[pt] Tem a presente pesquisa o escopo de examinar as relações entre ipseidade e alteridade, tendo como ponto de partida o terreno em que Martin Heidegger e Søren Kierkegaard desenvolvem seus pensamentos. O que se pretende ao longo da dissertação é discutir a possibilidade de acesso à ipseidade a partir de uma noção de existência que compreenda a tensão que descola ipseidade e existência. Tomando como referência a análise que deita suas raízes sobre uma leitura fenomenológica da existência e percorre diferentes traços da constituição ontológica do ente que existe, procuro demonstrar, com escólio nas concepções filosóficas de Heidegger e Kierkegaard, que o acesso à ipseidade se dá na relação de alteridade. / [en] The objective in the present dissertation is to examine the relation between ipseity and alterity, having Martin Heidegger´s and Søren Kierkegaard´s philosophys as a starting point. It intends to discuss on this paper the possibility of finding access to ipseity taking as reference a certain notion of existence which comprehends the tension that sets ipseity apart from existence. In this way the research brings us to the following conclusion: the access to ipseity comes from the relation to alterity.

Design has the potential to disrupt the status quo, yet disruption inevitably introduces new conflicts. One of the challenges of Social Design is to navigate the social, political and material conflicts that define contemporary lives and find new ways to transform them into creative resources. In addressing that challenge this thesis investigates agonism, a multifaceted theory that explicates conflict and grounds the need for such an investigation in design activism. The political implications, practical considerations and design potentials of agonism are examined in detail, and three core principles of agonism are defined: Identities, Dialogues and Agonistic Space. These principles are elaborated through their relation to intersubjectivity as a fundamental aspect of human experience, its interactional role in identity formation and communication, and its influence on the production and performance of space. A Constructive Design Research methodology is employed that contributes to the understanding agonism through a series of research trajectories and interventions. Design strategies to enact agonism are proposed around game, play and interaction design: Identities can be investigated through Role-Playing, Dialogues can be initiated through Storytelling, and Agonistic Space can be manifested as a Third Place. These strategies are field tested to examine various communities and the conflicts within them. A game intervention Mind the Gap confronts the endemic problem of the gender gap in academic and professional communities of ICT and STEM. A research intervention takes agonistic perspectives to elucidate conflicts of European migration and participatory urban planning in a neighbourhood community in the U.K. A digital intervention applies agonism towards engaging a platform community that has no material form, in the online project of commonfare.net. These interventions experiment with creative inquiry, game and play as design speculations, sketching and constructing playful inerventions that engage participants in agonism, to enact challenges to the status quo and illuminate potential solutions to complex societal issues. The utility and outcomes of the principles and strategies are evaluated with a focus on emergent intersubjectivity through Dialogic Syntax and Critical Discourse Analyses of gameplay, narratives and design artifacts. The main contributions of this thesis are its shift from empathic perspectives to intersubjectivity in design research, and its operationalization of the theory of agonism for Social Design. Secondary contributions include the elaboration of game and play as design speculation that includes critical reflections on their real-world practices, and the artifact Mind the Gap which has evolved from prototype to a co-created, community driven experience that continues to engage people in meaningful dialogues that challenge the status quo of the gender gap.

Our research aims to examine how the innovative conception of "political science", developed by Jean Bodin (1529/30-1596) in his Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem (1566; 1572), falls within the scope of a humanist program which restores legal science in the name of scientia civilis. We therefore propose to investigate the line of thoughts which regard the scientia civilis in the works of two of his predecessors, Guillaume Budé and François Connan, who develop this "science" for the sake of magistrates-judges of the Parlements by devising a "method" which intends to unify legal theory with practical knowledge. Their considerations lead them to establish a new paradigm of jusnaturalism and to re-establish, in modern times, the very notion of law on the basis of right reason, id est, on the basis of a community of laws dominated only by reason: civitas universa. We bring light to the fact that, when this community is identified with the international society of his time, supposedly ruled by the ius gentium which incarnates reason, Bodin bestows upon his scientia civilis a political character. If the jusnaturalist paradigm allows him to assume the transition from a barbarous state to a human society, it is his famous theory of sovereignty (summum imperium) that, by defining the coercive power delegated to the magistrates of Parlements, allows them to realize this transition. We propose that his "method" of reading the history enables him to materialize the political science, which determines, beyond the limits of legal science, the role the government plays in realizing the human society, or in other words, the new civitas universa, governed by the ius gentium.

[pt] Nesta dissertação é apresentada uma alternativa para pensar a eficácia política da arte que se distingue do seu uso instrumental. Para isso, postula-se que a conexão entre os campos da arte e da política se estabelece sobre uma experiência dissensual. Ambas as atividades embaralham a trama da experiência sensível na qual um mundo em comum se estabelece; é fixado, designado e repartido. A argumentação se divide em duas partes. Primeiramente, busca recompor uma estética da política – o modo pelo qual se configura um espaço de visibilidade para a ação e a argumentação políticas a partir do dissenso. Trata-se de uma experiência imprevisível e contingente que desfaz as conexões usuais entre causas e efeitos, ações e consequências. Ainda na primeira parte, se discute qual é efetivamente a perspectiva de emancipação por meio desta compreensão do fenômeno político frente à pretensão totalizante que caracterizou a tradição da filosofia política. Na segunda parte, será delimitado o escopo das preocupações da estética, contrapondo-a enquanto disciplina filosófica com a compreensão de Rancière de um regime estético da arte. Isto implica apresentar os diversos regimes com que a arte foi compreendida na tradição em analogia com os regimes de regulação do campo da política. Por fim, será discutida uma alternativa crítica para se pensar a efetividade política intrínseca ao regime estético que não recaia na simples atribuição de culpas e responsabilidades que caracteriza a instrumentalização tanto da política quanto da arte. / [en] This dissertation presents an alternative to think about the political efficacy of art that is distinct from its instrumental use. For this, it is postulated that the connection between the fields of art and politics settles on the experience of the dissensus. Both activities shuffle the plot of sensory experience in which a common world is established, fixed, designed and distributed. The argument is divided into two parts. First, it seeks to recompose an aesthetics of politics – the way is established a space of visibility for the political action and argumentation from political dissent. This is an unpredictable and contingent experience that undoes the usual connections between causes and effects, actions and consequences. Even in the first part, we discuss what is effectively the prospect of emancipation through this understanding of the political phenomenon front totalizing pretensions that characterized the tradition of political philosophy. In the second part, shall be limited the escope of the concerns of aesthetic discipline set in contrast with the conception proposed by Rancière of an aesthetic regime of art. This involves presenting the various regimes that art has been understood in the tradition in analogy with the regulatory regimes of the field of politics. Finally, we discuss an alternative to think about the political effectiveness intrinsic to the aesthetic regime of art that does not lie in the simple attribution of guilt and responsibility that characterizes both the instrumentalization of politics and art.

La tesi è un'analisi critica dei presupposti teoretici del metodo genealogico di Foucault. Il problema del soggetto è perciò indagato in relazione a allo statuto di verità della filosofia foucaultiana. Lo scopo è mostrare i problemi e le contraddizioni a cui va incontro il "senso" del gesto genealogico. / This thesis is a critical analysis of the theoretical principles of Foucault’s genealogical method. The problem of the subject is inquired into its relationship with the statute of truth of the foucauldian philosophy. The aim is to show the problems and the contradictions of the sense of the genealogy.

Le Jugendschriften di Hegel rappresentano un ingresso privilegiato nella comprensione dell’intero sistema hegeliano. Nonostante la critica le abbia per molto tempo considerate carte giovanili dense di un afflato romantico e mistico destinato a essere sostanzialmente abbandonato nell’impianto speculativo-razionale della maturità, questa ricerca intende illustrare, in questi scritti, la formazione statu nascenti degli assi fondamentali del suo pensiero. Da questa ricognizione emerge il ruolo sistematico dell’indagine hegeliana sulle strutture portanti della forma religiosa, colta soprattutto nell’Aufhebung dello spirito della Legge nella nuova legge dello Spirito. In relazione a tale assunto ermeneutico, sono sottoposte a una disamina analitica il rapporto dialettico fra legge e amore, il contrasto fra spirito e lettera, il concetto di destino, la nozione di positività, il senso escatologico del tempo, il progetto di una nuova vitalità religiosa per la sua epoca. La ricerca intende illuminare la connessione di queste figure, e in particolare quelle di legge e di amore, che costituiscono i luoghi fondamentali della prima elaborazione della dialettica, con lo sfondo teologico delle Lettere di Paolo, che il giovane Hegel studia e analizza nel suo periodo di formazione a Stoccarda, a Tubinga e a Francoforte. / Hegel’s Jugendschriften represent a privileged way in the understanding of the whole Hegelian speculative system. Many critics have considered them for a long time as juvenile papers dense of romantic and mystical afflatus, destined to be substantially abandoned in the speculative-rational works of his maturity. This research aims at illustrating the development of the fundamental axis of Hegel’s thought in the philosopher’s early writings. From this recognition emerges the systematic role of the investigation into the religious form, perceived above all in the abolishment (Aufhebung) of the spirit of the Law in the law of the Spirit and in its preserving. With regard to this hermeneutical assumption, the research examines analytically the dialectical relationship between law and love, the Letter/Spirit contrast, the concept of destiny, the notion of positivity, the eschatological meaning of time, the project of a new religious vitality for his epoch. This study aims at enlightening the connection of these figures and, above all, of the categories of law and love, which constitute the basis for the elaboration of the dialectics, with the theological background of Paul’s Epistles, which Hegel had studied during his education in Stuttgart, Tubingen and Frankfurt.

Le recenti trasformazioni dei sistemi politici suggeriscono la necessità di ripensare il rapporto fra l’ideale democratico e il concetto di qualità. I mutamenti e le pretese della rappresentanza politica, infatti, appaiono sempre più inconciliabili con le teorie che, fino a pochi decenni fa, apparivano granitiche e (quasi) immodificabili. L’obiettivo di questa tesi è quello di argomentare tali assunti, non senza prima soffermarsi su alcune questioni preliminari: a livello teorico, cosa si deve intendere per qualità? Quale rapporto può realisticamente intrattenere con il sistema democratico? E, quindi, la qualità può essere selezionata? Le risposte a simili quesiti passano attraverso un approfondimento del rapporto (inevitabile) fra i governanti e i governati, considerato il canale più affidabile per osservare la ‘qualità’ come idea-concetto e per percepire gli effettivi cambiamenti che proietta sulla rappresentanza politica. / The recent transformations of political systems suggest the need to rethink the relationship between the democratic ideal and the concept of quality. Indeed, changes and demands in political representation look increasingly incompatible with the theories that seemed lasting and (almost) immutable until a few decades ago. The aim of this dissertation is to discuss these assumptions, after dwelling on some preliminary questions. At the theoretical level, what is quality? Which relationship can it realistically have with the democratic system? And, therefore, can quality be selected? To answers such questions, the dissertation goes through an in-depth analysis of the (inevitable) relationship between rulers and the ruled. This relationship is considered the most reliable channel both to observe ‘quality’ as an idea-concept and to perceive the actual changes that it projects on political representation.

[pt] A presente análise debate, comparativamente, as teorias da democracia e da cidadania nas obras de Guillermo O Donnell e Étienne Balibar a partir dos seus respectivos títulos, quais sejam, Democracia, Agência e Estado: teoria com intenção comparativa (O DONNELL, G. 2010) e Ciudadanía (BALIBAR, É.2012). São dissecadas ambas as teorias, a primeira de origem liberal e a segunda marxista, com base nas abordagens comuns ou particulares de cada um dos autores, discutindo-se as noções e interações de interpretações incompatíveis sobre elementos como estado, democracia, cidadania, individualidade, exclusão, globalização, burocracia, representação, conflito, entre outros. Não obstante, por conta da vasta bagagem teórica dos autores, bem como o estreito diálogo que as suas teorias mantém com as obras tomadas como referência pelos autores, o trabalho se desenvolve também no aprofundamento destas leituras estruturantes das respectivas teorias. Este estudo é revelador das discrepâncias e aproximações de tais perspectivas tão celebremente divergentes, sem contudo, deixar de assumir preferência pela corrente crítica radical balibariana – cabendo ressalvas -, fazendo sobressair o seu caráter crítico contra-hegemônico à via liberal de O Donnell. Ainda, o estudo permite, com base na atualidade das teorias analisadas, uma percepção crítica da inquietante esfera política atual, em vista dos recentes movimentos populares que espontaneamente tomaram parte do globo a partir de 2010, desde movimentos imediatamente insurrecionais até massivos protestos pejorativamente denominados sem causa. / [en] This analysis debates and compare the theories of democracy and citizenship in the works of Guillermo O Donnell and Étienne Balibar from their respective books, namely, democracia, agência e estado: teoria com intenção comparativa (O donnell , g. 2010) and ciudadanía (Balibar, É. 2012). I examine both theories, one liberal and the other radically democratic, based on the common or divergent approaches of each author. some concepts and perspectives are particularly relevant, such as state, individuality, exclusion, globalization, bureaucracy, representation, conflict, among others. nevertheless, due to the vast theoretical background of the authors and the close dialogue that their theories keeps with the works taken as reference by the authors, this work develops deeply these structural readings of the respective theories. It s objective reveals the discrepancies and common ideas of such traditional divergent perspectives,however, in preference for the Balibarian radical critique, bringing out it s counter-hegemonic aspects against the liberal route of O Donnell. moreover, the study allows, based on the topicality of the analyzed theories, a critical view of the disturbing current political context, in face of the recent popular movements that spontaneously emerged all over the globe from 2010, since immediately insurrectionary movements to mass protests called pejoratively without cause.

Le travail que nous présentons ici se compose principalement de deux parties. En premier lieu, nous proposons un chemin de reconstruction et de problématisation de la pensée politique de Pierre Clastres, qui constitue le travail de thèse au sens propre ; en second lieu, une série de matériaux d’archive inédits (Appendice I) et de textes clastriens jamais traduits en langue italienne jusqu’à présent (Appendice II).La première partie, intitulée Il pensiero politico di Pierre Clastres (La pensée politique de Pierre Clastres), s’articule en trois chapitres, dont le premier consiste en une reconstruction de la trajectoire intellectuelle de l’auteur à travers sa mise en contexte par rapport aux débats politico-intellectuels parisiens des années 1960-1970. Ce travail historique nous a permis de mieux saisir la spécificité de la pensée clastrienne et les références, explicites et implicites, présentes dans ses textes. Nous avons analysé, notamment, ses rapports avec le PCF, avec les projets intellectuels et politiques de Socialisme ou barbarie et Libre, ses relations avec Claude Lévi-Strauss, Claude Lefort, Alfred Métraux et Lucien Sebag entre autres. Le deuxième chapitre, Contre, est dédié à l’analyse de la thèse clastrienne des sociétés primitives conçues comme des sociétés qui s’organisent contre l’apparition de l’État. Nous avons ici reconstruit la genèse de la proposition clastrienne, en étudiant en particulier son interprétation de la théorie échangiste proposée par Lévi-Strauss. En effet, c’est à partir d’une mise en question de l’échange au niveau de la chefferie et à la lumière de l’observation du phénomène guerrier que l’auteur a construit son anthropologie politique. Ensuite, nous avons essayé de problématiser la notion d’ « État » utilisée par Clastres dans la perspective de l’histoire conceptuelle (Begriffsgeschichte), en nous focalisant sur les théories du contractualisme et du pacte social propres à la tradition philosophique moderne.Le troisième et dernier chapitre est une reconstruction de la réception de la pensée clastrienne en philosophie politique contemporaine et en anthropologie. Nous avons analysé ici les dialogues de Clastres avec Deleuze, Guattari et Foucault d’une côté et, en suite, certaines reprises et critiques de ses thèses dans le débat contemporain. La deuxième partie rend compte des résultats du travail d’archive qui a été fait pendant les années de notre recherche. En Appendice I nous présentons des transcriptions des entretiens que nous avons consultés en format audio et vidéo à l’INA (Institut National de l’Audiovisuel) à la BnF (Bibliothèque Nationale de France). Ensuite, nous présentons une série de textes jamais traduits en italien, dont un certain nombre n’étaient même pas signalé par la bibliographie de référence (le Cahier Pierre Clastres, édité par Miguel Abensour et Anne Kupiec) ni par le catalogue du fond IMEC – comme, par exemple, l’entretien avec Raymond Bellour dans Le livre des autres. / The work is composed of two sections. The first part is a reconstruction and a problematization of Pierre Clastres’s political thought, which constitutes the dissertation; the second part is a collection of unpublished documents (Appendice I) along with the translation of some Clastrian texts, never translated into Italian before (Appendice II).The first section Il pensiero politico di Pierre Clastres (Pierre Clastres’ political thought) consists of three chapters. In the first one, I propose a study of the author’s intellectual trajectory, through an analysis of contexts and a discussion of political and intellectual debates going on in those years (Paris, ’60-’70). This historical approach allowed me to understand the specificity of Clastres’s thought and references, both implicit and explicit, contained in his texts. I have analysed his relations with PCF, with intellectual and political projects such as Socialisme ou barbarie and Libre and his acquaintance with Lévi-Strauss, Lefort, Métraux, Sebag among others. The second chapter, Contre, is consecrated to the analysis of Clastres’s hypothesis that state-less societies are organised against the rising of the State. I have here reconstructed the evolution of Clastres’s proposal by analyzing in particular how the author relates to the theory of exchange proposed by Lévi-Strauss. Indeed, it is through a redefinition of the notion of exchange at the level of chieftainship and war that the author has constructed his political anthropology. I have then tried to problematize the notion of “State” used by Clastres through studies on contractualism and the social pact in modern political theory related to the approach of conceptual history (Begriffsgeschichte). In the third chapter, I have studied the reception of Clastrian thought in contemporary political philosophy and anthropology: on the one hand, I have addressed Clastres’s dialogues with Deleuze, Guattari and Foucault and, on the other, I have carried out a mapping of the most relevant readings of Clastres in the contemporary debate. The second part reports on the results of the archival work that I have done during these years of research. In Appendice I, I present some transcripts of interviews I have made at INA (Institut National de l’Audiovisuel). Lastly, in Appendice II I propose the Italian translation of some texts, a number of which were not even mentioned in the bibliography of reference (Cahier Pierre Clastres by Miguel Abensour and Anne Kupiec) or in the catalogue of Pierre Clastres’s archive – like, for example, the interview with Raymond Bellour in Le livre des autres. / Il lavoro che presentiamo qui si compone principalmente di due parti. In primo luogo proponiamo un lavoro di ricostruzione e di problematizzazione del pensiero politico di Pierre Clastres, lavoro di tesi vero e proprio; in secondo luogo, una serie di materiali d’archivio inediti (Appendice I) e di testi clastriani mai tradotti in italiano fino ad ora (Appendice II). La prima parte, intitolata Il pensiero politico di Pierre Clastres, si articola in tre capitoli. Il primo consiste in una ricostruzione della traiettoria intellettuale dell’autore attraverso un’analisi del contesto rispetto ai dibattiti politici e intellettuali parigini degli anni 1960 – 1970. Questo lavoro storico ci ha permesso di cogliere la specificità del pensiero clastriano e i riferimenti, impliciti ed espliciti, presenti nei suoi testi. Abbiamo analizzato, ovviamente, i suoi rapporti con il PCF, con progetti intellettuali e politici quali Socialisme ou barbarie e Libre, le sue relazioni con Lévi-Strauss, Lefort, Métraux, Sebag e altri. Il secondo capitolo, Contre (Contro), è dedicato all’analisi della tesi clastriana delle “società primitive” concepite come delle società che si organizzano contro la comparsa dello Stato. Abbiamo qui ricostruito la genesi della proposta clastriana, analizzando in particolare la sua interpretazione della teoria dello scambio proposta da Lévi-Strauss. Infatti è a partire da una messa in questione dello scambio al livello della chefferie e alla luce dell’osservazione del fenomeno guerriero che l’autore ha costruito la sua antropologia politica. In seguito, abbiamo provato a problematizzare il concetto di “Stato” utilizzato da Clastres nella prospettiva della storia concettuale (Begriffsgeschichte), focalizzandoci sulle teorie del contrattualismo e del patto sociale proprie della tradizione filosofica moderna.Il terzo e ultimo capitolo è una ricostruzione della ricezione del pensiero clastriano in filosofia politica contemporanea e in antropologia. Abbiamo qui analizzato i dialoghi di Clastres con Deleuze, Guattari e Foucault da una parte e, in seguito, alcune riprese e critiche delle sue tesi nel dibattito contemporaneo. La seconda parte rende conto dei risultati del lavoro d’archivio che abbiamo svolto durante questi anni di ricerca. In Appendice I delle trascrizioni di interviste, che abbiamo consultato in formato audio e video all’INA (Institut National de l’Audiovisuel) alla BNF (Bibliothèque Nationale de France). Infine presentiamo una serie di testi mai tradotti in italiano, alcuni dei quali non erano segnalati dalla bibliografia di riferimento (il Cahier Pierre Clastres, curato da Miguel Abensour e Anne Kupiec) né dal catalogo del fondo IMEC – come, per esempio, l’intervista con Raymond Bellour in Le livre des autres.

[pt] Teorias ideais e teoria não-ideais da adjudicação são uma distinção metodológica dentro das teorias normativas da adjudicação. A última considera que a metodologia das teorias normativas deve ser adequada ao que podemos esperar de seres humanos ordinários. Autores do formalismo jurídico como Larry Alexander, Cass Sunstein e Adrian Vermeule estão associados a essa metodologia. O primeiro, por sua vez, considera que esta não é uma restrição normativamente relevante. Podemos defender teorias cujos padrões normativos violam o que podemos esperar de seres humanos ordinários. O particularismo de Dworkin é o principal expoente desse método. A pergunta central é se há um conflito genuíno entre esses dois métodos. Para responder essa pergunta, divido as teorias ideais em duas vertentes: teorias ideais não-orientador e teorias ideais orientadoras. Defendo que há um conflito metodológico apenas entre os métodos não-ideias e este último. Por fim, sugiro que a reflexão sobre esses métodos é importante para desenvolver novos projetos normativos, nomeadamente, do formalismo ideal e que tal empreitada é intelectualmente valiosa. / [en] Ideal theories and non-ideal theories of adjudication are a methodological distinction within normative theories of adjudication. The latter consider that the methodology of normative theories must be adequate to what we might expect from ordinary human beings. Legal formalist scholars such as Larry Alexander, Cass Sunstein e Adrian Vermeule are associated with this methodology. The latter, in turn, believe that this is not a normatively relevant constraint. We can defend theories whose normative standards violate what we might expect from ordinary human beings. Dworkin s particularism is the chief exponent of this method. The central question is whether there is a genuine conflict between these two methods. To answer this question, I divide ideal theories into two strands: non-orienting ideal theory and orienting ideal theory. I argue that there is a methodological conflict only between non-ideals and the latter. Finally, I suggest that reflection on these issues is important to developing new normative projects, namely, ideal formalism and that such enterprise is intellectually valuable.