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51	La psychologie aristotélicienne dans l'Islam classique : traduction et commentaire de l'Épître sur le retour d'Avicenne / Aristotle's psychology in Classical Islam : translation and commentary on Avicenna's Epistle on Return Lamrani, Lila 24 November 2014 (has links) La Risala al-adhawiya fi al-ma`ad d’Avicenne, portant sur la question du Retour à la vie une fois la mort survenue, présente un certain nombre de thèses originales par rapport aux autres écrits de ce philosophe. Le Retour ne peut concerner les corps : il est en effet réserver aux âmes dans la mesure où l’essence de l’homme réside dans son âme. Les corps se corrompent définitivement au moment de la mort. Le Coran n’a rien d’un texte démonstratif, il s’agit d’un texte rhétorique visant à susciter chez ses lecteurs le comportement moral approprié. On ne peut donc déduire de l’affirmation coranique répétée selon laquelle les corps reviendront à la vie que les corps seront effectivement ressuscités. Par ailleurs, si dans le monde physique il existe une pluralité d’âmes, c’est uniquement en raison de la multiplicité de la matière corporelle qui les accueille. Si les âmes doivent survivre indépendamment des corps qui assurent leur individuation, comment pourraient-elles exister individuellement ? Il n’y aura pas d’existence individuelle des âmes après la mort, mais un Retour de ces âmes au Principe (l’Intellect Agent, ou, en dernière instance, le Principe Premier, Dieu) dont elles émanent : les âmes se résorbent donc dans leur origine et n’ont plus d’existence séparée. Le Retour est absolu. / Avicenna’s Risala al-adhawiya fi al-ma`ad, dealing with the question of Return to life once death has occurred, comes up with various original theses that do not appear in Avicenna’s other writings. The Return cannot affect the body : it is indeed dedicated to souls inasmuch as the essence of man lies in his soul. Bodies get corrupted once and for all when death occurs. The Quran has nothing to do with a demonstrative text, it is a rhetorical text that aims at provoking in its readers the appropriate moral behaviour. It is therefore impossible to deduce from the repeated coranic assertion saying that bodies will come back to life that bodies will effectively resurrect. If in the physical world there is a plurality of souls, it is only because of the multiplicity of the corporeal matter that receives them. If souls have to survive independently from bodies that allow their individuation, how then could they individually exist ? There will not be any individual existence of souls in the hereafter, but a Return of these souls to the Principle (the Agent Intellect, or, at last, the First Principle, God) from which they emanate : therefore souls resorb in their origin and do not have any separate existence. It is an absolute Return. Épître sur le Retour Avicenne Retour (ma,¯ad) Aristote Âme Psychologie Anthropologie Eschatologie Moi Individuation Herméneutique coranique Rhétorique Kal¯am Rétribution Métempsycose Production des âmes Alpago Epistle on Return Avicenna Return (ma,¯ad) Aristotle Soul Psychology Anthropology Eschatology Self Individuation Coranic hermeneutics Rhetorics Kal¯am Retribution Metempsychosis Production of souls Alpago
52	Le cheikh al-Mukhtâr al-Saghîr al-Kuntî (1790-1847) : médiation entre l'Etat peul du Macina et les Touaregs de Tombouctou de 1826 à 1847 : édition, traduction et commentaire de manuscrits / Cheikh al-Muḫtār aṣ-ṣaġīr al-kuntī : mediation between the fulaani state of Macina and the tuaregs of Timbuctu from 1826 to 1847 : Edition, translation and comment of manuscripts Sissoko, Boubacar 18 May 2019 (has links) L’État peul du Macina a été fondé en 1818 par le pasteur Sékou Amadou (m. 1845), qui a entretenu des relations épistolaires avec la prestigieuse famille kunta de Tombouctou. Les informations rapportées de la tradition orale considèrent le rapport entre ces deux parties comme conflictuel. Selon cette dernière, les Kunta auraient été agitateurs qui tentaient de soulever les Touaregs contre les souverains peuls du Macina. Or, d’après leur diffèrent échanges épistolaires, il nous semble que leurs relations ont connu deux périodes distinctes La nature de leur rapport varie selon les époques : celle qui s’étend de la prise du pouvoir par Sékou Amadou jusqu’en 1847, puis celle qui s’ouvre avec Aḥmad al-Bakkāy al-Kuntī, notamment à partir de 1851/2, jusqu’à la victoire d’al-Ḥāğğ cUmar Tall sur le dernier émir, Amadou Amadou, en 1862.L’un des chefs kunta de la première période fut le cheikh al-Muḫtār aṣ-Ṣaġīr (m. 1847). Il a accompagné la dynastie peule du Macina, entretenu les bons rapports que ses prédécesseurs avaient noués avec les Peuls et entrepris des bons offices entre ces derniers et les Touaregs de Tombouctou. Cependant, au cours de la médiation du cheikh kunta entre les Peuls et les Touaregs, quelques difficultés sont survenues, des divergences d’avis et d’interprétation se sont révélées sans pour autant avoir des conséquences notoires sur leurs rapports. Ses correspondances avec les souverains peuls du Macina ont permis de traiter les sujets brûlants de son époque, dont certains sont toujours d’actualités au Mali.Notre travail se propose d’éditer, de faire le commentaire, de traiter les quelques épîtres manuscrites que ces hommes, religieux et politiques, ont échangées, de montrer à quel point les deux traditions, orale et écrite, convergent ou divergent, et de faire une étude historique de la question touarègue au Mali, qui devient un conflit cyclique ! / The Fulani state of Macina was founded in 1818 the shepherd Sékou Amadou (1845), who had epistolary relations with the Kunta family of Timbuktu. The reported information from the oral tradition considers the relationship between these two parties as conflictual. According to the latter, the Kunta were agitators attempting to rise up the Tuaregs against the Fulani rulers of Macina. Now, according to their different epistolary exchanges, it seemed to us that this relation had known two distinct periods the nature of which varies, according to that which extends from the rise to power of Sekou Amadou until 1847, or that which opens with Aḥmad al-Bakkāy al-Kuntī, especially from 1851/2 until the victory of al-Ḥāğğ cUmar Tall on the last emir, Amadou Amadou, in 1862.One of the Kunta chiefs of the first period was Sheikh al-Muḫtār al-ṣaġīr (1847). He accompanied the Fulani dynasty of Macina, maintained the good relationship that his predecessors had forged with the Fulani and undertook good offices between them and the Touaregs of Timbuktu. However, during the mediation of Sheikh Kunta between the Fulani and the Tuaregs, some difficulties arose, differences of opinion and interpretation without having noticeable consequences on their mutual relations. His correspondences with the Fulani rulers of Macina made it possible to treat the burning topics of his time, some of whichare still relevant in Mali.Our work proposes to publish, to comment, to treat the few handwritten epistles that these men, religious and political, have exchanged, to demonstrate to what extent the two traditions, oral and written, converge or diverge, and to make a historical study of the Tuareg question in Mali, which has become a recurrent conflict. Peul Kunta Touareg Tombouctou Macina Etat Médiation Réconciliation Manuscrit Echange Epître Edition Lettre Révolte Soudan Sahara Théocratie Autorité Islam Tabac Histoire Sékou Amadou Al-Muḫtār aṣ-Ṣaġīr Cheikh Afrique Sahel Mali Hamdallah Fulani Kunta Tuareg Timbuktu Macina State Mediation Manuscript Exchange Epistle Edition Letter Revolt Sudan Sahara Theocracy Authority Islam Tobacco History Sékou Amadou Al-Muḫtār aṣ-Ṣaġīr Sheikh Africa Sahel Mali Hamdallah 492.7
53	"Kristi blod" i Första Petrusbrevet : rening från synd? Lund, Helena January 2021 (has links) För nutida läsare av Nya Testamentet kan referenser till ”Kristi blod” upplevas som märkliga och rentav obehagliga – de flesta människor idag associerar ju blod till något negativt. I denna uppsats studeras två passager i Första Petrusbrevet som innehåller just motivet ”Kristi blod” – detta utanför en nattvardskontext. Utifrån den svenska översättningen och sekler av teologiska läror är det lätt att tänka att motivet anspelar på en försoningstanke kring rening och frigörande från synd. Men stämmer det verkligen? Uppsatsförfattaren utforskar både innebörden av ”Kristi blod” i dessa passager samt vilken funktion de har i Första Petrusbrevet som helhet. Analysen görs genom en historisk-kritisk metod inriktad på ordstudium utifrån den grekiska grundtexten, intertextualitet och metaforik. Bland annat kan författaren visa att ”Kristi blod” utgör en del av en argumentation som handlar om att adressaterna ska härda ut i den sociala utsatthet de upplever som kristna. Genom att följa Kristus i hans lidande kommer de även få del i hans förhärligande och uppståndelse. Förutom de kända referenserna i Första Petrusbrevet till bl.a. Jes 53 och Ps 34 kan författaren här även visa på en intertextualitet med Ps 89. Denna ger ytterligare en dimension av temat ”Herrens lidande tjänare” som finns i brevet samt förstärker argumentationen om en Kristus-identifikation för adressaterna. / For modern New Testament readers, references to “the blood of Christ” can be perceived as strange and even unpleasant, since most people today associate blood with something negative. In this bachelor’s thesis, two passages in the 1 Peter are studied, which contain the motif of "the blood of Christ" - this outside a communion context. Based on the Swedish Bible translation and centuries of theological teachings, it is easy to think that the motif alludes to atonement theory and an idea of purification and liberation from sin. But is this really the matter? The author here explores both the meaning of "the blood of Christ" in these passages and what function they have in 1 Peter as a whole. The analysis is made through a historical-critical method focused on word study based on the Greek text, intertextuality and the many metaphors in the letter. Among other things, the author can show that "the blood of Christ" is part of an argumentation that is about helping the addressees to endure the social vulnerability they experience as Christians in the Greek-Roman society. By following Christ in his suffering, they will also be able to take part in his glorification and resurrection. In addition to the well-known references in 1 Peter to e.g. Isaiah 53 and Psalm 34, the author can also point to an intertextuality with Psalm 89. This deepens the theme of "The Lord's suffering servant" in the letter and strengthens the idea of identification in Christ for the addressees. First Letter of Peter 1 Peter First Epistle of Peter Psalm 89 Ps 89 atonement sacrifice redemption soteriology letters of the New Testament blood sprinkling suffering intertextuality Imitatio Christi Första Petrusbrevet 1 Pet Psalm 89 Ps 89 försoningslära soteriologi frälsningslära försoningstanken nytestamentliga brev offer blod bestänkning lösen friköpande lidande intertextualitet Imitatio Christi Religious Studies Religionsvetenskap
54	“The Kingdom of God cannot be inherited by ἀρσενοκοῖται! (1 Cor 6:9)” : Who are they, and why is Paul condemning them? Hedlund, Simon January 2015 (has links) This paper will look at the interpretation and translation of ἀρσενοκοῖται (1 Cor 6:9) in the list of people who will not inherit the kingdom of God. The word is mentioned in 1 Cor 6:9-10, and it has been translated in ways going from “homosexual”, “men who lay with men” and “sodomite” to “a man who lets others use himself or who uses others for debauchery” and “pedophile”. By looking at the views on sexuality, and male same-sex sexuality in particular, pertaining the Greco-Roman society and the Jewish culture contemporary to Paul, and also paying attention to the textual context as well as the context of the congregation in Corinth, the study has its aim set on finding what the word might have denoted to the first readers in the congregation in Corinth, and to Paul. The goal, then, is not to find a translation of the word ἀρσενοκοῖται that is literal, but to find one that is as close to a dynamic equivalent as is possible. This goal will, hopefully, be attained by giving the translation to the modern reader that is the one most likely to connote the same ideas and emotional connotations as the Greek word did in its original context. As the meaning of words change with time and context, there is a need for a translation that can bridge the gap created by that shift of meaning. Building that bridge in the case of ἀρσενοκοῖται is the goal of this paper. When the meaning, or meanings, that is found most likely to have been attained by the ancient readers is found, there will be a critical evaluation of some of the modern translations (and some a bit older) of the word in 1 Cor 6:9 to see if there already exists a translation that can be said to reach the goal of dynamic equivalence, given the meaning that is found most plausible in this paper. The study will argue that that is not the case, and therefore also propose a new translation, one that is argued to be closer to dynamic equivalence than those that has been evaluated. This translation is ”Men who sexually exploit men to gain social powers”. / Denna uppsats undersöker översättningen och tolkningen av ordet ἀρσενοκοῖται, det ord som avslutar 1 Kor 6:9 och är del av en lista över dem som inte kan ärva Guds rike (6:9-10). Ordet har översatts på olika sätt genom tiderna, med förslag som sträcker sig från “homosexuella”, “sodomiter”, “män som ligger med män” till “en man som låter utnyttja sig eller utnyttjar andra till osedlighet” och “pedofiler”. Genom att titta på hur sexualitet, och främst då manlig homosexualitet, sågs i den grekisk-romerska och judiska kontexten på Paulus tid, samt studera ordets litterära kontext och församlingens kontext i Korint, är målet att utröna vad ἀρσενοκοῖται bar med sig för betydelser och konnotationer för Paulus och de första mottagarna i Korint. Vad ett ord betyder är inte alltid statiskt över tid och rum utan förändras ofta, om än gradvis. Det riskerar därför att uppstå en klyfta mellan det som ordet från början innebar samt uppfattades som att det innebar, och hur det uppfattas idag. Den här uppsatsens mål är att överbrygga den klyftan för ἀρσενοκοῖται genom att ta reda på vad det grekiska ordet innebar i sin ursprungliga kontext och sedan ge en översättning som på bästa möjliga sätt ger en modern läsare konnotationer som i högsta möjliga grad stämmer överens med de konnotationer som de antika läsarna fick när de mötte ordet. Detta innebär alltså att målet inte är att ge en bokstavlig översättning av ἀρσενοκοῖται, utan en dynamisk ekvivalent översättning, där läsaren så långt det är möjligt får möjligheten att uppfatta det de första läsarna uppfattade. När den, eller de, meningar det är mest troligt att ordet bar med sig i sin ursprungliga kontext är konstaterade, kommer en kritisk utvärdering utifrån den slutsatsen göras av ett antal moderna översättningar (och några lite äldre), för att se om det finns en existerande översättning som uppnår dynamisk ekvivalens. Det kommer visa sig att så inte är fallet, och en ny översättning kommer därför att föreslås: ”Män som sexuellt utnyttjar män för att vinna social makt”. Paul Josephus Philo homosexuality power arsenokoitai ἀρσενοκοῖται translation Kingdom of God Greco-Roman Jewish same-sex male homosexuality 1 Cor 6:9 First epistle to the Corinthians First Corinthians 6:9 Leviticus 18:22 20:13 malakos μαλακός contextuality condemnation Paulus Josefus Filon homosexualitet makt arsenokoitai ἀρσενοκοῖται översättning Guds Rike Grekisk-Romersk Judisk samkönat manlig homosexualitet Första Korintierbrevet 1 Kor 6:9 6:9 Leviticus Tredje Moseboken 18:22 20:13 malakos μαλακός kontextualitet fördömande
55	Religious reform, transnational poetics, and literary tradition in the work of Thomas Hoccleve Langdell, Sebastian James January 2014 (has links) This study considers Thomas Hoccleve’s role, throughout his works, as a “religious” writer: as an individual who engages seriously with the dynamics of heresy and ecclesiastical reform, who contributes to traditions of vernacular devotional writing, and who raises the question of how Christianity manifests on personal as well as political levels – and in environments that are at once London-based, national, and international. The chapters focus, respectively, on the role of reading and moralization in the Series; the language of “vice and virtue” in the Epistle of Cupid; the moral version of Chaucer introduced in the Regiment of Princes; the construction of the Hoccleve persona in the Regiment; and the representation of the Eucharist throughout Hoccleve’s works. One main focus of the study is Hoccleve’s mediating influence in presenting a moral version of Chaucer in his Regiment. This study argues that Hoccleve’s Chaucer is not a pre-established artifact, but rather a Hocclevian invention, and it indicates the transnational literary, political, and religious contexts that align in Hoccleve’s presentation of his poetic predecessor. Rather than posit the Hoccleve-Chaucer relationship as one of Oedipal anxiety, as other critics have done, this study indicates the way in which Hoccleve’s Chaucer evolves in response to poetic anxiety not towards Chaucer himself, but rather towards an increasingly restrictive intellectual and ecclesiastical climate. This thesis contributes to the recently revitalized critical dialogue surrounding the role and function of fifteenth-century English literature, and the effect on poetry of heresy, the church’s response to heresy, and ecclesiastical reform both in England and in Europe. It also advances critical narratives regarding Hoccleve’s response to contemporary French poetry; the role of confession, sacramental discourse, and devotional images in Hoccleve’s work; and Hoccleve’s impact on literary tradition. 821

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