Orientador: Roberto Romano da Silva / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-22T09:22:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Reis_ClaudioAraujo_D.pdf: 14991627 bytes, checksum: 5624bad925ff701a2eddfd8c9c10cdf3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1997 / Resumo: Não informado / Abstract: Not informed. / Doutorado / Doutor em Filosofia

[pt] A desconstrução de Jacques Derrida e a ética da discussão de Jürgen Habermas são duas perspectivas ou modos de proceder filosóficos maiores na filosofia contemporânea que guardam entre si problemas comuns, ainda que pensados de maneira profundamente distintas. Esse trabalho visa atravessar alguns dos problemas filosóficos compartilhados por ambas as filosofias, produzindo um confronto entre os trabalhos de Habermas e Derrida onde ele não aconteceu, ou acompanhando esse confronto onde ele foi protagonizado por esses autores. Deste modo, três campos de problemas fundamentais serão explorados pela tese: a questão da linguagem e da comunicação, o problema dos limites da filosofia (e sua relação com campos vizinhos como a literatura, por exemplo), e as heranças políticas da modernidade: a razão ou racionalização do mundo e o cosmopolitismo como possibilidade racional de pensar o universal na política. Para além dessas duas orientações filosóficas de maneira estrita, a tese visa fomentar algumas discussões que possam contribuir para o próprio campo filosófico. Nesse sentido, a estratégia de investigação desses temas opera a partir de dois conjuntos de temas maiores. Em primeiro lugar, minha preocupação foi a de perseguir o fio da ética no pensamento de Habermas e Derrida, encontrando as condições de desenvolvimento desse tema, explícito para ambos os autores, ainda que nem sempre colocado em relevo desde os primeiros de seus desenvolvimentos filosóficos. Derrida jamais negou que a desconstrução, como pensamento da alteridade é ela própria ética. Desde suas formulações iniciais sobre o quase-conceito de rastro, o problema do outro já ganhava a cena central do pensamento da desconstrução e a importância de um pensamento ético do outro vai pouco a pouco se tornando mais explícito sob a letra dos escritos derridianos. Em outra via, uma teoria da ação comunicativa visa desde suas origens pensar uma alternativa a racionalidade instrumental de modo que aquilo que Habermas chama desde muito cedo de interesse emancipatório tributário do Iluminismo pudesse orientar uma racionalidade voltada para uma comunicação amparada por pressupostos capazes de garantir uma discussão livre de violência e de pressão externa. Do mesmo modo, pouco a pouco Habermas vai reconhecer na estrutura mesma dessa comunicação livre, um princípio ético-universalista capaz de reunir os falantes em um consenso ainda que não seja forçoso o compartilhamento entre esses falantes de valores morais fortes. Como segundo eixo temático operante nesta tese surge a problemática da modernidade. Ora, Habermas faz derivar do próprio processo de racionalização moderno - conceitualmente oriundo de uma reinterpretação de Hegel e de Max Weber - o falibilismo e a comunicação orientada por pretensões de validade argumentativa que asseguram o solo possível para uma ética da discussão. Os temas específicos desse trabalho operam, portanto, a partir da relação entre ética e modernidade ou do rastro da modernidade que marca a ética (Habermas), tanto quanto sobre o rastro inapelável da ética operando sobre o conceito de modernidade em um Iluminismo por vir (Derrida). / [en] Jacques Derrida s deconstruction and Jurgen Habermas discourse ethics are two major philosophical perspectives or modes of investigation in contemporary philosophy. Both of them shares commun philosophical problems even if they are thought in radical different ways. This work s aim is to follow the confrontation between the works of Habermas and Derrida when it was starred by the authors and to produce philosophical confrontations of these works when it haven t effectively happened. Three major problematic fields will be explored by this thesis: the question of language and communication, the problem of the limits of philosophy (and its relation with literature and neighboor fields) and the question of the political heritage of modernity: reason or rationalization of the world and cosmopolitanism as the rational possibility of the universal in politics. Beyond these specific philosophical orientations, this work s aim is to offer some intellectual discussion to contribute to the philosophical field itself. In this sense, the research strategy developed here was to operate with two axes as starting points. First, my concern was to follow the guideline of ethics in the derridian and habermasian thought, trying to find in their works this theme s conditions of development, not necessarily embossed since its early philosophical developments. Derrida never denied that deconstruction is an ethical question in itself. Since his early formulations on the concept of trace, the question of the other occupied the central scene of deconstruction s thought. In other hand, the communicative action theory since its origins tried to think an alternative to the instrumental rationality as the possibility to recover what Habermas called early in his work: the emancipatory interest of the Enlightenment based in the communication supported by rules able to secure a free of violence and external pressure discussion. Habermas will recognize in the structure of this free of violence communication an universalist and ethical principle capable to bring together the speakers in a consensus, even if it is not mandatory that they share strong moral values. As a second problematical axe, arises the problem of modernity. Habermas makes communication oriented by validity claims derive from the modern process of rationalization - conceptually oriented by the reinterpretation of Hegel and Weber -, wich ensures the possible soil for the discourse ethics. This work s themes will operate over the relation between ethics and modernity or the trace of modernity wich marks the ethics (Habermas) or the trace of the ethics wich works over the concept of modernity in an Enlightenment to come (Derrida).

The notion of “convenance” has only recently attracted the attention of Montesquieu scholars, who have repeatedly stated its centrality to the author's thought, as well as a certain inherent ambiguity. This thesis firstly explores the history of the concept, starting from some existing studies that have laid the foundations for a research in this direction. In its Latin version (“convenientia”), the concept’s first philosophical appearance is due to Cicero, as a translation of certain notions from Stoic philosophy. The notion acquires then a non-secondary place in scholastic thought, finding application in different fields, from logic to theology and morality. In the Modern Age, the concept of “convenientia” becomes of great relevance in the moral and legal spheres: among others, Grotius, Pufendorf, Malebranche or Leibniz develop or rework differently the scholastic and stoic traditions where it was employed. Through these channels the notion of “convenientia” can reach the young author of the Persian Letters, who employs it in his ambiguous definition of justice as a “rapport de convenance” (letter 81). The study of the sources and the analysis of the major issues linked to this definition of justice singularly benefit from this retrospective look at the possible philosophical traditions where this notion of “convenance” is employed. On the basis of this examination of the texts, the thesis advanced is that the expression “rapport de convenance” denotes only the a priori or formal aspect of justice, which elsewhere the author designates as “rapport d’équité”. If “convenance” designates the universal and invariable aspect of justice, a study of its content, which is variable and relative, must lead to the various orders of law: natural, civil, political. The investigation thus crosses a second axis of relevance of the concept of “convenance” in Montesquieu’s work, namely the question of the relativity or “convenance” of laws to the people for whom they are established, on which the entire structure of the Spirit of Laws rests. This second (and very much Aristotelian) axis is the subject of a classification in the thesis. Human laws and institutions can be understood according to different planes of “convenance”: general, structural, local. Pivotal concepts in Montesquieu’s work, such as political freedom, moderation, “esprit général”, nature and principle of government, can then be understood in this articulation between “convenance à la société” in general and “convenance à chaque société” in particular, according to a structural or typological logic or according to a singular and local one. The scholastic usages inherited and reworked by the moderns include one that some french scholars have recently designated as the “argument de convenance”, i.e. the idea that God works in the simplest ways and always chooses the best. The thesis investigates the presence of this argument in Montesquieu, suggesting that the author conceives it above all as a principle of the “economy of nature”. Moreover, it is argued that this principle, while secularizing the traditional “argument de convenance”, acquires a fundamentally political significance: the art of legislation exiges to govern men by economising on violent means, that is, without doing violence to the natural inclinations of citizens and their freedom. In general, the study of Montesquieu’s thought through the lens of the notion of “convenance” allows one to better grasp the connection between the method of the art of legislation and the political and ideological objectives of his work, first and foremost the opposition to a despotic exercise of power.

[pt] Este estudo apresenta uma interpretação da reflexão de Hannah Arendt acerca do homem com um ser do mundo e sobre as mais gerais condições mundanas da existência humana: a natalidade, a mortalidade, o planeta Terra, a vida orgânica, a mundanidade e a pluralidade. Nele é analisado de que modo, através do exame da inédita desmundanização totalitária, Arendt reconsiderou criticamente o acosmismo pré-moderno e moderno expressos de formas distintas tanto no quadro conceitual da filosofia política tradicional quanto na histórica ordenação hierárquica dos mais básicos engajamentos ativos (trabalho, fabricação e ação) e não-ativos (pensamento) do homem com o mundo. O termo acosmismo significa literalmente uma negação do cosmo (mundus, em latim), uma degradação de tudo que vincula o homem ao mundo humano e comum, ou ainda, um desequilíbrio na plena instituição e preservação do mundo, sobretudo do lado público do mundo. Trata-se de reconstruir o que, segundo Arendt, foram os fatores cruciais para o colapso do mundo que, no século XX, formou a massa supérflua dominada pelo terror e doutrinada pela ideologia no totalitarismo. Este estudo almeja elucidar, portanto, em que medida os regimes totalitários desataram o fio da história ocidental, indicando o surgimento de novas experiências que, opacas à luz do legado filosófico tradicional, iluminam o passado e os transes do nosso tempo, ainda tão vigentes no trânsito das sociedades modernas para o século XXI. / [en] This study presents an interpretation of Hannah Arendt's reflection on man as a being of the world as well as the most general worldly conditions of human existence: natality, mortality, planet Earth, organic life, worldliness and plurality. By examining the untold totalitarian deworldlization, it aims at analyzing as to what extent Arendt critically reconsidered the pre-modern and modern acosmism, distinctly expressed both in the conceptual scenario of traditional political philosophy and in the history of hierarchical assortment of man's most active and basic engagements (labor, work and action) and not active (thinking) in the world. The term acosmism literally means a denial of the cosmos (mundus, in Latin), a degradation of everything which connects the human existence to the world common, or yet, a lack of balance in the full foundation and preservation of the world, and above all, of the public side of the world. Therefore, this study rebuilds what according to Arendt were the crucial factors that led to the world collapse which resulted in this shallow crowd dominated by terror and indoctrination in the ideology of totalitarianism in the 20th century. The totalitarian regimes broke the line of Occidental History, pointing out the coming of a dim era in relation to the traditional philosophic legacy and brightening up the trances of our times still so much current in modern societies' passage to the 21st century.

[pt] Tem a presente pesquisa o escopo de examinar as relações entre ipseidade e alteridade, tendo como ponto de partida o terreno em que Martin Heidegger e Søren Kierkegaard desenvolvem seus pensamentos. O que se pretende ao longo da dissertação é discutir a possibilidade de acesso à ipseidade a partir de uma noção de existência que compreenda a tensão que descola ipseidade e existência. Tomando como referência a análise que deita suas raízes sobre uma leitura fenomenológica da existência e percorre diferentes traços da constituição ontológica do ente que existe, procuro demonstrar, com escólio nas concepções filosóficas de Heidegger e Kierkegaard, que o acesso à ipseidade se dá na relação de alteridade. / [en] The objective in the present dissertation is to examine the relation between ipseity and alterity, having Martin Heidegger´s and Søren Kierkegaard´s philosophys as a starting point. It intends to discuss on this paper the possibility of finding access to ipseity taking as reference a certain notion of existence which comprehends the tension that sets ipseity apart from existence. In this way the research brings us to the following conclusion: the access to ipseity comes from the relation to alterity.

[pt] Na filosofia de Spinoza a essência de cada coisa singular é um esforço por perseverar na existência, um esforço de resistência à própria destruição, de resistência à tristeza, de resistência à servidão. Para Spinoza, existir é resistir. Dentre todas as coisas singulares que existem, o processo de subjetivação do homem, dessas coisas semelhantes a nós, é expressão desta resistência ontológica. Longe de concepções antropológicas individualistas, em Spinoza o homem se constitui nos afetos que acompanham seus inevitáveis encontros com outras coisas singulares, a constituição de sua singularidade é indissociável do convívio social. E assim, alheio às formulações contratualistas, para Spinoza, a constituição da multidão, da sociedade política, se engendra na dinâmica da imitação afetiva, é expressão do esforço individual de cada um de seus constituintes pela existência, esforço pela própria singularidade. Com a multidão se constitui, também, uma potência coletiva que, em seu esforço de resistência à própria decomposição, se organiza em leis comuns e instituições políticas. Neste sentido, nosso filósofo nos apresenta uma concepção intrinsecamente democrática do poder político, expressão imanente da potência coletiva da multidão. Em Spinoza, está sempre nas mãos da multidão a potência de constituição do mais democrático dos regimes ou da mais cruel das tiranias. Percorrendo os principais conceitos da filosofia de Spinoza, nosso trabalho analisa como, desta concepção intrinsecamente democrática do político, constitui-se, também, uma compreensão democrática dos conceitos de resistência e obediência política, e da relação entre eles. A partir da afirmação da relação de imanência absoluta entre potência da multidão e poder político, compreendemos porque, na democracia spinozana, é a resistência que faz o cidadão. / [en] In Spinoza´s philosophy, the essence of each singular thing is an effort to persevere in existing, an effort to resiste self-destruction, to resiste sorrow, to resiste servitude. In Spinoza, existing is resisting. Among all the singular things that exist, the human subjectivization process is the expression of that onthological resistance. Far away from individualistic anthropological conceptions, for Spinoza men is constituted by affects and inevitable meetings with other singular things. So, the constitution of men´s singularity is indissociable of society. And, denying any contratualist conception of society, Spinoza´s conception of multitude constitution - politic society´s constitution - is engendered by the dinamic of affective imitation. It´s, therefore, an expression of the individual effort on existing of each of it´s members, their effort for the constitution of their own singularity. With the constitution of multitude, the collective power, in his own effort of resisting self-decomposition, organizes itself in law and political institutions. Our philosopher presents a democratic concept of political power as an immanent expression of the collective power of multitude. For Spinoza it rests, all the time, in the hands of multitude, the power to build the most democratic of all political regimes or the most cruel of all tyrannies. Going through the most important concepts in Spinoza´s philosophy, our work makes an analysis of the concepts of resistance and of political obedience, and the possible relations between them. From the conception of an absolutily immanent relationship between multitude´s power and political power, we can understand why, in Spinoza´s democracy, it´s resistance that makes a citizen.

La tesi si propone di individuare un nesso significativo fra regolazione globale e ordine internazionale, così da raccordare il dominio tendenzialmente tecnocratico delle attività di standardizzazione, ottimizzazione e controllo delle pratiche alle questioni politicamente determinate della giustizia internazionale. A tal fine, prendiamo in esame le logiche liberali che sottendono l'azione di tre soggetti che partecipano al regime regolativo del mercato finanziario globale (OECD, IASB, Credit Rating Agencies). La tesi conclude che tale nesso non può essere fornito né dalle soluzioni normative del liberalismo progressista né da quelle del neoliberalismo, bensì dalla tensione concettuale fra le due tradizioni, che genera a sua volta uno spazio internazionale di autentica “pratica politica”. / The thesis sets out to identify a connection between global regulation and international order, so as to relate the quasi-technocratic realm of standardization, optimization and audit to to the politically determined issues of international justice. For this purpose, we consider the rationales underlying the activity of three subjects participating to the regulatory regime of the global financial market .(OECD, IASB, Credit Rating Agencies). The thesis infers that such nexus cannot be provided either by progressive liberalism's normative solutions, nor by neoliberalim's, but rather by the conceptual and practical tension between the two traditions of thought, which in turn generates a international locus of authentic "political practice"

Orientadora: Profª Drª Maria Amélia Sabbag Zainko / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal do Paraná, Setor de Educação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação. Defesa: Curitiba, 2015 / Inclui referências / Linha de pesquisa: Políticas educacionais / Resumo: A tese se constitui como leitura metodológica dos textos orteguianos para, a partir de um registro temático, sistematizar perspectivas de Filosofia e de política para uma educação emancipatória. Dessa forma, a pesquisa teve duplo propósito, primeiro, fazer uma leitura política dos textos orteguianos para compreensão conceitual de emancipação política. Entretanto, para realização desta primeira etapa, buscou-se a sistematização de conceitos como Educação, Estado e Filosofia à luz de excertos de períodos históricos, bem como de teoria político-filosófica. No segundo momento, de posse de uma sistematização conceitual, sobretudo de Educação, Política e de Filosofia, atinou-se para construção conceitual de emancipação com base nas relações com outros autores da Filosofia, da Sociologia e da Política. Nesse sentido, em um dos capítulos, fez-se uma leitura pontual de aproximação e distanciamento entre Ortega y Gasset e Theodor Adorno a partir do que se compreende como emancipação para formalização do problema proposto, a saber, conceituar emancipação política. Nesse sentido, para execução da tese doutoral, a pesquisa fez incursões em autores das mais variadas matrizes para garantir o asseguramento de um debate que perpassa a Filosofia, a Sociologia, a Política e a Educação, no sentido de formalizar o conceito de emancipação política e sua configuração, também conceitual, de virtude. Palavras-chave: Filosofia. Política. Sociologia. Educação. / Abstract: The thesis constitutes a methodological reading of ortegian texts in order to systematize philosophical and political perspectives for an emancipatory education from a thematic register. The research thus served a double purpose, the first being to make a political reading of ortegian texts to understand the concept of political emancipation. To fulfill this first stage, however, we sought to systematize concepts like Education, State, and Philosophy in light of excerpts of historical periods, as well as of political-philosophical theory. In a second moment, having a conceptual systematization, especially of Education, Politics, and Philosophy, we worked on the conceptual construction of Emancipation, from relationships with other authors in Philosophy, Sociology, and Politics. In this sense, in one of the chapters, a pointwise reading of distance and approximation between Ortega y Gasset and Theodor Adorno, from what is understood as Emancipation; this was made in order to formalize the problem proposed, or conceptualizing Political emancipation. In this sense, for completing the doctoral thesis, the research confronted authors of diverse matrixes so to assure a debate which covers Philosophy, Sociology, Politics, and Education, in the sense of formalizing the concept of political emancipation and its (even conceptual) configuration of Virtue. Keywords: Philosophy. Politics. Sociology. Education.

Our research aims to examine how the innovative conception of "political science", developed by Jean Bodin (1529/30-1596) in his Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem (1566; 1572), falls within the scope of a humanist program which restores legal science in the name of scientia civilis. We therefore propose to investigate the line of thoughts which regard the scientia civilis in the works of two of his predecessors, Guillaume Budé and François Connan, who develop this "science" for the sake of magistrates-judges of the Parlements by devising a "method" which intends to unify legal theory with practical knowledge. Their considerations lead them to establish a new paradigm of jusnaturalism and to re-establish, in modern times, the very notion of law on the basis of right reason, id est, on the basis of a community of laws dominated only by reason: civitas universa. We bring light to the fact that, when this community is identified with the international society of his time, supposedly ruled by the ius gentium which incarnates reason, Bodin bestows upon his scientia civilis a political character. If the jusnaturalist paradigm allows him to assume the transition from a barbarous state to a human society, it is his famous theory of sovereignty (summum imperium) that, by defining the coercive power delegated to the magistrates of Parlements, allows them to realize this transition. We propose that his "method" of reading the history enables him to materialize the political science, which determines, beyond the limits of legal science, the role the government plays in realizing the human society, or in other words, the new civitas universa, governed by the ius gentium.

Design has the potential to disrupt the status quo, yet disruption inevitably introduces new conflicts. One of the challenges of Social Design is to navigate the social, political and material conflicts that define contemporary lives and find new ways to transform them into creative resources. In addressing that challenge this thesis investigates agonism, a multifaceted theory that explicates conflict and grounds the need for such an investigation in design activism. The political implications, practical considerations and design potentials of agonism are examined in detail, and three core principles of agonism are defined: Identities, Dialogues and Agonistic Space. These principles are elaborated through their relation to intersubjectivity as a fundamental aspect of human experience, its interactional role in identity formation and communication, and its influence on the production and performance of space. A Constructive Design Research methodology is employed that contributes to the understanding agonism through a series of research trajectories and interventions. Design strategies to enact agonism are proposed around game, play and interaction design: Identities can be investigated through Role-Playing, Dialogues can be initiated through Storytelling, and Agonistic Space can be manifested as a Third Place. These strategies are field tested to examine various communities and the conflicts within them. A game intervention Mind the Gap confronts the endemic problem of the gender gap in academic and professional communities of ICT and STEM. A research intervention takes agonistic perspectives to elucidate conflicts of European migration and participatory urban planning in a neighbourhood community in the U.K. A digital intervention applies agonism towards engaging a platform community that has no material form, in the online project of commonfare.net. These interventions experiment with creative inquiry, game and play as design speculations, sketching and constructing playful inerventions that engage participants in agonism, to enact challenges to the status quo and illuminate potential solutions to complex societal issues. The utility and outcomes of the principles and strategies are evaluated with a focus on emergent intersubjectivity through Dialogic Syntax and Critical Discourse Analyses of gameplay, narratives and design artifacts. The main contributions of this thesis are its shift from empathic perspectives to intersubjectivity in design research, and its operationalization of the theory of agonism for Social Design. Secondary contributions include the elaboration of game and play as design speculation that includes critical reflections on their real-world practices, and the artifact Mind the Gap which has evolved from prototype to a co-created, community driven experience that continues to engage people in meaningful dialogues that challenge the status quo of the gender gap.