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This dissertation contends that to appropriately address important cross-border problems and pursue public interest(s) in an increasingly globalized world, we must deal directly with the more complex, networked, interdependent and hybrid governance forms which have grown increasingly common alongside globalization. Consequently this, dissertation examines the largely unexplored possibility of commercial contracts to act as a governance tool capable of improving the ethical quality and effectiveness of global agri-food governance to address critical challenges in that sector. These include those associated with food safety, ecological sustainability and biodiversity, gender equality, access to food, poor working conditions, inequality as well as issues of representation and inclusion in decision-making. To do so, the dissertation advances a novel conceptual framework of commercial contracting that opens up space to explore and identify features of contracting which enable it to go beyond private interests to also address public ones. To demonstrate this, the dissertation utilizes empirics from my case study, which is grounded in the transnational pineapple value chain between Ghana and Western Europe. This dissertation makes four key contributions to knowledge. First, it has developed a novel and generalizable conceptual framework of contractual governance through which activists and policymakers can address critical global agri-food governance challenges. It has also advanced practical options to do so. Second, this dissertation has important implications for global and private agri-food governance literatures, which have ignored the commercial contract and the influential role that it plays in the governance of food. Third, this thesis contributes to a body of existing literature indicating that “private” governance arrangements may be more capable than many often given them credit for in governing in democratically legitimate ways over issue areas of broad public interest. Finally, this thesis contributes empirical data in a field and area of study which is notoriously opaque and inaccessible. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This dissertation examines the potential of private contracts to increase the sustainable and ethical production and consumption of food. It argues that contracts are more capable of regulating over important issues that are of common concern than they are given credit for. It also argues that commercial contracts have particular features that make them well-suited to regulating long-distance relationships that span the borders of countries and include a variety of different stakeholders. This is noteworthy, because the regulation of long-distance relationships is becoming both more common and important in the world today. To demonstrate my arguments, the dissertation uses data taken from interviews with pineapple farmers and exporting companies in Ghana who produce pineapple for supermarkets in Europe. It also draws on interviews from public regulators in the European Commission, and international organizations, as well as lawyers, academics and private standard-setting bodies in agriculture such as GlobalGAP.

<p dir="ltr">This dissertation examines how partnerships between leading environmental non-governmental organizations (IENGOs) and corporations shape the agency of nonstate actors in global politics. It contributes to the growing scholarship on non-substantialist approaches to the concept of agency in International Relations (IR) by analyzing how interactions between nonstate actors can influence their ability to act and exert influence in global politics. The central concept of <i>agency reconfiguration</i> is introduced. This concept argues that IENGO-corporate partnerships can create opportunities for nonstate actors to gain new capacities and influence in global politics. However, it also acknowledges potential trade-offs associated with such partnerships. To explore this concept, the dissertation first maps the landscape of IENGO-corporate partnerships. This includes a comprehensive list of corporate partners for four leading IENGOs (Greenpeace, EDF, FoE, and WWF), how these partnerships have evolved over time, and a typology of partnership structures. Finally, a process tracing approach is used to examine a specific case: the partnership between Greenpeace and Foron, a former German appliance manufacturer. Within-case evidence is used to link the events from the formation of the partnership to Greenpeace's agency reconfiguration, which ultimately positioned Greenpeace as a central actor in ozone governance, particularly the implementation of the Montreal Protocol.</p>

A normative study of a regional organisation exercising governance using Global governance as a guiding theory. Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is one of the biggest regional organisations, often compared to the European Union (EU) in terms of efficacy and non-legal binding approach, as well as the non-conformity of western liberal ideology. This thesis conducts a case study of ASEAN through the lens of interpretivist ontology and epistemology using critical discourse analysis while considering the deviation of the regional history, experience, and identity. The inevitable fully leaning reliance on technology that runs the societal and political infrastructure today has resulted in many states and regions to develop their Privacy law or internet governance. The thesis analyses frameworks, publications, and dialogues among ASEAN Member states as well as their dialogue partners. The texts are placed within the discursive practices that ASEAN functions as a collective entity in international relations in which governance no longer requires an official body of government. ASEAN’s long record of cooperation has always been motivated by economic prosperity. There is a notable growing concerns of privacy which is in need of data protection, ASEAN has displayed the realisation as well as a potential and gradual shift into a mindset where digital footprint can transcend from a nascent norm into what other community might take for granted as a universal right to the general public and the basic obligation of the government.

Through globalization non-state actors including transnational corporations (TNC), have taken on a more important global governance role from the nation state, where they through their CSR initiatives, impact social issues surrounding development. There are however conflicting views whether CSR could contribute to development in the society. TNCs CSR engagement mainly concerns social issues at the workplace such as complying with labour rights. But workers right to organize and bargain collectively (FoA), which is a universally adopted labour right, is not emphasized on despite being vital for a democratic and sound labour market that ensures decent working and living conditions and even facilitates poverty reduction and development. Respecting FoA is particularly important in the context of a low-skilled and labor-intensive workforce with a low rule law and bad working conditions, which is often the case in developing countries where many of the apparel and telecom sector produces. Based on the importance of FoA and the critical views whether TNCs CSR initiatives really can improve FoA and thus development, this thesis will explore whether and how three TNCs, that produces in the above described context, address FoA by analyzing their strict policy and practical measures taken. Through using and applying theory and empirics of CSR and FoA, this thesis is conducted as a comparative case study of H&amp;M, IKEA and Ericsson through a qualitative text analysis. The result shows that two out of three TNCs do not emphasize on addressing FoA since they disregard it as well as do not enforce practical measures directed toward FoA, but takes a more overall human rights approach. Whereas H&amp;M highly address FoA by enforcing many projects that physically involves thousands of workers and enables them to organize and bargain collectively, which facilitates improved working and living conditions. The conclusion is that when TNCs, through their CSR initiatives, takes on a global governance role, they should address FoA by enforcing practical measures that physically involves and enable workers to organize and bargain collectively, since this can facilitate poverty reduction and development.

A partir de l’étude de cas du forum Inde-Brésil-Afrique du Sud (IBAS), cette thèse aborde la construction sociale de l’émergence en relations internationales, et la dynamique de prolifération de clubs sélectifs entre puissances émergentes comme expression de l’émergence internationale. A travers une approche pluridisciplinaire, mobilisant la sociologie de l’action collective au service des relations internationales, cette thèse démontre que les fonctions des clubs d’émergents, s’élèvent au nombre de trois: la consultation et la coordination politique sur des sujets internationaux d’intérêt mutuel; l’intensification des relations sud-sud multidimensionnelles; et la mise en place de mécanismes financiers communs. A travers ces trois fonctions, les puissances émergentes, se servent de ces clubs, à trois usages stratégiques transversaux, notamment la légitimation, l’autonomisation et la socialisation afin de renforcer leur intégration internationale. L’action des clubs d’émergents aboutit cependant davantage à l’inclusion, sous forme de cooptation de ces puissances, dans les processus décisionnels de gouvernance globale, qu’à leur intégration. Favorisant des stratégies de différenciation, à travers une action séparée des autres Etats du Sud, le défaut d’association des voisins régionaux et sociétés provoque des stratégies de contestation et d’obstruction de la part de ces derniers. Cette action collective des clubs d’émergents apporte enfin des changements institutionnels systémiques amenant les organisations internationales à se réadapter stratégiquement aux pratiques réformistes apportées par ces puissances, et à profiter à leur tour de l’émergence internationale. / What are the incentives of cooperation in rising powers groupings ? What are the underpinnings of club diplomacy by rising powers ? Through the case study of the India-Brazil-South Africa(IBSA) forum, this thesis explores the concept of ‘emergence’ in international relations – described here as a social construction – and the proliferation of selective clubs between emerging/rising powers as an expression of the rise of these powers. Following a pluri-disciplinary approach and mobilizing the sociology of collective action, this thesis defends that IBSA’s objective functions (political coordination, promotion and increase of south-south cooperation) obey to strategic aims (legitimization, autonomization, socialization) in order to further their international integration. The growing tendency of collective action through selective clubs in the South acts as a means for social differentiation between rising powers groupings and traditional developing countries groupings like the Non-Aligned Movement and the G77 although they often defend similar positons. However rising powers clubs ‘collective action does not necessarily result in sustainable integration of these emerging powers by established powers in global governance decision-making process ; but they cast light on the evolving institutional dynamics and institutional adaptation on the global level.

Com o objetivo de analisar as demandas por um novo arcabouço sociojurídico na Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC), este trabalho analisa os movimentos que permitiram algumas \"desestruturações\" da \"ordem internacional\" e permitiram a identificação de dois modos de produção no sistema internacional: o interestatal e o cosmopolita. A promoção da autonomia do espaço cosmopolita influiu significativamente na estrutura dos tradicionais fóruns interestatais como é o caso da OMC. Através da análise das estruturas do sistema multilateral de comércio, indica-se aquelas que favoreceram as demandas das instituições não-estatais, com diversas racionalidades e formas de ação perante a OMC, e as influências dessas instituições nas formas de regulamentação dessa organização. Nossa preocupação é identificar no pluralismo de instituições a consolidação de um multilateralismo complexo, resultado de uma transformação na forma de governança da economia e dos movimentos sociais globais. Tais relações promovem a repolitização do sistema multilateral de comércio e apontam para o desafio da inserção da OMC num sistema de governança global. Uma segunda parte do trabalho analisa a recepção de um novo arcabouço sociojurídico na OMC pelo Estado e pela sociedade brasileiros. / The objective of this work is to analyse claims for a new social and legal structure in the World Trade Organization (WTO). For this purpose it investigates the movements which promoted the \"dismantling\" of the \"international order\" and encouraged the recognition of the existence of two different modes of production within the international system: on the one hand a system between states; and a cosmopolitan one on the other hand. The autonomy of the cosmopolitan space has changed the structure of the traditional fora, of which the WTO is part. A critical analysis of the multilateral trade system structures allows us to identify those structures that have allowed the claims of non state institutions to be expressed on the scale they did, albeit with varying levels of rationality and methods. It also shows the influences such institutions exercise on the WTO system of regulation. The aim is to identify how this plurality of institutions endorses a complex multilateralism, which is a result of the changes in the governance of both economic and global social movements. Such developments instigate the re-politization of the multilateral trade system and present a challenge for the inclusion of the WTO in a system of global governance. The second part of the work is focused on the responses of the Brazilian government and society to these new developments in the WTO structure.

Cette thèse présente trois études qui imaginent à nouveaux frais la définition et le rôle du droit international dans la réponse que l’on peut apporter aux menaces transnationales contre la santé et aux inégalités sociales. Le premier chapitre évalue les capacités qu’ont les lois internationales traditionnelles de promouvoir la santé mondiale, en étudiant en particulier quand et pourquoi des traités internationaux sur la santé peuvent être utiles. Une synthèse de 90 évaluations d’impact quantitatif de traités passés a été réalisée et un cadre analytique a été développé. Le deuxième chapitre s’appuie sur ce travail pour évaluer une large gamme de possibilités de travailler en vue d’une action mondiale collective portant sur la résistance aux antimicrobiens, dont celles qui impliquent la construction d’institutions, la conception d’incitations et la mobilisation d’intérêts. Ce chapitre soutient que leur impact sur le monde réel dépend de relations d’imputabilité fortes. Le troisième chapitre porte cette thèse au-delà des notions westphaliennes traditionnelles d’action collective en s’intéressant à la question de savoir si de nouvelles technologies perturbatrices peuvent théoriquement produire les mêmes effets de régulation sur les questions de santé au niveau mondial que des lois internationales négociées par les États. Dans un premier temps, ce chapitre présente un modèle relativement simple d’apprentissage automatique qui quantifie automatiquement la pertinence, la qualité scientifique et le sensationnalisme des articles et valide ce modèle à partir d’un corpus de 163 433 articles de presse mentionnant les pandémies récentes de SARS et de H1N1. / This dissertation presents three studies that reimagine the definition and role of international law to address transnational health threats and social inequalities. The first chapter assesses opportunities for traditional international laws to promote global health, specifically examining when and why global health treaties may be helpful. Evidence from 90 quantitative impact evaluations of past treaties was synthesized and an analytic framework was developed. The second chapter builds on this work by evaluating a broad range of opportunities for working towards global collective action on antimicrobial resistance, including those that involve building institutions, crafting incentives and mobilizing interests. This chapter argues that their real-world impact will depend on strong accountability relationships. The third chapter takes this dissertation beyond traditional Westphalian notions of collective action by exploring whether new disruptive technologies can theoretically provide the same global regulatory effects on health matters as state-negotiated international laws. As a first move, this chapter presents a relatively simple machine-learning model that automatically quantifies the relevance, scientific quality and sensationalism of news media records, and validates the model on a corpus of 163,433 news records mentioning the recent SARS and H1N1 pandemics.

Global governance refers to global cooperation through existing and developing structures, groups, and initiatives, yet little academic research focuses on the role of international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) in promoting global governance. Using Benet's polarities of democracy as the theoretical foundation, the purpose of this critical case study was to explore why and how INGOs address the gap in global governance institutions in terms of humanitarian support. Data collection involved open-ended interviews with 12 members of an international, nonprofit service organization that provides humanitarian support services to a global community. Interview data were inductively coded and subjected to a thematic analysis procedure. Findings revealed 4 key themes: INGOs fill the global governance institutional gap because members think it is the right thing to do and they want to help their fellow human beings; effective global governance starts locally and simply; global governance remains conceptual; but polarities of democracy show promise as a possible global governance policy guide. Findings may be used to promote INGO participation in the provision of global humanitarian support and to improve global cooperation in addressing problems, such as mass migration, pandemics, and climate change. All of humanity, particularly those in poverty and distress, stand to benefit from effective global governance.

本論文試圖檢驗中國在技術標準化中推動自主標準的政治思維，並以全球治理概念中多元主體的研究途徑作為論文的基本分析架構。本論文試圖探尋以下三個問題的解答：其一，檢驗全球治理理論在分析技術標準議題的適用性；其二，描繪出中國的政府角色在全球治理中為重要的「看不見的手」；其三，歸納出中國推行自主技術標準的舉動為闡述中國在「和諧世界」政策下中國式全球治理思維的經典案例。 　　本論文首先回顧了不同派別的全球治理理論。和既存理論最大的差異為，作者認為全球治理是一種動態的調整過程。中國藉由政府主導的模式，協助尚未成熟的第二、第三部門(企業及公民社會)參與全球治理，這種強調政府角色在全球治理中重要性的傾向，使得中國被歸類於「國家中心維持現狀派」。中國的學者將此種現象稱為「中國特色的全球治理」或是「中國模式」，然而本論文歸納出所謂中國模式的特色是以西方的價值為政策架構，本質上以政府的力量增進傳統國際關係理論中的核心國家利益項目。換言之，中國特色的全球治理為尚未成熟的全球治理。本論文的案例－中國的技術標準制定政策，闡述了中國參與全球治理的學習歷程，因此，將此稱為「過渡中的全球治理」，以彰顯中國參與全球技術標準化競爭的特殊狀態。 於知識的權力結構體系中，擁有技術標準制定的權力日趨重要，中國的技術標準戰略因而規劃於 2020 年前成為領導創新的國家之一。然而在中國 WAPI (WLAN authentication and privacy infrastructure) 技術標準制定的經驗中，隱約可見中國在全球治理中自我調整的動態過程，這種觀察為現有主流的全球治理理論無法充分解釋的。 / The thesis tries to examine Chinese initiative in indigenization of technical standardization for the global market. The basic analytical framework is based on the theoretical concept of Global Governance with a multi-actor approach. The following chapters try to touch upon three inquiries. First, it examines the applicability of global governance on standards setting issues. Second, it depicts the ”invisible hand” of Chinese government in global governance. Finally, it concludes that Chinese initiative in indigenizing technical standardization can be a good case in point to demonstrate a Chinese version of global governance under the guidance of “harmonious world.” This thesis reviews different schools of global governance. Unlike any of the existing literature, the author considers global governance itself a dynamic adjusting process. China partakes in global governance by emphasizing guidance from the government to boost the second and third sectors which are relatively underdeveloped. Namely, China inclines to be characterized into “state-centric status quo” school, which affirms that government is the most determining actor of global governance, thus not willing to give up “controls of the government.”Chinese scholars dub this phenomenon “Chinese version of global governance” or “China model.” This paper concludes that the so called “China Model” of global governance was conducted in western culture’s framework with a realist’s state-led approach in essence. In other words, Chinese version of global governance can not be regarded as a full-fledged one. The case study standard setting policy of China has illustrated a better picture of China’s learning process of global governance. Accordingly, “global governance in process” was coined into the title of this thesis to identify the current status of China’s involvement in global competition of technical standardization. Given the growing stake of “technical standards setting” in a knowledge-based power structure, Chinese initiative of technical standardization strategy has paved the way for pursuing leading innovative state in 2020. The lesson China learned from WAPI (WLAN authentication and privacy infrastructure) standard setting has provided us a clues about the self-adjusting role of the state in global governance as a dynamic process which could not be fully explained by conventional version of global governance prevailing nowadays.