This paper aim to analyze how a Ukrainian membership in the European Union will affect the EU’s agriculture policy and if the Common Agriculture Policy (CAP) needs to implement new reforms to deal with Ukraine’s possible connection. The method which used is a combination of qualitative text analysis a qualitative interview study. The results tell that the entrance of Ukraine will affect EU’s agriculture policy mainly through the economic aspect,that the agriculture support needs to increase which will affect the rest of the member statesas their payments to the EU also need to increase. Depending on when Ukraine accesses the EU, reforms of the current CAP would be preferably, alternatively a parallel CAP which aim to prepare Ukraine for the entrance to the EU’s internal market. The conclusions are that Ukraine’s accession to the EU will affect its agriculture politics, mainly through economics aspects and that the CAP would need reforms, mainly in purpose to reach the goals of a greener agriculture production and to adjust Ukraine to the EU:s regulations. / Uppsatsen syftar till att undersöka om och hur en utvidgning av EU med fokus på Ukraina,får konsekvenser för EU:s jordbrukspolitik. Den ämnar också analysera huruvida EU:s gemensamma jordbrukspolitik (Common Agricultural Policy, CAP) behöver reformeras i samband med en anslutning av Ukraina till unionen. Metoden som används i uppsatsen är en kombination av en kvalitativ textanalys och kvalitativa intervjuer. De resultat som studien fastslår är att ett medlemskap för Ukraina får konsekvenser för de övriga medlemsländerna,ekonomiskt genom att jordbruksstödet bland annat behöver höjas för att kunna betalas ut till Ukraina, vilket innebär att medlemsavgifterna behöver höjas. Vidare analyseras hur jordbruksproduktionen kan få konsekvenser för både EU och Ukraina i from av effektivisering och en grönare produktion. De beslut EU fattar kring jordbrukspolitiken kommer att vara baserade på de ekonomiska faktorerna. CAP kan behöva reformeras, alternativt blir det aktuellt med skapandet av ett parallellt CAP, mer anpassat för att acklimatisera Ukraina inför anpassningen till EU:s jordbrukspolitik. Studiens slutsatser konstaterar att EU:s jordbrukspolitik kommer att påverkas av Ukrainas eventuella inträde i unionen, främst de ekonomiska aspekterna. En reform av nuvarande CAP beror på när Ukraina blir medlem. Sker det inom nästkommande 4 åren blir en uppdatering avnuvarande CAP aktuell.

In this qualitative study, the experiences of high school students enrolled in the course Social Studies 2 regarding the European Union (EU) as a subject matter in social studies education were examined. The research questions guiding the study are: In what ways do students describe how the EU has been addressed as a content area in social studies education? And, how do students describe their expectations for teaching about the EU? To answer the research questions, six focus group interviews were conducted, involving a total of 28 students. The data was analysed using a hermeneutic approach. The results indicate that students had a somewhat basic understanding o the European Union, characterized by a focus on its institutions and the four freedoms within the union. Furthermore, the study’s findings reveal that students wish to learn more about the EU to participate in the European Parliament elections, specifically how they can influence the union and how it affects them. Suggested teaching methods include engaging with the EU through study visits, external lecturers, or simulation exercises. / I föreliggande kvalitativa studie undersöktes vilka erfarenheter gymnasieelever som läser kursen Samhällskunskap 2 har om EU som ämnesinnehåll i samhällskunskapsundervisningen. Frågorna som studien utgår från är: På vilka sätt beskriver elever att EU har behandlats som ett undervisningsinnehåll i samhällskunskapsämnet, och, hur beskriver eleverna sina förväntningar på undervisningen om EU kopplat till ett aktivt valdeltagande i valet till Europaparlamentet.? För att erhålla svar på forskningsfrågorna genomfördes sex stycken fokusgruppsintervjuer, totalt 28 elever medverkade i studien. Genom att utgå från en hermeneutisk teori analyserades datamaterialet. Resultatet visar att eleverna hade en översiktlig kunskap om den Europeiska unionen som präglas av ett fokus på dess institutioner och de fyra friheterna. Vidare framkommer det i studiens resultat att eleverna önskar lära sig mer om EU för att kunna delta i valet till Europaparlamentet, då främst hur de kan påverka unionen samt hur den påverkar dem. Förslag på undervisningsmetoder riktar in sig på att komma i kontakt med EU genom studiebesök, externa föreläsare eller simuleringsövningar.

<p>The aim of this inquiry is to investigate which ideals of democracy that three proposals for strengtening the democracy in the European Union consists of and to judge if the desired effects of the proposals are reachable. The method that is used is an analysis of ideas and contents. Theories that are used are deliberative and particiapatory ideals of democracy. The theories are used to investigate if the ideas in the proposals correspond to the ideals of deliberative and participatory democracy. The major result is that the proposals fail to fulfil the ideas of the theories. The reason is that the proposals are lacking ideas of how to make the citizens more aware and active in politics. The point of departure in the proposals is that the European Union will be more democratic if the people are brought in to the politics, but they do not suggest how people should form opinions through communication and become conscious and competent in political issues through participation. It is also likely that the effects of the proposals not are reachable to all the citizens. Only the ones who have an interest in communicating and participating in European politics will be gained by the proposals.</p>

This thesis purpose is to examine the development of the European Union’s threat perception and identetity construction in regards to Russia. It uses a qualitive text analysis to study the national security strategies formulated by the memberstates Sweden, Germany, Italy and Poland and how these countries view of Russia is formulated. Furthermore it compares the change from before the annexation of Crimea and the Ukraine crisis and how this influenced the possibly change in perception of Russia. The study finds that the Russian action in Crimea and Ukraine has changed the threat perception in Sweden, Germany and Poland but that Russia is not mentioned in the Italy papers. Hence the identity construction is similar in the countries north of the Alps but Italy does not contrast its identety to Russia. From this the study concludes that the Russian threat is not enough to construct an European identity throughout Europe but there are patterns within the Union, which might indicate how the European project might continue.

The primary objective of the study as contained in this thesis is the discussion of the approaches to dilution taken by the legal systems of the European Union and South Africa. Although a comparative methodology is employed the discussion grounds the separate development of the anti-dilution provisions in both systems first before discussing comparisons and diverging approaches (should they exist). As a result of the South African anti-dilution provisions being relatively new, there exists a lot of overlap between the approaches in the United Kingdom, European Union and South Africa. Dilution both as a concept and a reality remains controversial as both the courts and commentators grapple with how it fits within greater Trade Mark law. The relationship between traditional infringement and dilution is equally contentious as questions continue to be asked about the relevance of the anti-dilution provisions when traditional infringement already exists and is effective. A question that is constantly asked is: can there be infringement without confusion? Equally contentious is the issue of whether a parody exception should be introduced in Trade Mark law even though there is minimal litigation around the issue of parody and dilution.

Taking off from a security related interest in de-democratization processes throughout Europe and the limited theoretical field thereof, this paper examines the political development in Poland 2008-2018. Through a comparison of the development in Poland and Hungary, the ambition is to identify what differs the de-democratization process of the two East European countries in regards to their communist past and in a broader sense to their current membership in the European Union. To guide the comparison is the theoretical framework of Merkel (2004), through both qualitative and quantitative analysis as it has been applied on Hungary by Bogaards (2018). The combined framework provides five categories of defect democracies: exclusive, illiberal, delegative, tutelary and diffusely defect. While Bogaards (2018) categorizes Hungary as a diffusely defect democracy, the study finds that Poland does not adhere to any single one of the categories. The question of what differs the development in Poland and Hungary is best answered in terms of legality. Whereas the systematic Hungarian process has been carried out within legal frames of the majority rule in parliament, the hasty Polish process resembles a palace revolution, as the leading party is interfering with and partly controlling the rule of law. The study provides support to the observations of the EU being an externally limiting, enabling and legitimizing factor of autocratic developments in member states, made by Bozóki and Hegedüs (2018). Additionally, a reverse snowball effect is being put to action by Poland and Hungary vetoing on EU sanctions against one another. The findings of the paper also support observation made of a limited research field; theoretical understanding and international measurement indexes of democratization being insufficient in explaining and describing the emerging de-democratization. The study opens up for further research regarding democratic peace in Europe.

The aim of this thesis is to examine how the EU directive 2004/35/EC on environmental liability impacts the Swedish administrative legal order. The thesis examines the directive through two main EU principles - the principle of good administration and the principle of procedural autonomy. The EU principle of good administration as a concept contains various procedural and substantive obligations that make up the subject for examination of the directive, both as regulated in the directive and as general principles of EU law. The directive is analyzed using a comparative method to determine to what extent the procedural and substantive principles of the directive impacts the Swedish administrative law, and weather or not the Swedish regulations comply with the EU principle of good administration. The results of the study shows that, althought there’s a general principle of national procedural autonomy, the EU principles of good administration do affect the Swedish administrative regulation in various aspects, through the implementaion of the directive on environmental liability as well as general principles of EU law. Furthermore the study shows that the Swedish regulations that are used to implement the directive don’t always act in accordance with the EU principles of good administration in certain areas, which potentially could restrain the impact of the directive in the Swedish legal order.

An increasing number of educational policies, academic studies, and university courses today propagate ‘interculturality’ as a method for approaching ‘the Other’ and reconciling universal values and cultural specificities. Based on a thorough discussion of Europe’s colonial past and the hierarchies of knowledge that colonialism established, this dissertation interrogates the definitions of intercultural knowledge put forth by EU policy discourse, academic textbooks on interculturality, and students who have completed a university course on the subject. Taking a decolonial approach that makes its central concern the ways in which differences are formed and sustained through references to cultural identities, this study shows that interculturality, as defined in these texts, runs the risk of affirming a singular European outlook on the world, and of elevating this outlook into a universal law. Contrary to its selfproclaimed goal of learning from the Other, interculturality may in fact contribute to the repression of the Other by silencing those who are already muted. The dissertation suggests an alternative definition of interculturality, which is not framed in terms of cultural differences but in terms of colonial difference. This argument is substantiated by an analysis of the Latin American concept of interculturalidad, which derives from the struggles for public and political recognition among indigenous social movements in Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru. By bringing interculturalidad into the picture, with its roots in the particular and with strong reverberations of the historical experience of colonialism, this study explores the possibility of decentring the discourse of interculturality and its Eurocentric outlook. In this way, the dissertation argues that an emancipation from colonial legacies requires that we start seeing interculturality as inter-epistemic rather than simply inter-cultural. / Fokus för denna avhandling är spridningen av begreppet interkulturalitet inom utbildning. Utbildningspolicy, akademisk litteratur och mängden kurser i högre utbildning ägnade åt begreppet vittnar alla om dess betydelse i försöken att förena det kulturellt partikulära med det universella. Med Europas koloniala förflutna i åtanke och dess skapande av hierarkier mellan vad som definieras som kunskap, ämnar denna avhandling undersöka vilka kunskaper som krävs för att bli interkulturell. Syftet är framför allt att besvara frågan vad som händer med interkulturalitet om kulturella skillnader istället förstås som koloniala skillnader. Utifrån ett dekolonialt perspektiv som fokuserar på hur skillnader skapas och upprätthålls utifrån föreställningar om kulturella identiteter, analyseras EU-policy, akademisk litteratur samt intervjuer med studenter som avklarat en kurs i interkulturalitet. Analysen visar på hur interkulturalitet, i dess nuvarande tappning, riskerar fastna i en singulär europeisk utblick på världen upphöjd till universell lag. Snarare än att mildra eller förändra maktrelationer och skapa möjligheter till mellanmänskliga möten, riskerar därför interkulturaliteten att bidra till fortsatt förtryck av den som anses kulturellt annorlunda. En alternativ utgångspunkt står att finna i en annan översättning av interkulturalitet – interculturalidad – hämtad från ursprungsbefolkningarnas kamp för att bli synliggjorda, att dela makten, på den offentliga arenan i Bolivia, Ecuador och Peru. Genom att lyfta fram begreppet interculturalidad, som just har sitt ursprung i singulariteten och bär med sig själva erfarenheten av kolonialism, tillförs en möjlig distansering från interkulturalitet med dess implicita eurocentrism. Avslutningsvis argumenteras för att befrielse från kolonialismens ok kräver att interkulturalitet omkodas som inter-epistemisk.

Vad gör företag som vill påverka offentliga beslut? Denna doktorsavhandling handlar om detta. Vad företag gjorde har studerats i två beslutsprocesser där Europeiska Unionens direktiv tog form. Ett av direktiven var av stor betydelse för lastbilstillverkande företag. Det andra var viktigt för kraftproducerande företag.Att vara deltagare i EUs beslutsprocesser var på flera sätt krävande och svårt. Deltagandet avvek väsentligt från lobbylitteraturens ofta enkla och oproblematiserade uppfattningar om vad företag gör och bör göra. För att förstå vad beslutsprocesser innebar för dess deltagare var det viktigt att inte automatiskt se deltagare som aktörer. Identitet, preferenser, rationella insikter och handlingsutrymme var inte den enskilde deltagarens givna, välkända och samordnade tillhörigheter. Istället behövde dessa ”delar” av aktörskapet i möjligaste mån konstrueras. I boken behandlas sammantaget varför och hur deltagares beteenden i beslutsprocesser avvek från vår tids starka aktörsidé. Boken vänder sig dels till forskare med besluts- och organisationsintresse, dels till praktiker som vill lära mer om vad lobbying och andra påverkansformer innebär i praktiken. / Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögsk., 2004

Den 13 december 2007 undertecknades ett nytt EU-fördrag i Portugals huvudstad Lissabon. Detta fördrag, kallat Lissabonfördraget, utgör en reviderad form av den EU-konstitution som inte blev godkänd vid folkomröstningar i Frankrike och Nederländerna 2005. Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka vilka förändringar som skett under omarbetningen från EUkonstitutionen till Lissabonfördraget. Vidare har uppsatsen för avsikt att förklara de bakomliggande motiven till dessa förändringar ur två olika identitetsperspektiv. Frågorna som initialt fångade vårt intresse var; Varför fick EU dra tillbaka den tilltänkta grundlagen? Hur omfattande var egentligen förändringarna mellan EU-konstitutionen till Lissabonfördraget? Och slutligen, finns det någon europeisk identitet? / On the 13th of December 2007, a new EU-treaty was signed in Portugal’s capital, Lisbon. This treaty, known as the Treaty of Lisbon, is a revised form of the old European Constitution that was turned down in referendums in France and The Netherlands in 2005. Our aim with this thesis is to examine the changes during the revision from the European Constitution to the Treaty of Lisbon. Furthermore in this thesis we have the intention to explain the underlying motives from two perspectives of identity. The questions that initially captured our interest were; Why did the EU pull back from the European Constitution? How comprehensive are the changes from the European Constitution to the Treaty of Lisbon? And finally, is there any such thing as European identity?