A presente dissertação busca analisar as motivações que levam o Estado brasileiro a atuar na arena internacional, visando assegurar a competitividade das empresas brasileiras no mercado externo, especificamente a participar politicamente e investir recursos na Iniciativa para a Integração da Infraestrutura Regional Sul- Americana, com opção pelo recorte na integração da infraestrutura de transportes e logística da faixa geográfica que pretende conectar o Porto de Santos, no Oceano Atlântico aos portos marítimos de Peru e Chile, no Oceano Pacífico, designada Eixo Interoceânico Central. Para compreender tais motivações, o trabalho está dividido em quatro partes que se complementam no decurso e se interconectam na tessitura das considerações finais. Primeiramente é abordada a ascensão das questões econômicas nas prioridades de política externa dos países, ressignificando o contexto de atuação dos Estados no sistema internacional, que passam a ser movidos pela interdependência complexa, levando em consideração os interesses de grupos econômicos domésticos, para formatar suas preferências na formulação da política exterior. Estabelecida a base de sustentação dos argumentos, o estudo passa a enfocar o Brasil e a opção por instrumentalizar suas relações exteriores para concretizar o projeto de desenvolvimento econômico nacional. Nesta perspectiva, são abordadas as articulações de política externa brasileira, desde a década de 1930 - quando inicia um esforço integrado para industrialização e modernização econômica - até a proposta recente de inserção do país na economia mundial, empenhada em expandir as relações econômico-comerciais por meio de ações que contribuam para o aumento da capacidade competitiva das empresas frente à concorrência internacional. Entre tais ações são destacadas as relações de cooperação do Brasil com Bolívia, Chile, Paraguai e Peru, no sentido de promover o ordenamento de seus territórios sob a lógica da conformação da infraestrutura física, capaz de proporcionar fluidez para o escoamento da produção - momento em que se analisa em que medida as pretensões de expansão econômica brasileira estão voltadas aos parceiros comerciais da América do Sul, ou direcionadas a pontos mais distantes do horizonte, em direção à região da Ásia-Pacífico. / This dissertation seeks analyzing the motivations that lead Brazilian State to perform in the international arena, aiming at assure the Brazilian enterprises competitiveness in external market, specifically for politically take part and to invest resources in Initiative for the Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America, choosing the prune of logistics and transportation infrastructure integration of the geographic extension that intents to connect Port of Santos, in Atlantic Ocean, to Peruvian e Chilean maritime, in Pacific Ocean, named Central Interoceanic Hub. To comprehend these motivations, this study is divided in four parts, that they complement each other along, and interconnect themselves at organization of final considerations. Firstly, it is approached the ascension of economical issues in the countries foreign politics priorities changing the States acting context in the international system, that became moved for complex interdependence, considering the domestic economical groups interests of shaping preferences on foreign politics formulation. Settled the arguments sustentation basis, the study highlights Brazil and the option for external relations way as achieve national economical development project. In this regard, the articulations to Brazilian foreign politics are approached, since 1930's - when it was began an integrated effort for economical modernization and industrialization - to recent purpose to insert nation on worldwide economy, engaged to expand the commercial-economical relations through actions in spite of contribute to increase the enterprises competitive capacity in front of international competition. As such actions, the emphasis is given to the cooperation relations of Brazil with Bolivia, Chile, Paraguay and Peru in regards to promote the ordering of their territories under the logic of physical infrastructure shaping able to allow fluidity to production flowing off - at this point, it is analyzed which extent the will of Brazilian economical expansion are toward to commercial partners of South America, or directed to farthest at the horizon, aim for Asia-Pacific region.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-25T12:22:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Gabriela Goncalves Barbosa.pdf: 1224201 bytes, checksum: 837110392f396c865c633864a4073c1f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-09-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Brazil's relations with the South America were not always considered a priority for Brazilian foreign policy. In reviewing some historical relationships of Brazil to its neighbors, we realize that during the 1990s begins to occur a shift in focus, especially after the accession of Mexico to NAFTA, followed by the proposed creation of the FTAA by the United States, financial crises and attacks of September 11, 2001, among others. At the end of the Cardoso government we realize the need to deepen political dialogue with South America, but it is only during the two terms of Luis Inacio Lula da Silva that this idea was widely supported and, in certain way, popularized. Based on it, this paper aims to discuss the importance attached to South America in Brazil's foreign policy from an analysis of the insertion of "South America" in the diplomatic discourse in Brazil during the Lula government. For this, we will analyze the official statements of President Lula between 2003 and 2010. The approach of modernist linguists when emphasizing the discourse and its power to construct the social reality is an inspiration, and at the end, we propose an analysis of inserting South America in Brazilian diplomatic discourse, starting from the idea of "model correction" and the development of the logistics paradigm - proposed by Cervo, and also the idea of "continuity of parameters of foreign policy" and the concept of presidential diplomacy - proposed by Danese. We realized that the consolidation of South America, for the Brazilian government, would be a key process in the quality of the international insertion of Brazil, where the challenge is to establish trust in political relations from a demonstrated Brazilian commitment in deepening South America s integration, through a process of knowledge and conviction that through acts of speech and direct relationship, the coordination between the countries of South America is of outstanding importance for a more effective participation in international forums. / As relações do Brasil com a América do Sul nem sempre foram consideradas prioritárias para a política externa brasileira. Ao analisarmos o histórico de aproximações e distanciamentos do Brasil em relação aos seus vizinhos, percebemos que durante a década de 1990 começa a ocorrer uma mudança de foco, especialmente após a adesão do México ao NAFTA, seguido pela proposta de criação da ALCA pelos Estados Unidos, crises financeiras e atentados de 11 de setembro de 2001, entre outros. Já no final do governo Cardoso percebe-se a necessidade do aprofundamento político com a América do Sul, mas é apenas durante os dois mandatos de Luís Inácio Lula da Silva que essa ideia foi amplamente defendida e de certo modo, popularizada. Sendo assim, este trabalho busca discutir a importância atribuída ao sul-americanismo para a Política Externa do Brasil a partir de uma análise da inserção da América do Sul discurso diplomático brasileiro durante o governo Lula. Para isso, serão analisados os pronunciamentos oficiais do presidente Lula entre 2003 e 2010. A abordagem dos modernistas lingüistas ao enfatizarem o discurso e seu poder de construir a realidade social nos serve de inspiração, e ao final, propomos uma análise da inserção da América do Sul no discurso diplomático brasileiro no período objeto do nosso estudo a partir da ideia correção de modelo e do aprofundamento do paradigma logístico - propostos por Cervo, e também da ideia de continuidade de parâmetros de política externa e do conceito de diplomacia presidencial - propostos por Danese. Percebemos que a consolidação da América do Sul, no entendimento do governo brasileiro, seria um processo chave na qualidade da inserção internacional do Brasil, onde o grande desafio é estabelecer a confiança nas relações políticas a partir de uma demonstração de comprometimento do Brasil com o aprofundamento da integração sul-americana, passando por um processo de conhecimento e convencimento que, através de atos da fala e relacionamento direto, a coordenação entre os países da América do Sul é de destacada importância para uma participação mais eficaz em foros internacionais.

Det som undersökningen beskriver är hur EU:s säkerhetsstrategi påverkade de utrikespolitiska målen inför militära insatser i Demokratiska Republiken Kongo 2006, Tchad/Centralafrikanska republiken 2008 och Somalia 2009. Vår utrikespolitiska vilja och dess utrikespolitiska mål motiverar vårt deltagande i militära insatser utomlands. Dessa mål skall vara vägledande och skall genomsyra insatsens genomförande. Detta generade en problemställning i denna uppsats som lyder: På vilket sätt har bakomliggande säkerhetspolitiska resonemang till EUs säkerhetsstrategi påverkat utformandet av de nationella svenska motiven till internationella insatser i de EU-ledda militära insatserna i Afrika 2006-2009? Kan incitament och motiv identifieras som inflytelser i propositioner från samma period? Syftet var att undersöka målsättningarna i dokumentet Ett säkert Europa i en bättre värld, en Europeisk säkerhetsstrategi (ESS), för att se hur dessa målsättningar påverkat de svenska propositionerna inför de EU-ledda insatserna. Som metod användes en kvalitativ textanalys deduktivt, genom att analysera de utrikespolitiska målen med ett analysverktyg indelat i säkerhets-, välfärds- och idémål. Resultatet visade att EU:s övergripande säkerhetsstrategi genomsyrade våra motiv i propositionerna men att det fanns sammantaget en avsaknad av EU:s tydlighet med att vara aktiv, preventiv och handlingskraftig i propositionerna. För att få effekt i välfärdsmålsättningar anser EU att detta skall integreras med olika resurser och där även med civil och militär integrering. Denna integrering var inte fullt tydlig i undersökningens studerade propositioner. Den främsta och prioriterade effekten var att tillgodose de mänskliga rättigheterna vilket gör att signaleffekten var hög både för EU och Sverige i insatserna, både regionalt och strategiskt. / This essay examines how The EU Security Strategy affected the objectives of Swedish foreign politics before launching military operations in The Democratic Republic of Congo 2006, Chad/Central African Republic 2008 and in Somalia 2009. The intentions and goals of foreign politics determine Governmental bills and the objectives for the military operations that are sent overseas. These objectives are to serve as guidelines for the realization of the operations. This was the basis of the overall problem for my study which asks: How have security policies based on EU reasoning of Security Strategies affected the Swedish national motives for military operations commanded by the EU in Africa 2006-2009? Can they be identified and explained in the Governmental bills from the same era? The document, A secure Europe in a better world ­ European Security Strategy, (2003) is used in the case study to identify the objectives and to compare how these have been implemented in the Swedish governmental bills before the initiation of the EU commanded military operations. This was achieved by using qualitative text analysis and a deductive method to analyse foreign policies with an analysis tool, divided into security, welfare of the state and ideological objectives. The outcome of the study identified that the motives for the Governmental bills were permeated by EU’s overall objectives. In the Governmental bills, it was identified that there was generally a lack of the sharpness that the EU policy stands for, regarding being active, preventive and resolute. In order to achieve more effectiveness in the welfare of the state objectives, the EU considers this objective ought to be integrated into all resources as well as into civil and military integration. Additionally, this integration was not emphasized in explicit terms in the examined bills. The main and most prioritised outcome was to consider Human Rights, which resulted in high ranking publicity for the EU and Sweden in the outcome of the operations, both regionally and strategically.

This study focus on decision makers in Swedish foreign and security politics with a special focus on two national crises. The crises that have been chosen for this study are the submarine U17 crisis and the shipwreck of the passenger ferry Estonia. The first crisis occurred in the fall of 1981 when the Swedish government accused the Soviet for violating Swedish territory with a Soviet submarine. The second crisis occurred in the fall of 1994 when Estonia, with over 900 people, ended up in a storm and the result of the shipwreck was that only 137 people were rescued. The aims of the study are to analysis the Swedish crises preparedness and in the future develop and make it more effective. The thesis employs the following research questions to answer the purpose: - How did the actors that were responsibility for the Swedish crises preparedness act when they found out about U137 and the shipwreck of Estonia to bother the best outcome? - How did the final results of the crises preparedness in U137 and shipwreck of Estonia actually came out? The method of the study is a type of an appraisal method that explains how you could evaluate a political decision. The results that I found in points that it is necessary to do more research in the subject area. None of the crises were handled very effective in crises preparedness way and in the future more coordination and collaboration with different public authority and private organisations is needed to meet the threat and the obstacles that a society today stands in front of.

Western, post-soviet foreign policies have led to an ever increasing split between western politics and Russia. Starting with the Russian war in Georgia and culminating with the Crimean crisis 2013-2014 it has become evident that the luggage from the cold war has not quite yet stopped ruling geopolitics in the world. To provide diplomatic solutions which are acceptable to all parties, it is important to provide a coherent analysis of Russia´s motives behind conquering Crimea. Without an analysis of Russia´s view on the situation there is a risk of a situation in which the crisis might escalate and lead to further military escalation which in turn might lead to catastrophical events. The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether the decision making process of Russia to invade Crimea can be explained using the Rational Actor Method in analyzing Russia´s actions during the crisis and present a possible account of the decision making process behind Russia´s decision to invade Crimea. With the aid of cultural, historical and strategic perspectives alongside a theory of Russian quest for status this essay provides a thorough analysis of the Russian decision to invade the Crimean peninsula using an analytical method derived from the Rational Actor Paradigm. Conclusively, using the Rational Actor Model in an extensive analysis presents a possible decision making process of Russia´s motives and reasons behind its decision to conquer Crimea.

<p>In 2004 <em>Troy</em> was released in movie theatres worldwide and almost immediately sparked up discussions on film’s relation to the ancient epic of Homer.</p><p> The main purpose of this paper is to see the connection between <em>Troy</em> and Homer’s <em>The Iliad</em> – motion pictures’ only officially credited source of inspiration. By using comparative method and intertextual approach I try to see how a literary piece, for centuries recited and cherished by the highest academic circles is remodelled to fit the taste of a mass public. How <em>The Iliad</em> mutates to be a marketable product.</p><p>   I discuss the changes of the plot that were introduced in <em>Troy</em> and try to see those changes as an outcome of mutation process. Apart from the plot, the notion of a hero is also discussed: how the definition of hero changed through time? To illustrate the changes, two main heroes – Achilles and Hector are discussed, yet again using the comparative method.</p><p>   By approaching <em>Troy</em> and <em>The Iliad</em> as two separate cultural products (I did not view <em>Troy</em><em> </em>as a documentary on <em>The Iliad</em>) I was able to connect them. I could see that the essence of the literary work and the film appears to be the same. It shows that the ancient Greek values, especially those, related to warfare and heroism, have definitely survived long enough to penetrate the modern thought.</p>

In 2004 Troy was released in movie theatres worldwide and almost immediately sparked up discussions on film’s relation to the ancient epic of Homer.  The main purpose of this paper is to see the connection between Troy and Homer’s The Iliad – motion pictures’ only officially credited source of inspiration. By using comparative method and intertextual approach I try to see how a literary piece, for centuries recited and cherished by the highest academic circles is remodelled to fit the taste of a mass public. How The Iliad mutates to be a marketable product.    I discuss the changes of the plot that were introduced in Troy and try to see those changes as an outcome of mutation process. Apart from the plot, the notion of a hero is also discussed: how the definition of hero changed through time? To illustrate the changes, two main heroes – Achilles and Hector are discussed, yet again using the comparative method.    By approaching Troy and The Iliad as two separate cultural products (I did not view Troy as a documentary on The Iliad) I was able to connect them. I could see that the essence of the literary work and the film appears to be the same. It shows that the ancient Greek values, especially those, related to warfare and heroism, have definitely survived long enough to penetrate the modern thought.

République du Congo, l’armée, en tant qu’ensemble de structures et de moyens militaires institutionnellement affectés à la mise en œuvre de la politique décidée par les autorités politiques pour assurer et garantir la défense nationale, est loin d’être l’auteur exclusif des coups d’Etat, même si, systématiquement, elle profite des conséquences politiques attachées à ceux-ci. En réalité, les coups d’Etat y sont la résultante d’une lutte entre plusieurs champs. Dans cette lutte, les acteurs des coups d’Etat, en fonction de leurs corpus idéologiques respectifs, mettent en place des stratégies dont la particularité n’est pas de se limiter au champ bureaucratique mais d’engager également la société appréhendée au regard de leurs groupes ethniques ou régionaux d’appartenance. Ainsi, mobilisent-ils, non seulement leurs propres capitaux (diplômes, profession), mais aussi les ressources de leurs groupes ethniques ou régionaux en vue de réaliser la conquête ou la conservation du pouvoir. Par le jeu complexe des solidarités idéologiques, ethniques ou corporatistes, les acteurs politiques tissent des alliances et, selon le cas, participent ou s’opposent à l’exécution des coups d’Etat. Sous ce rapport, les coups d’Etat, qui supposent une importante mobilisation stratégique, politique et matérielle de la part de ceux qui en forment le projet, se confondent à un mode de conquête du pouvoir assimilable formellement à l’élection, et s’inscrivent dans ce que Marcel Mauss nomme les faits sociaux totaux. Les leaders politiques appartenant aux ethnies minoritaires, ne pouvant accéder au pouvoir par voie démocratique, élaborent une stratégie de conquête de pouvoir prenant appui sur l’armée. Ainsi, détournée de sa mission traditionnelle de protection du territoire national face aux agressions extérieures, l’armée voit sa valeur opérationnelle diminuée. / In Republic of Congo, the army, as a whole of structures and average soldiers institutionally assigned to the implementation of the policy decided by the political authorities to ensure and guarantee national defense, is far from being the exclusive author of the coups d'etat, even if, systematically, it benefits from the political consequences attached to those. Actually, the coups d'etat are there the resultant of a fight between several fields. In this fight, the actors of the coups d'etat, according to their respective ideological corpora, set up strategies whose characteristic is not to limit themselves to the bureaucratic field but to also engage the company apprehended taking into consideration their ethnic or regional group of membership. Thus, they mobilize, not only their own capital (diplomas, profession), but also resources of their ethnic or regional groups in order to carry out the conquest or the conservation of the power. By the complex play of ideological solidarity, ethnic or corporatists, the political actors weave alliances and, according to the case, take part or are opposed to the execution of the coups d'etat. Under this report, the coups d'etat, which suppose an important strategic mobilization, political and material on behalf of those which form the project of it, merge with a mode of conquest of the power comparable formally to the election, and fit in what Marcel Mauss names the total social facts. The political leaders belonging to the minority ethnic groups, not being able to reach the power by democratic way, work out a strategy of conquest of fascinating power support on the army. Thus, diverted its traditional mission of protection of the national territory vis-a-vis the external aggressions, the army sees its decreased operational value.

La coopération internationale est inscrite sur l’acte constitutif de l’Organisation des Nations Unies du 26 juin 1945. Moyen d’échange et de dialogue entre acteurs internationaux, son objectif a été de trouver des solutions aux difficultés économiques, sociales, culturelles et sécuritaires de l’après-guerre pour sauvegarder la paix du monde. Elle s’est considérablement développée, allant de la forme bilatérale à celle multilatérale, dans tous les domaines et sur tous les continents. Parmi ses nombreux cadres d’échanges, le dispositif français de coopération, avec son assistance technique spécialisée dans tous les domaines, demeure une référence certaine. Il s’est déployé à travers une stratégie de géopolitique internationale où domaines militaire en plus grand et sportif en plus petit en constituent un des traits caractéristiques. La coopération française et internationale ont été un accompagnement décisif pour le continent africain après les indépendances, mais aussi un important moyen stratégique d’influence pendant la Guerre Froide. Le sport et la coopération sportive y joueront leur partition. Pour les Américains, Français, Anglais, Soviétiques et leurs partenaires respectifs, la coopération a été très efficace et a permis de sauvegarder leurs intérêts sur le continent africain. Elle demeure encore aujourd’hui un important moyen de pression sur la scène africaine, influant souvent sur les résultats des échanges et l’efficacité des actions de coopération. Finalement, c’est une coopération internationale de 1960 à 2010, avec ses réussites et ses échecs, d’une taille parfois limitée mais qui reste un moyen de dialogue pour le monde et surtout pour le continent africain engagé sur le difficile chemin de la démocratie. C’est par une approche théorique libérale et une méthode qualitative que cette recherche a été réalisée, sur le principal terrain du Burkina Faso avec ses particularités sociales et son histoire, qui constituent une grille de lecture idéale. / International cooperation is listed on the Constitution of the United Nations of 26 June 1945. Itsobjective is to find solutions to difficult economic, social, cultural, security, post-war to savepeace. It has expanded from the multilateral to the bilateral form, covering all areas of activitieson all continents, including Africa in the 1960s with its plurality of actors. The Cold War, whichwill keep the world on guard until 1991, will make this cooperation an important strategy for itsactors, whom, on behalf of their interests and preferences, will use it at will by putting all theirinfluence. Thus the African scene, during the Cold War up to the present day, will be thepreferred place of influence on cooperation. French cooperation will promote its linguistic spacebefore deploying across the continent, in a geopolitical strategy with the Ministry of InternationalCooperation in 1961, and later the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as the institutional base. In thisspace of the French technical assistance, the largest military matters remained with the sport inperfect minnows. The actions also cover other areas, economic, political, social, includingBurkina Faso, the main research field and a good example in terms of Africa. This research dealswith the French cooperation in its original sport. On a liberal approach theoretical framework andmethodology to qualitative data, it analyzes the evolution of African international cooperationfrom 1960 to 2010. Its results provide a picture of African cooperation shifted from bilateral tomultilateral with some complementarity. Cooperation actions are limited by international andlocal interests with their influences constant, the successes and failures. Finally it is a continentwith its economic difficulties, social, political, democratic learning difficult, but a human willpresent well to its growth and progress.

Das vorliegende Werk stellt eine zweibändige quellengestützte Analyse und einen Vergleich der Beziehungen beider deutscher Staaten zu Israel unterhalb der Schwelle der Aufnahme diplomatischer Beziehungen während der Jahre 1949 bis 1963 dar. Dazu wurden in den Archiven Quellen aus den Beständen aller drei Staaten gesichtet. Die Rahmenbedingungen für die bundesdeutsche und ostdeutsche Israelpolitik, welche sich aus dem Kalten Krieg herleiteten, werden ebenso aufgezeigt, wie die besondere moralische Verantwortung beider deutscher Saaten gegenüber Israel sowie Israels spezifische Stellung im nahöstlichen Staatensystem. Neben den militärischen, wissenschaftlichen und wirtschaftlichen Kontakten zwischen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und Israel stehen auch die Kontakte zwischen der DDR und MAKI im Zentrum des Interesses.