A presente dissertação busca entender as razões do insucesso dos pequenos partidos políticos em Cabo Verde e o seu fraco desempenho eleitoral ao longo da história política cabo verdiana. O modelo do financiamento público tem sido apontado como a causa principal deste resultado. Questionamos essa explicação, buscando mostrar que a razão que está por trás do insucesso dos pequenos partidos não se deve unicamente à dificuldade de acesso ao financiamento público, mas também a outras variáveis, nem todas elas institucionais. Através da análise dos dados do Afrobarómetro é possível inferir que os pequenos partidos não têm apoio da população. As pessoas não transferem as suas preferências numa terceira força partidária, favorecendo assim os dois grandes partidos, fomentando ainda mais o bipartidarismo. / This work seeks to understand the reasons for the failure of small political parties in Cape Verde and its weak electoral performance throughout the political history Cape Verdean . Public funding model has been suggested as the main cause of this result. We question this explanation, seeking to show that the reason behind the failure of small parties is not due solely to the difficulty of access to public funding, but also to other variables, not all of them institutional. By analyzing the Afrobarometer data we can infer that the small parties have no popular support. People do not transfer their preferences in a third party force, favoring the two major parties, encouraging even more bipartisanship.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-07-11T19:54:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 brunosilvademoraesgomes.pdf: 1747428 bytes, checksum: 7e53b68b70076b1659f5a8389f52ebbb (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-08-08T15:42:18Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 brunosilvademoraesgomes.pdf: 1747428 bytes, checksum: 7e53b68b70076b1659f5a8389f52ebbb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-08T15:42:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 brunosilvademoraesgomes.pdf: 1747428 bytes, checksum: 7e53b68b70076b1659f5a8389f52ebbb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-31 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Essa tese busca analisar as questões espaciais de saúde nos municípios brasileiros. Dessa forma, o artigo 1 investiga as evidências de ciclos eleitorais e partidários e interação espacial nas despesas com saúde e saneamento. O modelo de painel dinâmico espacial propiciou observar se ocorre o aumento das despesas com saúde e saneamento nos anos de eleição municipal e quais os partidos que mais gastam com saúde e saneamento. Identificou que o padrão dessas despesas é influenciado pelo comportamento das despesas nos municípios vizinhos. Nota-se a presença do efeito spillovers, pois os governantes reduzem suas despesas com saúde e saneamento ao observarem que os vizinhos aumentam as despesas. O artigo 2 analisa as questões espaciais da Estratégia Saúde da Família (ESF) capazes de influenciar a taxa de mortalidade infantil e de crianças de 1 a 4 anos nos municípios brasileiros entre 1998 e 2012. A estimação se dá por dados por painel espacial. Como resultado, observa-se a presença dos efeitos do tipo feedback, em que os efeitos diretos da ESF passam para os vizinhos e retornam e o espraiamento da razão de cobertura dos vizinhos na redução da mortalidade infantil e de 1 a 4 anos. Assim, conclui-se que um aumento da ESF em um município reduz as taxas de mortalidade infantil e de 1 a 4 anos nos vizinhos, sendo esse efeito maior para mortalidade infantil. E o artigo 3 analisa a migração médica identificando se há efeito gotejamento nos municípios brasileiros para médicos generalistas e especialistas. Utiliza-se os dados do Censo 2010 e o modelo hierárquico espacial de dois níveis, o primeiro com os dados individuais e o segundo com os dados municipais (incorporando as defasagens espaciais). Como resultados confirma-se a importância da inclusão das variáveis individuais, municipais e espaciais e verifica-se a inexistência do efeito de gotejamento para migração médica tanto de generalistas (que estão dispersos pelos municípios aleatoriamente) quanto de especialista nos municípios brasileiros. / This thesis aims to analyze spatial health issues in Brazilian municipalities. Thus, article investigates the evidence of electoral and partisan cycles and spatial interaction in health and sanitation expenditures. The spatial dynamic panel model allowed us to observe whether there is an increase in health and sanitation expenses in the years of municipal elections and which parties spend the most on health and sanitation. Identified that the pattern of these expenditures is influenced by the behavior of expenditures in neighboring municipalities. The spillovers effect is noticeable, as governors reduce their health and sanitation expenditures by observing that neighbors increase expenditures. Article 2 analyzes the spatial issues of the Family Health Strategy (FHS) that can influence the infant and child mortality rate of 1 to 4 years in Brazilian municipalities between 1998 and 2012. The estimation is given by data per space panel. As a result, the effects of the feedback type are observed, in which the direct effects of the FHS pass to the neighbors and return and the spreading of the coverage ratio of the neighbors in the reduction of the infant mortality and from 1 to 4 years. Thus, it is concluded that an increase in FHS in one municipality reduces infant and 1 to 4 year mortality rates in neighbors, and this effect is higher for infant mortality. And article 3 analyzes the medical migration, identifying if there is trickle down effect in Brazilian municipalities for general practitioners and specialists. Data from the Censo 2010 and the two-level spatial hierarchical model are used, the first with the individual data and the second with the municipal data (incorporating spatial lags). As a result, the importance of including individual, municipal and spatial variables is confirmed and there is no trickle down effect for medical migration, either by generalists (who are dispersed by the municipalities at random) or by specialists in the Brazilian municipalities.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2018-07-13T15:08:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 thandaramariakathleendasilva.pdf: 8098059 bytes, checksum: 10b3e2aa5918f7826b5f18da04cfae69 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-09-03T16:17:06Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 thandaramariakathleendasilva.pdf: 8098059 bytes, checksum: 10b3e2aa5918f7826b5f18da04cfae69 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-03T16:17:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 thandaramariakathleendasilva.pdf: 8098059 bytes, checksum: 10b3e2aa5918f7826b5f18da04cfae69 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-06-12 / O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar o retorno eleitoral do Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida (MCMV) obtido pela candidata do governo Dilma Rousseff nos pleitos presidenciais. A votação eleitoral no Brasil é influenciada por uma série de características não observadas, tais como clientelismo, coronelismo, preferências individuais, voto de cabresto etc. Se tais características não forem levadas em conta na análise, o retorno eleitoral de programas sociais como MCMV e Bolsa-Família pode não ser adequadamente captado. Para contornar isso, foram estimadas regressões usando dados em painel com controle de efeitos fixos em nível microrregional. Os resultados revelam que há evidência de retorno eleitoral nulo do MCMV. Ao contrário, constatou-se ainda a existência de retorno eleitoral do Bolsa-Família em todas as regressões. / The aim of this study is to analyze the electoral return of the Minha Casa Minha Vida Program (MCMV) obtained by the incumbent candidate Dilma Rousseff in the presidential elections. Brazilian polls are affected by various non-observed characteristics, such as patronage, "coronelismo", individual preferences, "voto de cabresto" etc. If these characteristics are not taken into account in the analysis, the electoral return of social programs like MCMV and Bolsa-Familia (BF) cannot be properly captured. To solve this problem, a fixed effect model was estimated at the micro-regional level. The findings reveal that there is evidence of electoral return null of MCMV. Still, the electoral return of BF program was verified in all estimated regressions.

Submitted by Fabiano Vassallo (fabianovassallo2127@gmail.com) on 2017-05-16T17:32:32Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertação ARIANA DA ROSA SILVA.pdf: 2210369 bytes, checksum: 88790eabca11088fc2b27c1e16f699ec (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Josimara Dias Brumatti (bcgdigital@ndc.uff.br) on 2017-06-12T18:02:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertação ARIANA DA ROSA SILVA.pdf: 2210369 bytes, checksum: 88790eabca11088fc2b27c1e16f699ec (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-12T18:02:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertação ARIANA DA ROSA SILVA.pdf: 2210369 bytes, checksum: 88790eabca11088fc2b27c1e16f699ec (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este estudo está filiado à teoria da Análise do Discurso com base em estudos de Pêcheux, na França, e desenvolvida por Orlandi, no Brasil. A Análise do Discurso é uma disciplina que trabalha no confronto e propõe colocar em questão a evidência do sujeito e do sentido. Nossa pesquisa consiste em analisar os processos de produção de sentidos constitutivos do discurso político em debates eleitorais na mídia televisiva, mais especificamente, em dizeres dos candidatos à Presidência: Aécio Neves (PSDB) e Dilma Rousseff (PT), em dois debates eleitorais televisionados da campanha de 2014: o primeiro transmitido pela Bandeirantes e o último transmitido pela Globo. De acordo com a teoria à qual nos filiamos, o político não é o partidário, mas o perene processo de divisão de sentidos. Pensar na mídia em relação ao discurso político é refletir sobre a relação entre linguagem e sociedade. Mais do que isso, é pensar na discursividade produzida nessa tensão constitutiva das práticas sociais, constituindo sujeitos e possibilitando a produção de efeitos de sentido. Em nossa dissertação, entre outras questões, mobilizamos, teórica e analiticamente, o conceito de enunciação do ponto de vista linguístico, discursivo e psicanalítico. Isto nos permitiu observar que o modelo de “enunciação certeiro e firme, sem indecisões, tropeços, sem reticências ou rupturas sintáticas” (PAYER, 2005) de um sujeito que se encontra na ilusão de unicidade e origem do dizer, em algum momento falha, produzindo novos efeitos de sentido, pois “não há ritual sem falhas” (PÊCHEUX, 2014e [1978] [1988]), deixando entrever a verdade do sujeito sempre semidita, de acordo com a Psicanálise lacaniana. Além disso, pudemos observar as formações imaginárias das posições sujeito construídas discursivamente em seus dizeres, em relação ao lugar de onde fala, como candidato, e ao lugar do outro eleitor e do outro adversário político, através de uma análise dos elementos eu, nós, vocês e eles, de acordo com a proposta de Indursky (2013 [1997]). Isto nos permitiu verificar que estas imagens construídas discursivamente nos dizeres dos candidatos são fundamentais para a elaboração da argumentação no discurso político numa campanha, mas que não são garantias de sucesso, já que devemos considerar o processo de interpelação-identificação pelo qual o indivíduo é assujeitado / This study is related to the theory of Discourse Analysis based on studies of Pêcheux, France, and developed by Orlandi, Brazil. The Discourse Analysis is a discipline that works in the confrontation and proposes to question the evidence of subject and sense. Our research consists of analyzing the processes of production of sense constitutive of political discourse in electoral debates in the television media, more specifically, in the words of presidential candidates: Aécio Neves (PSDB) and Dilma Rousseff (PT), in two televised electoral debates on 2014 campaign: the first transmitted by Bandeirantes and the last transmitted by Globo. According to the theory to which we are affiliated, the political is not the partisan, but the perennial process of division of the senses. Thinking about the media in relation to political discourse is to reflect about the relationship between language and society. More than that, it is to think of the discursiveness produced in this constitutive tension of social practices, constituting subjects and enabling the production of effects of meaning. In our dissertation, among other issues, we mobilized the concept of enunciation from a linguistic, discursive and psychoanalytical point of view. This allowed us to observe that the model of "accurate and firm enunciation, without indecision, stumbling, without reluctance or syntactic ruptures" (PAYER, 2005) of a subject who finds himself in the illusion of oneness and origin of the saying, at some point fails, producing new effects of sense, because "there is no ritual without fail" (PÊCHEUX, 2014e [1978] [1988]), letting the truth glimpse of the subject always in half-words, according to the Lacanian Psychoanalysis. In addition, we observe the imaginary formations of the subject positions constructed discursively in their sayings, in relation to the place where they speak, as a candidate, and the place of the other elector and the other political adversary, through an analysis of the elements I, we, you and they, according to the proposal of Indursky (2013 [1997]). This allowed us to verify that these images discursively constructed in the sayings of the candidates are fundamental for the elaboration of the argumentation in the political discourse in a campaign, but that they are not guarantees of success, since we must consider the process of interpellation-identification which the individual passes

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:46:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 robson_becker_loeck_dissertacao.pdf: 788799 bytes, checksum: a9ca77634101d6aec7f06e806f0ca6d8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-12-01 / Participatory Budgeting, which was first introduced in the city of Porto Alegre in 1989, has enabled an increase in citizen participation in county government administration by means of a combination between direct and representative democracy. From then on, it has been acknowledged both nationally and internationally, turning into a model of an innovative experience of popular participation in public management. In spite of its success, popular participation aimed at public budget definition and control has not been institutionalized in the long run, and its continuity depends on vote results as well as on the willingness of political parties. In order to understand the electoral behavior in a city that has adopted participatory tools that go beyond those prescribed for running representative democracies, the ballots for the Workers Party (PT) and People s Socialist Party (PPS) were analyzed in each of the sixteen areas for Participatory Budgeting on occasion of the second round vote in the 2004 city mayor election. Collected data show that PT, the party responsible for establishing and maintaining this political participatory practice along four county governments, had a better electoral performance in socio-economically poorer areas, the same ones that benefited the most from Participatory Budgeting, a key element for the explanation of ballot casting by Porto Alegre voters. / O Orçamento Participativo, implantado em 1989 na cidade de Porto Alegre-RS, possibilitou uma maior participação dos cidadãos na gestão do governo municipal, por meio de uma mescla entre democracia direta e representativa. A partir de então, conquistou reconhecimento nacional e internacional, tornando-se um exemplo de experiência inovadora de participação popular na administração pública. Apesar de seu sucesso, essa participação para definir e controlar o orçamento público não foi legalizada no decorrer dos anos, estando a sua continuidade atrelada aos resultados eleitorais e à vontade política dos partidos políticos. Com o intuito de compreender o comportamento eleitoral em uma cidade que adotou formas participativas as quais ultrapassam aquelas prescritas ao funcionamento de democracias representativas, analisou-se a votação do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) e do Partido Popular Socialista (PPS), em cada uma das dezesseis regiões de funcionamento do Orçamento Participativo, no segundo turno da eleição para prefeito de 2004. Os dados apontam que o PT, partido responsável por criar e manter a prática política participativa ao longo de quatro governos municipais, obteve melhor desempenho eleitoral nas regiões menos favorecidas socioeconomicamente, justamente as mais beneficiadas pelo Orçamento Participativo, elemento central para a explicação do voto dos eleitores porto-alegrenses.

影響選民投票抉擇的變數可以分成長期因子與短期因子，長期因子有政黨認同與對於現任政府施政評價等；短期因子則包括對於候選人的評價以及競選期間所發生的事件等。先前的研究指出，當一個選民的長期因子與短期因子出現衝突，則該選民將可能不會投給較偏好的候選人。和這些研究不同的是，本論文從衝突選民的理論假設出發來分析投票參與行為。本論文認為，長期因子與短期因子若出現衝突，會使得選民產生衝突壓力，無法作出判斷，進而降低選民投票的意願。本論文聚焦「政黨認同」以及「對現任政府的回溯性評價」兩個長期因子，以及「對候選人的偏好」做為短期因子總指標，探討長期因子與短期因子發生衝突時對於選民投票參與的影響。本論文根據政黨認同與候選人偏好一致與否，以及回溯性評價與候選人偏好一致與否，將選民做若干分類進行分析。本論文利用「台灣選舉與民主化調查」 2004年、2008年、2012年與2016年總統選舉調查資料進行實證分析，發現當選民的政黨認同與候選人偏好並非一致時，選民的投票意願降低。其次，回溯性投票與候選人偏好的衝突也有相似的效果，對於執政黨的表現滿意與否，若非與候選人偏好一致，選民的投票參與意願也會下降。整體而言，本論文將衝突選民理論拓展到對於投票參與行為的解釋，除了對於投票行為研究具有若干貢獻外，也對於政黨的選舉策略提供一些啟發。 / Many previous studies have tested the conflicted voter hypothesis that voters will be less likely to vote for their preferred candidate when the voters' issue positions are in conflict with their partisanship. Building on these previous works, this thesis tests the conflicted voter hypothesis on electoral participation. I contend that voters are less likely to vote when they are under pressure generated by conflicts between factors. Using Taiwan's Election and Democratization Study (TEDS) surveys for the 2004, 2008, 2012, and 2016 presidential elections in Taiwan, the empirical analysis demonstrates that voters are less likely to vote when their partisanship is not consistent with their preferred candidate's partisanship. Moreover, the analysis also shows that voters tend to not vote when they identify with the opposition party but are satisfied with the incumbent government's performance, and when they identify with the incumbent party but are dissatisfied with the incumbent government's performance. Overall, this paper not only facilitates a better understanding of conflicted voters' behavior, but also provides implications for the campaign strategies of political parties.

This essay examines the recent electoral success of the Sweden Democrats (SD) in the Swedish municipal election in 2006 and 2010. By using statistical methods it aims to explain which of three contradicting theoretical frameworks best can explain how a populist radical right party could penetrate one of the most stable party systems in the world. The theoretical approaches tested in this essay are: a demand-side, an external supply-side and an internal supply-side approach. By using theoretically anchored proxies to determine the effect of the contradicting theoretical approaches this essay concludes that the internal supply-side explanation measuring the local party organizational ability of the SD had the most substantial effect when it comes to explaining their recent electoral success in the Swedish municipalities, as opposed to a more commonly believed demand-side driven explanation.

Ce travail a pour objectif d’étudier les liens entre événement, discours et culture à partir de l’analyse de discours de presse rassemblés autour de deux moments discursifs : l’élection présidentielle de 2002 au Brésil, dans O Estado de S. Paulo, et l’élection présidentielle de 2007 en France, dans Le Monde. On s’interroge à la fois sur le rôle du discours et sur celui de la culture dans la configuration d’un événement électoral par les médias. Les élections ont été abordées sous l’angle de la conflictualité et à partir d’une analyse lexico-sémantique des mots du clivage, « droite », « gauche », « direita » et « esquerda », censés renvoyer au conflit politique. L’étude se déploie en deux parties : la première partie est consacrée à l’histoire des mots du clivage et à l’étude des représentations qui y sont associées dans les dictionnaires ; la seconde partie porte sur le fonctionnement des mots en cotexte, dans les corpus de presse : on s’appuie sur l’idée que l’environnement lexico-syntaxique donne à voir les rapports entre le sujet et le monde et qu’il est déterminant dans la constitution du sens. Les mots du clivage sont ainsi étudiés dans des structures syntaxiques précises (dans des constructions locatives, agentives et qualifiantes), ce qui permet de mettre en évidence différents points de vue sur les mots. L’analyse met enfin au jour des régularités et des divergences dans l’emploi des mots selon les journaux, ce qui témoigne d’un partage transculturel de pratiques et de représentations, mais aussi de la présence de spécificités « culturelles ». / This thesis aims to study the relations among event, discourse and culture through the analysis of selected press discourses from two discursive moments: the 2002 presidential election in Brazil, in O Estado de S. Paulo, and the presidential election of 2007 in France, in Le Monde. The research investigates the role of the discourse, as well as the culture in the construction of an electoral event in the media. From the conflictual character of the presidential elections, we propose a lexical-semantic analysis of the opposition’s words, “droite”, “gauche”, “direita” and “esquerda”, which refer to the political conflict. The analysis is divided into two main parts: first, these words are studied by a historical bias and through the representations present in dictionaries; in the second part, it proceeds to an analysis of its lexical-syntactic environment: we defend the thesis that the co-text reflects the relation between the subject and the world, which is crucial to the construction of the meaning. The opposition’s words are analyzed by the complex syntactic structures (in locative, agentive and qualifying constructions), which enables to see different points of view about them. The analysis finally reveals regularities and differences between the newspapers, which leads us to consider the presence not only of practices and transnational representations, as well as “cultural” specificities. / Este trabalho tem por objetivo estudar as relações entre acontecimento, discurso e cultura por intermédio da análise de discursos de imprensa selecionados a partir de dois momentos discursivos: a eleição presidencial de 2002 no Brasil, em O Estado de S. Paulo, e a eleição presidencial de 2007 na França, em Le Monde. A pesquisa investiga o papel do discurso, bem como o da cultura na construção de um acontecimento eleitoral pela mídia. Partindo do caráter conflituoso das eleições presidenciais, propomos uma análise léxico-semântica das palavras da oposição, “direita”, “esquerda”, “droite” e “gauche”, que fazem referência ao conflito político. A análise divide-se em duas partes principais: na primeira, essas palavras são estudadas por um viés histórico e através das representações presentes nos dicionários; na segunda parte, procede-se a uma análise do seu ambiente léxico-sintático: defendemos a tese de que o cotexto reflete as relações entre o sujeito e o mundo, sendo ele determinante para a construção do sentido. As palavras da oposição são analisadas por meio de estruturas sintáticas complexas (em construções locativas, agentivas e qualificantes), o que permite evidenciar pontos de vista diferentes em relação a elas. A análise revela enfim regularidades e divergências entre os jornais, o que nos leva a considerar a presença, não só de práticas e de representações transnacionais, como também de especificidades “culturais”.

Research of process of forming of party system of Russia at the present stage acquires special relevance that is caused by changes of a political regime. Change of nature of a political regime, sharpening of personalistic, unicentric lines has caused search of a new format of party system which would minimize possibility of instability of a political regime and became the effective mechanism of maintenance of the status quo. Main goal of dissertation research is studying of forming of a tendency to a monotsentrichnost in development of party system of the modern Russian Federation. Hypotheses which have proved to be true have been formulated: forming of unicentric party system when using strategy of a party creation of the power and its positioning in political space I became reaction of political elite of Russia to a situation of democratic transit and manifestation of its pragmatical interests.

Le découpage électoral est marqué par le mythe du gerrymandering, ou du « charcutage électoral ». Gouvernements et majorités l’utiliseraient dans l’objectif d’établir une carte électorale favorable par la délimitation de circonscriptions visant produire des gains électoraux. Il serait un outil électoraliste utilisé à des fins partisanes. En France, cette perception prédomine notamment en raison du peu de travaux consacrés au découpage électoral qui est, pourtant, un objet important au sein de la littérature politiste internationale. La thèse propose une étude du découpage des circonscriptions législatives sous la Ve République selon deux axes. Le premier, relatif au processus, interroge le rôle et l’action du gouvernement. Grâce à une analyse pluridisciplinaire, il apparaît que le découpeur est soumis à de fortes contraintes, et que les députés y occupent un rôle majeur. Le second porte sur les conséquences des délimitations. Après l’élaboration d’une méthode permettant d’appréhender l’aspect politique des découpages, l’étude empirique – statistique et cartographique – établit que les circonscriptions sont découpées en fonction des députés – sortants –, avant d’être favorables aux partis politiques, ou à la majorité qui y procède. S’il apparaît également que les changements de délimitations ne produisent pas toujours les effets escomptés, ils disposent de conséquences structurelles qui se vérifient sur la compétition électorale. Sous la Ve République, les découpages électoraux peuvent être qualifiés d’interparlementaires et d’intrapartisans. In fine, ni le processus, ni les conséquences des découpages électoraux ne correspondent à sa représentation cognitive classique. / The myth of the gerrymandering overshadows the redistricting. Governments allegedly use it to draw a favorable electoral map aiming electoral profits. Thus, it is supposed to be an electioneering mechanism used for partisan motives. In France, few studies have been devoted to redistricting which is also an important object within the international political scientist literature. The thesis puts forward a study of the legislative redistricting under the Fifth Republic following two axes. The first one, the analysis of the policy process, questions the role and the actions of the government. Through a multidisciplinary analysis, it appears that the government is strongly constrained and that MPs have a main function. The second one relates to the consequences of redistricting. After developing a method to understand the politics of limits, the empirical study – statistical and cartographic – shows that districts are made according to deputies – incumbents –, before favoring political parties, or the majority making the redistricting. It also appears that if the constituency boundaries are not decisive, they still have structural consequences on the electoral competition. Under the Fifth Republic, redistricting can be described as interparliamentary and intrapartisan. To sum up, neither the redistricting process nor its electoral consequences match the "classic" cognitive representation of the redistricting.