to the Pamunkey reservation land, this thesis studies how colonial and indigenous phantasies of land interact. It demonstrates that the colonial inability to recognize personal and cultural phantasies often leads to conflict, but an ability to recognize the power of narrative and communicate through alternative ontologies than one's own can lead to successful communication and meaningful relationships, ones which can help those with settler backgrounds to live more ethically and support indigenous resurgence. This thesis offers a theoretical, historical, and practical guide to begin the process of unsettling the self by way of recognizing the constructed narrative phantasies settlers have been accustomed to interpreting the world through, and reflects on ways for settlers to move forward by engaging with land-based ontologies. / Master of Arts / Modern political and market structures have normalized colonial violence into economic and social realities, while imperial powers still dictate modes of labor and resources extraction that benefit them in the present but send the physical world hurtling into a future of crisis. Justifying this activity are Western mindsets based in rational exclusivity, which fail to recognize the constructed elements of their reality, instead subjugating and historicizing those with different perspectives. In particular, Western logics have persecuted indigenous populations and their cultural connection to ancestral homelands in order to appease colonial paranoia and reassert exclusive claim to stolen land. This is not materially, ethically, or spiritually sustainable. This thesis examines the ways in which colonial and indigenous ontologies interact in the past, present, and future through identifying the reality-shaping narratives which shape encounters surrounding land. Stories of land and the ecosystems humans are a part of are especially central to how individuals and societies relate to the self, as well as human and non-human others. Through an analysis of the 1843 Thomas Gregory-Pamunkey petitions over claims to the Pamunkey reservation land, this thesis studies how colonial and indigenous narratives of land interact. It demonstrates that the colonial inability to recognize personal and cultural narratives often leads to conflict, but an ability to recognize the power of stories and communicate through alternative worldviews than one's own can lead to successful communication and meaningful relationships, ones which can help those with settler backgrounds to live more ethically and support indigenous resurgence. This thesis offers a theoretical, historical, and practical guide to begin the process of unsettling the self by way of recognizing the constructed narratives settlers have been accustomed to interpreting the world through, and reflects on ways for settlers to move forward by engaging with land-based worlviews.

[ES] El interés de la academia por los términos Sumak Kawsay (SK) y Buen-Vivir (BV), a partir de su inclusión en las constituciones de Ecuador y Bolivia, ha crecido enormemente en la última década. La permanente construcción y discusión teórica, ha posicionado al SK y al BV como alternativas al desgastado discurso del desarrollo. Esta discusión teórica, en su gran mayoría, ha equiparado ambos conceptos al punto de naturalizarlos como sinónimos. Sin embargo, considerando los códigos y los significados simbólicos en cada idioma y cultura, traducir SK como BV ha resultado en una riesgosa simplificación. Bajo estos antecedentes, la presente investigación doctoral ha tenido como objetivo general contrastar las concepciones: desarrollista, postdesarrollista y kichwa-andina del SK en el Ecuador, a partir de los discursos de los diferentes actores (gobierno, academia, pueblos indígenas) que han participado en su construcción y difusión. El enfoque de investigación elegido para estudiar el fenómeno del SK y las tensiones lingüísticas, epistemológicas y ontológicas con el BV ha sido cualitativo, orientado a profundizar en la riqueza de significados del objeto de estudio. Asimismo, como estrategias metodológicas se han elegido: el estudio de caso y la etnografía multisituada. El estudio de caso elegido fue el pueblo kichwa de la Provincia de Imbabura (Karanki, Otavalo, Natabuela, Kayambi) debido a que constituyen actores insignes del Movimiento Indígena del Ecuador, por su reconocimiento a nivel nacional e internacional y por cercanía geográfica y trabajos previos por parte del investigador. Dentro de las técnicas de recolección de información se ha recurrido a: la investigación bibliográfica-documental, la observación (observador completo, observador como participante y participante como observador); la autoobservación, entrevistas estructuradas y no estructuradas; historias de vida; y al Estudio Formal del Idioma y Cultura Kichwa (EFICK), esta última constituye una técnica propia surgida en el transcurso de la investigación y está inspirada en la experiencia de estudio del idioma kichwa por parte del investigador realizada durante seis meses entre 2016 y 2017 en la Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, sede Ecuador. Para el análisis de la información se ha optado por una aproximación interdisciplinar desde dos estrategias reconocidas por su enfoque en los discursos: el Análisis Crítico del Discurso (ACD) y la Arqueología Epistémica o Arqueología del Saber (AS). En relación con los resultados, la presente investigación se ha centrado en problematizar las relaciones, ya conocidas, entre los términos de SK y BV. A través de un diálogo-confrontación de saberes (yachay tinkuy) se ha realizado una interpelación a la academia postdesarrollista, principalmente. La demanda central ha girado en torno a la violencia epistémica que ha representado la traducción-asimilación del SK como BV. Lo que ha pasado desapercibido respecto de la traducción, es que los pueblos andino-amazónicos y los movimientos indígenas han sido excluidos de la producción de conocimiento y de los beneficios de la producción discursiva. La traducción-asimilación ha ignorado las realidades propias de los movimientos indígenas, que no son simples productores de espiritualidad, sino actores políticos capaces de hablar por ellos mismos por fuera de la subalternidad, en demanda de aspectos perdidos (territorialidad, autonomía, autoderminación), tal como se ha mostrado en las propuestas políticas del Plan Amazanga de 1992, El Libro de la Vida de Sarayaku de 2003, en los aportes para la Constitución de 2008, en el Proyecto Político de la CONAIE de 2012, y más recientemente, en la Propuesta alternativa al modelo económico y social presentada por el Parlamento de los pueblos, organizaciones y colectivos sociales del Ecuador en el marco de las protestas sociales de octubre de 2019. / [EN] The academic interest in the concepts Sumak Kawsay (SK) and Buen-Vivir (BV), since their inclusion in the constitutions of Ecuador and Bolivia, has grown enormously in the last decade. The permanent construction and theoretical discussion have positioned SK and BV as alternatives to the worn discourse of development. This theoretical discussion, for the most part, has equated both concepts to the point of naturalizing them as synonyms. However, considering the codes and symbolic meanings in each language and culture, translating SK as BV has resulted in a risky simplification. Under these antecedents, the present doctoral research has had the general objective of contrasting the conceptions: developmentalist, post-developmentalist and Kichwa-Andean of SK in Ecuador, based on the discourses of the different actors (government, academy, indigenous peoples) that have participated in its construction and dissemination. The research approach has been qualitative, aimed at delving into the richness of meanings of the object of study. This approach has been chosen to study the phenomenon of SK and the linguistic, epistemological and ontological tensions with BV. Also, as methodological strategies have been chosen: the case study and multisituation ethnography. The chosen case study was the Kichwa people of the Province of Imbabura (Karanki, Otavalo, Natabuela, Kayambi) because: they constitute distinguished actors of the Indigenous Movement of Ecuador; for its recognition at the national and international level; and by geographical proximity and previous work by the researcher. As information gathering techniques, the following were used: bibliographic-documentary research, observation (complete observer, observer as participant and participant as observer); self-observation, structured and unstructured interviews; life stories; and the Formal Study of the Kichwa Language and Culture (EFICK). The latter constitutes its own technique that emerged in the course of the research and is inspired by the experience of studying the Kichwa language by the researcher carried out during six months between 2016 and 2017 at the Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar. For the analysis of the information, an interdisciplinary approach has been chosen from two strategies recognized for their focus on discourses: Critical Discourse Analysis (ACD) and Epistemic Archeology or Archeology of Knowledge (AS). In relation to the results, this research has focused on problematizing the already known relationships between the concepts of SK and BV. Through a dialogue-confrontation of knowledge (yachay tinkuy) an interpellation has been made to the post-developmentalist academy, mainly. The central demand has revolved around the epistemic violence that the translation-assimilation of SK as BV has represented. What has gone unnoticed with respect to translation is that the Andean-Amazonian peoples and indigenous movements have been excluded from the production of knowledge and from the benefits of discursive production. Translation-assimilation has ignored the realities of indigenous movements, which are political actors capable of speaking for themselves outside of subalternity, in demand of lost aspects (territoriality, autonomy, self-determination), as has been shown in the political proposals of: Plan Amazanga of 1992, The Book of Life of Sarayaku of 2003, in the contributions to the Constitution of 2008, in the Political Project of CONAIE of 2012, and more recently, in the Alternative Proposal to the economic and social model presented by the Parliament of the peoples, organizations and social groups of Ecuador in the framework of the social protests of October 2019. / [CA] L'interés de l'acadèmia pels termes Sumak Kawsay (SK) i Bon-Viure (BV), a partir de la seua inclusió en les constitucions de l'Equador i Bolívia, ha crescut enormement en l'última dècada. La permanent construcció i discussió teòrica, ha posicionat al SK i al BV com a alternatives al desgastat discurs del desenvolupament. Aquesta discussió teòrica, en la seua gran majoria, ha equiparat tots dos conceptes al punt de naturalitzar-los com a sinònims. No obstant això, considerant els codis i els significats simbòlics en cada idioma i cultura, traduir SK com BV ha resultat en una perillosa simplificació. Sota aquests antecedents, la present investigació doctoral ha tingut com a objectiu general contrastar les concepcions: desenvolupista, post-desenvolupista i kichwa-andina del SK a l'Equador, a partir dels discursos dels diferents actors (govern, acadèmia, pobles indígenes) que han participat en la seua construcció i difusió. L'enfocament d'investigació triat per a estudiar el fenomen del SK i les tensions lingüístiques, epistemològiques i ontològiques amb el BV ha sigut qualitatiu, orientat a aprofundir en la riquesa de significats de l'objecte d'estudi. Així mateix, com a estratègies metodològiques s'han triat: l'estudi de cas i l'etnografia multisituada. L'estudi de cas triat va ser el poble kichwa de la Província de Imbabura (Karanki, Otavalo, Natabuela, Kayambi) pel fet que constitueixen actors insignes del Moviment Indígena de l'Equador, pel seu reconeixement a nivell nacional i internacional i per proximitat geogràfica i treballs previs per part de l'investigador. Dins de les tècniques de recol·lecció d'informació s'ha recorregut a: la investigació bibliogràfica-documental, l'observació (observador complet, observador com a participant i participant com a observador); l'acte-observació, entrevistes estructurades i no estructurades; històries de vida; i a l'Estudi Formal de l'Idioma i Cultura Kichwa (EFICK), aquesta última constitueix una tècnica pròpia sorgida en el transcurs de la investigació i està inspirada en l'experiència d'estudi de l'idioma kichwa per part de l'investigador realitzada durant sis mesos entre 2016 i 2017 en la Universitad Andina Simón Bolívar, seu Equador. Per a l'anàlisi de la informació s'ha optat per una aproximació interdisciplinària des de dues estratègies reconegudes pel seu enfocament en els discursos: l'Anàlisi Crítica del Discurs (ACD) i l'Arqueologia del Saber (AS). En relació amb els resultats, la present investigació s'ha centrat en problematizar les relacions, ja conegudes, entre els termes de SK i BV. A través d'un diàleg-confrontació de sabers (yachay tinkuy) s'ha realitzat una interpel·lació a l'acadèmia post-desenvolupista, principalment. La demanda central ha girat entorn de la violència epistémica que ha representat la traducció-assimilació del SK com BV. El que ha passat desapercebut respecte de la traducció, és que els pobles andí-amazònics i els moviments indígenes han sigut exclosos de la producció de coneixement i dels beneficis de la producció discursiva. La traducció-assimilació ha ignorat les realitats pròpies dels moviments indígenes, que no són simples productors d'espiritualitat, sinó actors polítics capaços de parlar per ells mateixos per fora de la subalternidad, en demanda d'aspectes perduts (territorialitat, autonomia, autoderminación), tal com s'ha mostrat en les propostes polítiques del Pla Amazanga de 1992, El Llibre de la Vida de Sarayaku de 2003, en les aportacions per a la Constitució de 2008, en el Projecte Polític de la *CONAIE de 2012, i més recentment, en la Proposta alternativa al model econòmic i social presentada pel Parlament dels pobles, organitzacions i col·lectius socials de l'Equador en el marc de les protestes socials d'octubre de 2019. / Un agradecimiento especial a la Escuela Politécnica Nacional, por el apoyo económico recibido durante los primeros años de los estudios doctorales. Este apoyo fue importante para poder dedicarme íntegramente al desarrollo de la investigación, así como para la presentación de resultados y la realización de estancias de investigación. / Cuestas Caza, JA. (2021). El Sumak Kawsay: entre el (post)desarrollismo occidental y la filosofía andina [Tesis doctoral]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/162882