La tesi si concentra sulla prevenzione dello sfruttamento lavorativo nel settore agro-alimentare. L’Italia è tenuta costantemente al centro delle riflessioni per offrire esempi puntuali, costantemente ‘situati’ all’interno di una visione globale, al crocevia tra il mercato del lavoro e le politiche migratorie. Lo studio criminologico del fenomeno è stato il punto di partenza per testare la capacità di prevenzione e contrasto dell’attuale sistema giuridico, analizzato secondo una logica stadiale. Facendo tesoro delle indicazioni provenienti dalla letteratura sociologica e dalla moderna vittimologia, la parte conclusiva è interamente dedicata alla proposta di una strategia di prevenzione/regolazione ispirata al dinamismo politico criminale introdotto dalla responsive regulation di John Braithwaite. Mettendo a sistema risposte innovative e buone pratiche, la tesi elabora specifiche raccomandazioni di policy, servendosi anche dei rami non penalistici dell’ordinamento giuridico. Una tale politica criminale multi-livello dovrebbe, prima di tutto, rafforzare il rifiuto sociale di qualsiasi forma di sfruttamento, sapientemente e gradualmente impiegando un variegato strumentario sanzionatorio al fine di costruire la conformità mediante il consenso ai precetti (auto-regolazione imposta, sanzioni amministrative con ‘messa alla prova’ e sanzioni penali come extrema ratio). L’analisi comparata delle legislazioni più innovative ha svolto un ruolo cruciale per l’elaborazione di una tale proposta. / The thesis focuses on the prevention of labour exploitation, specifically targeting the agri-food sector. Italy is at the centre of the reflection to provide for tangible examples within a global perspective, at the intersection of labour market and migration policies. A better knowledge of the phenomenon and its complexities has been the starting point for examining the ability of the current (intertwined) legal framework to deal with employers who breach the rules, from low-level non-compliance to serious criminality (i.e. slavery and trafficking). Accordingly, a preventive strategy has been designed bringing the theoretical framework of responsive regulation (Ayres-Braithwaite 1992) into the research on labour exploitation, in turn conceptualised as a form of corporate crime. Building further on existing ‘good’ laws and practices, specific policy recommendations have been provided utilizing all fields of law. Such a hybrid criminal policy should start by strengthening society’s rejection to any form of labour exploitation, strategically rising to more punitive remedies for the purpose of building compliance (i.e. mandated self-regulation, administrative sanctions with ‘corporate probation’ and criminal law as last resort). In doing so, a main contribution has come from comparative analysis.

The diploma thesis Czech Press for People Called up to Do Forced Labour in Nazi Germany deals with the weekly Czech Labourer which was sent to the Czech workers called up to German factories during the period of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia within the years 1939-1945. The thesis aims at exploring its origin, publishing and changes concerning its publishers and owners. It also analyses its distribution to Nazi Germany and its content in detail. Furthermore, by means of the quantitative analysis the thesis surveys the thematic agenda of the main articles on the front pages. It discusses the impact of the propagandistic information in media on those who were called up to do forced labour. Within the context, this paper examines the operation of media during the period of Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia.

Dans le contexte de l'effritement de la société salariale (Castel 1995), on constate au Canada une prolifération de statuts d'emplois atypiques, une flexibilisation et une précarisation du travail, ainsi qu'une augmentation du nombre de travailleuses et travailleurs pauvres. Deux formes d’emploi semblent particulièrement illustrer la pauvreté et la précarité en emploi : le travail immigrant en agence de placement temporaire et le travail migrant temporaire. Alors que le travail en agence de placement (TAP) constitue un marché du travail précaire, on y retrouve un grand nombre d’immigrants reçus, de demandeurs d’asile ou de réfugiés, employés dans des emplois sous-qualifiés, malgré des niveaux de scolarité souvent élevés. Par ailleurs, le programme fédéral des travailleurs étrangers temporaires peu-spécialisés (PTET-PS), permet aux employeurs canadiens le recrutement d’une main-d’œuvre étrangère pour des postes déclarés non pourvus par une main-d’œuvre locale, établissant des normes spécifiques d'emploi et de migration et constituant un marché du travail transnational et fortement concurrentiel au travail salarié. La thèse interroge les processus institutionnels de construction des conditions d’accès à l’emploi pour ces deux catégories de travailleurs non natifs du Canada que sont (1) les immigrants reçus et les réfugiés insérés en emploi d’agences de placement dans le secteur de l’entreposage et (2) les travailleurs étrangers temporaires peu-spécialisés travaillant dans un abattoir. Une immersion ethnographique effectuée sur le mode de la participation observante pendant près de deux ans au Centre des travailleuses et travailleurs immigrants (CTI) à Montréal, complétée par une série d’entretiens semi-directifs réalisés auprès de travailleurs, de personnes ressources et d’intervenants du secteur communautaire, montrent que la construction de ces régimes de travail doit être analysée (1) au croisement des politiques publiques d'immigration, de la régulation du travail, des mesures d’insertion en emploi des immigrants et de l’encadrement du regroupement familial, (2) au regard des pratiques des acteurs du marché du travail (entreprises, agences de placement/recrutement, organisations professionnelles et sectorielles) et (3) en considérant les manières dont les travailleurs intègrent les conditions structurelles de l’emploi immigrant à leurs stratégies de vie personnelles et familiales. Il ressort que l’association de statuts juridiques d’immigration et de certaines formes d’emploi structure des régimes de travail caractérisés par la captivité en emploi, construits relativement aux enjeux et aux besoins immédiats des secteurs d’activité et légitimés par une législation entravant de façon systémique l’accès des travailleurs aux droits et libertés. On observe ensuite que ces régimes de travail contraint produisent des conditions d’accès à l’emploi définies sur un continuum allant de la qualification des personnes, à leur déqualification professionnelle, à leur disqualification sociale. Alors que les travailleurs rencontrés ont la particularité d’être fixés à leur emploi précaire par des contraintes liées à leur exclusion des emplois valorisés et/ou à leurs statuts juridiques d’immigration, la thèse interroge finalement les formes possibles de mobilisation et de défense collective de leurs intérêts à travers une étude de cas portant sur des actions collectives soutenues par un groupe communautaire en lien avec des syndicats. / In the context of the erosion of the “société salariale” (wage-earning society, Castel 1995), in Canada as elsewhere, we are witnessing the proliferation of atypical employment conditions, the flexibilisation and casualization of work, and an increase in the number of working poor. Two forms of employment best illustrate poverty and precariousness in employment: immigrants working in temporary placement agencies (temp agencies) and temporary foreign workers (TFWs). The precarious labour market of temp agency work harnesses a large number of highly educated landed immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers employed in low-skilled jobs. Moreover, the federal program for low-skilled temporary foreign workers (TFWP-LS), allows Canadian employers to recruit foreign workers for positions unfilled by the local workforce. The TFWP-LS establishes specific employment and immigration standards, thereby institutionalizing a transnational labour force competing with domestic wage-earners. This thesis examines the institutional processes that create the terms of access to employment for two categories of foreign-born workers in Canada: (1) landed immigrants and refugees working in warehouses through temporary placement agencies and (2) low-skilled temporary foreign workers in slaughterhouses. A nearly two-year ethnographic immersion at the Immigrant Workers Centre (IWC) in Montreal, based on the “observant participation” method, complemented by a series of semi-structured interviews with workers, key informants and community sector stakeholders, showed that the construction of these work arrangements is complex. An understanding of these categories of work requires an analysis: (1) at the intersection of immigration policies, labour regulations, employment integration measures for immigrants, and regulations related to family reunification; (2) in relation to the practices of labour market actors (companies, placement/recruitment agencies, professional and sectorial organizations); and (3) in consideration of the ways in which workers incorporate the structural conditions of im/migrant employment in their personal and family life strategies and choices. Results show that immigration status has intersected with certain forms of employment to structure work arrangements characterized by forced labour. Those work arrangements are built on the short-term needs of industries and are legitimized by legislation that systemically impedes workers' access to rights and freedoms. These constrained work arrangements lead (im)migrant workers through a deleterious process, starting with their qualification as an (im)migrant to Canada, then professional de-skilling and finally social disqualification. While the workers met in the context of this project are constrained in their precarious jobs due to their exclusion from qualified jobs and/or by their legal immigration status, the thesis concludes by exploring the possible forms of mobilization and collective defense of their interests through a case study of collective action supported by a community group in connection with trade unions.

Aucune loi internationale n’a su réagir à la fragmentation de la production transnationale jusqu’à présent pour protéger les travailleurs contre le travail forcé. En réponse à ce phénomène, le droit de la responsabilité sociale et le devoir de vigilance des entreprises se sont développés afin d'accroître l'imputabilité des entreprises transnationales envers les impacts sociaux de leurs activités tout particulièrement le long de leur chaîne de valeur. Jusqu'à récemment, le devoir de vigilance était surtout soutenu par des normes internationales à caractère volontaire et par l'autorégulation des entreprises (Kerr, Janda et Pitts, 2009). Depuis peu, quelques États ont légiféré afin d'augmenter la portée et l'efficacité du devoir de vigilance en ce qui concerne le respect des droits fondamentaux des travailleurs et la protection de l’environnement en France par le biais de « plan de vigilance » ou par rapport à l’élimination du travail forcé en Californie et au Royaume-Uni. Ces lois obligent les entreprises à produire des rapports expliquant les relations et les conditions de travail des ouvriers le long de la chaîne de valeur. En comparaison, au Canada, le devoir de vigilance s'appuie sur des développements jurisprudentiels dont la portée est incertaine (Drouin, 2016). Trois modèles d'encadrement de ce devoir émergent alors: un modèle jurisprudentiel et deux modèles législatifs. L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’évaluer le potentiel du devoir de vigilance à inciter les entreprises transnationales à mieux réparer l’utilisation du travail forcé dans leur chaîne de production pour les victimes. Les trois modèles d’encadrement qui seront analysés sont le modèle jurisprudentiel du Canada, le modèle législatif général de la France et le modèle législatif visant spécifiquement l’abolition du travail forcé de la Californie. Les questions auxquelles nous tenterons de répondre sont les suivantes : Le renforcement du devoir de vigilance permet-il de réparer l’utilisation du travail forcé dans les chaînes de production transnationales? Quels éléments permettent d’accroître l’accès à la réparation pour les victimes de travail forcé dans les chaînes de production transnationale? / International law concerning the use of forced labour in global production chains has yet to be enacted. In response to this phenomenon, corporate social responsibility law and the principle of due diligence have been developed to increase transnational businesses’ accountability towards the social impacts of their activities along the supply chain. Until recently, due diligence was mainly supported by voluntary international norms and by business’ selfregulation mechanism (Kerr, Janda and Pitts, 2009). A few States recently passed legislation that a increases the scope and the efficiency of due diligence. The efforts of France on the matter have focused on the respect of workers’ fundamental rights and of the environment while similar legislative endeavours in California and in the UK have concerned themselves with the specific issue of forced labour. In comparison, in Canada, due diligence is based on jurisprudential developments with an uncertain scope (Drouin, 2016). Three frameworks of due diligence emerge: two legislative models and one jurisprudential models. This thesis seeks to assess the potential of the duty of diligence principle in enticing transnational corporations to remedy the use of forced labour through their supply chains. Three models will be evaluated: the Canadian jurisprudential model, the French general legislative model and the Californian legislative model specifically targeting the abolition of forced labour. The questions we will seek to answer are the following: Does the enhancement of the duty of diligence enable victims of forced labour in transnational production chains to obtain remedies? What are the key elements promoting access to remedy for victims of forced labour in transnational production chains?

The purpose of this research is to explore the need for, and the legal implications of, harmonising labour laws in the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Chapter One highlights a number of factors that call for the harmonisation of labour laws in the SADC region and discusses some of the reasons why labour laws are not well developed in the region. The influence of globalisation on labour standards in southern Africa and the influence of regionalism on the harmonisation of labour laws are discussed at length. The inference that could be drawn from this discussion is that for a regionalisation process in southern Africa to be successful, there is an urgent need to harmonise the region’s labour law system. This thesis confirms that Southern Africa has many lessons to learn from the regional harmonisation of labour law in the European Economic Community and the current European Union. The implementation of international labour standards in southern Africa is investigated. The main areas examined include (1) freedom of association, (2) collective bargaining, (3) forced labour and (4) discrimination. The findings of this investigation show that there is no uniformity in the implementation of International Labour Organisation (ILO) standards in the SADC region and, therefore, it is recommended labour law should be harmonised in terms of ILO standards. In respect of the benefits to be derived from the harmonisation process, an empirical investigation was conducted in the SADC region and the following is recommended: the harmonisation of labour law in the SADC region will help with the implementation of ILO standards, protection of workers against the economic power of employers in the workplace and maintaining similar benefits for migrants in the region. / Mercantile law / LL. D.

Forced labour presents a severe human rights violation and affects about 27.6 million people worldwide. Most forced labour in the private economy takes place in businesses linked to the global market economy. In efforts against forced labour, it is therefore crucial to address the role of business operations in global supply chains. The European Commission has presented a proposal for a ban on products made with forced labour on the EU market which applies to all companies and industries. Although this initiative has been welcomed broadly the proposal has served as a topic for political debate in the EU. Stakeholders have contrasting views on what would serve as the most effective solution to the problem and, indeed, what actually constitutes the problem. Research on policy design acknowledge that the way a problem is framed and understood determines which kind of solutions will be deemed as appropriate. This thesis aims to understand the foundations of how the European Commission perceives the problem by conducting a frame analysis of the proposal focusing in turn on how the problem is framed, which actors are included, and how causes and solutions are framed. The frame analysis reveals that the Commission’s framing of the problem is ambiguous and twofold - it includes aspects of human rights perspectives as well as market and trade perspectives. The aim of the proposal is to contribute to the eradication of forced labour, but it also addresses the issue of distortion on the internal EU market and on removing unfair competition. Although the proposal fails to address some of the underlying root causes of forced labour this initiative, together with other legal measures in the business and human rights field, presents an important step towards keeping companies accountable for their adverse human rights impacts.

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Mozambique is undergoing intensive socio-economic reforms to reconstruct war damages and develop the nation. The reforms consist of economic liberalisation through structural adjustment and monetarist economic stabilisation, e.g. government withdrawal from economic activities, privatisation, deregulation, reduction of tariff levels on imports and tax on investments, cuts of expenditure on social services, restrictive credit system, focus on monetarism, increased taxation on individual income, etc. The nature of these reforms, on the surface, leads to morally questionable conditions. There is social chaos and disintegration, high indices of corruption, subtle recolonisation, decline of civil services, etc. At the bottom lie the market ethics and fundamentalist theological discourse by dint of which the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund deny historical consciousness, lack institutional memory, vest themselves with unquestionable international authority, dictate and impose policies without accountability for the social consequences. If there is any hope for Mozambicans, it lies in development ethics which relies heavily on the liberation motif, historical consciousness, and African Heritage. / Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Theological Ethics)

Mozambique is undergoing intensive socio-economic reforms to reconstruct war damages and develop the nation. The reforms consist of economic liberalisation through structural adjustment and monetarist economic stabilisation, e.g. government withdrawal from economic activities, privatisation, deregulation, reduction of tariff levels on imports and tax on investments, cuts of expenditure on social services, restrictive credit system, focus on monetarism, increased taxation on individual income, etc. The nature of these reforms, on the surface, leads to morally questionable conditions. There is social chaos and disintegration, high indices of corruption, subtle recolonisation, decline of civil services, etc. At the bottom lie the market ethics and fundamentalist theological discourse by dint of which the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund deny historical consciousness, lack institutional memory, vest themselves with unquestionable international authority, dictate and impose policies without accountability for the social consequences. If there is any hope for Mozambicans, it lies in development ethics which relies heavily on the liberation motif, historical consciousness, and African Heritage. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Theological Ethics)