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《易緯》作為漢代《易》學的重要一環，其內涵相當豐富，與漢代《易》學及經學的整體關係也非常密切。前人對《易緯》材料的搜集已經趨近完備，但是對於《易緯》文獻的整理，以及對其蘊含的思想內容的分析尚不夠細緻，尤其是不能將《易緯》和鄭玄的《易緯注》結合起來，作一綜合的討論。 鄭玄的《易緯注》是對《易緯》的詮釋，其中體現了鄭玄的《易》學思想。但和《易緯》一樣，由於時間久遠，缺乏整理，它的來源十分混亂，內容又多有錯誤。本文試圖以鄭玄《易緯注》為視角，對《易緯》和《易緯注》做兩方面的工作。一是對文獻作進一步的整理，一是對二者的思想內容進行分析。 本文第一章對研究目的和研究現狀作一概述，說明此項研究的意義。第二章關注漢代的《易》學背景與鄭玄的生平、學術背景和注釋風格。今存《易緯注》有許多內容已非鄭玄之舊，通過對鄭玄學術背景和注釋風格的分析，可以判斷今本的真偽。第三至五章是對今存《易緯》八種的具體分析，分為解題、校勘與考據、詮釋與述評三個部分。其中，第三章對《乾鑿度》、《稽覽圖》作分析，第四章對《辨終備》、《通卦驗》作分析。第五章則對《乾元序制記》作分析，並對殘缺嚴重的《坤靈圖》予以簡要說明。第五章的附錄部分，指出《是類謀》注和《乾坤鑿度》注不是鄭玄所注，不能作為本文的研究對象。第六章為結論，指出《易緯》和《易緯注》具有的文獻和思想意義，以及鄭玄《易緯注》之於鄭玄經學思想的價值。 / Yiwei（《易緯》） is one of the most important elements in Yi （《易》）study of Han dynasty. It had rich meanings and close relation with other parts of Yi studies of Han dynasty as well as other studies of Confucian classics. The literature of Yiwei has been almostly collected before. While the collation of the texts and understanding the thoughts of it haven't been done carefully, especially the comprehensive research of Yiwei and Zhengxuan's（鄭玄，127-200） Yiweizhu（《易緯注》） remains untouched. Zhengxuan's Yiweizhu is the annotation of Yiwei, which reflects the thoughts of Zhengxuan's Yi study. However, due to the long history and the lack of arrangement, it had very messy origins and many mistakes in its contents. This essay attempts to sort out the literature and analyze their thoughts in the view of Zhengxuan's Yiweizhu. The first chapter of the essay includes the overview of this research topic and explain the its importance. The second chapter emphasizes the Yi study of Han dynasty, Zhengxuan's biography and his background. Many of the existing contents in Yiweizhu were not authentic, which can be discriminated by Zheng's annotating style. Chapter Three to Five contains the specific analyzation of the eight pieces of Yiwei, which covers the bibliographic research, collation, verification, annotation and critics. The research of Qianzaodu（《乾鑿度》） and Jilantu（《稽覽圖》） is showed in Chapter Three. After that the research of Bianzhongbei（《辨終備》） and Tongguayan（《通卦驗》） is conducted in Chapter Four. Chapter Five involves the close attention to Qianyuanxuzhiji（《乾元序制記》）. Moreover, a brief description of the severely-damaged Kunlingtu（《坤靈圖》） is also made in the same chapter. The appendix in Chapter Five points out that Shileimou（《是類謀》） and Qiankunzaodu（《乾坤鑿度》） were not written by Zhengxuan. The summary is taken out in Chapter Six and reveals the significance of Yiwei and Yiweizhu in the field of literature and thoughts, as well as the precious value brought by Yiweizhu in Zheng's study of Confucian classics.

本論文討論的重點，在於如下三點：（１）簡略地概述隸辨一書的體裁與內容，以期 作為研究漢代石刻文字及歷代石刻文字的基礎；（２）歸納整理隸辨所見漢代隸書形 形體變化，加以分析；（３）究明其字體變化的原因。本文共約十三萬字，分六章十 二節討論如下： 第一章：緒論。分為二節，敘述筆者的研究目的及方法，以及隸辨之概說。 第二章：共分為三節。論述隸辨體制的分析，即敘述隸辨之編排及釋字條例，再申述 顧南原訂正前人之 例。 第三章：共分為二節。論述隸辨所引用之典藉及碑目。 第四章：共分為三節。論述隸辨所見隸書形體之演變，歸納為繁化、簡化、更易之三 類。 第五章：共分為二節。論述究明於第四章所歸納整理出來的隸辨所見形體演變現象的 原因。 第六章：結論。

This thesis studies Han Dynasty stone carved tombs in Central and Eastern China. These multi-chambered tombs were constructed from carved stone slabs, and were very popular among the Han people. However, such horizontal stone structures were entirely new, and were a result of outside stimuli rather than an independent development within China. The stone carved tombs were a result of imitating royal rock-cut tombs, while the rock-cut tombs were stimulated by foreign examples. Moreover, many details of stone carved tombs also had Western features. These exotic elements were incorporated to satisfy specific requirements of the Han people, and reflected the desire to assimilate exotica within Chinese traditions. Some details within stone carved tombs showed high level of stone working technologies with Western influences. But in general the level of stone construction of the Han period was relatively low. The methods of construction showed how unfamiliar the Western system was to the Han artisans. Han Dynasty stone carved tombs were hybrids of different techniques, including timber, brick and stone works. From these variations, Han people could choose certain types of tombs to satisfy their specific ritual and economic needs. Not only structures, but also pictorial decorations of stone carved tombs were innovations. The range of image motifs is quite limited. Similar motifs can be found in almost every tomb. Such similarities were partly due to the artisans, who worked in workshops and used repertoires for the carving of images. But these also suggest that the tombs were decorated for certain purposes with a given functional template. Together with different patterns of burial objects and their settings, such images formed a way through which the Han people gave meaning to the afterworld. After their heyday, stone carved tombs ceased being constructed in the Central Plains as the Han Empire collapsed. However, they set a model for later tombs. The idea of building horizontal stone chamber tombs spread to Han borderlands, and gradually went further east to the Korean Peninsula. The legacy and spread of the Chinese masonry tradition was closely related to the political circumstances of late Han and post-Han period. The spread of stone chamber tombs in Northeast Asia is presented as a part of a long history of interactions between different parts of Eurasia.

黎明釗. / 複本為複印本. / 論文(歷史學部碩士)--香港中文大學硏究院, 1985. / 參考文獻: leaves 629-660. / Li Mingzhao. / Chapter 第一章 --- 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 大學生對晚漢政治之反響 --- p.9 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代太學 --- p.9 / Chapter 第二節 --- 經學傳統與東漢士風 --- p.27 / Chapter 第三節 --- 太學生對漢末政治之態度 --- p.51 / Chapter 第四節 --- 太學生思想之趨向　 --- p.84 / Chapter 第三章 --- 颍川荀氏思想之轉變 --- p.144 / Chapter 第一節 --- 荀淑 --- p.146 / Chapter 第二節 --- 荀氏八龍及其同時期人物 --- p.162 / Chapter 第三節 --- 荀爽之《易》學　 --- p.179 / Chapter 第四節 --- 荀悦之《漢記》與《申鑒》 --- p.209 / Chapter 一 --- 荀悦生平 --- p.209 / Chapter 二 --- 《漢記》與《申鑒》對重建政治及社會秩序的構想 --- p.220 / Chapter 三 --- ℗¡ 荀悦對侵蝕社會秩序的因素之討論 --- p.253 / Chapter 四 --- 《漢記》、《申鑒》總結漢末清議與下開清談 --- p.281 / Chapter 第五節 --- 荀粲與漢魏清談 --- p.356 / Chapter 第四章 --- 王粲與荊州學派之關係 --- p.512 / Chapter 第一節 --- 王粲生平與思想 --- p.512 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王粲與荊州學派 --- p.546 / Chapter 第五章 --- 結語 --- p.619 / 參考書目 --- p.629

本文所論述者、厥為漢唐宰相制度。全文除緒論、結論、及附錄外，計分前後兩編： 前編論述漢代宰相制度，凡七章，第一章為「丞相制度的由來與漢代宰相名稱的遞變 」，第二章為「漢代宰相機關」，第三章為「漢代宰相的秩位尊榮與職責」，第四章 為「漢代宰相的權力（從權力行使之方式看）」，第五章為「漢代宰相的權力（從權 力所及之事項看）」，第六章為「漢代宰相實權的分析」，第七章為「漢代宰相的任 免人選及其下場」。後編論述唐代宰相制度，亦包括七章，第一章為「三省制度的由 來與唐代宰相名稱的遞變」，第二章為「唐代宰相機關」，第三章為「唐代宰相的品 秩尊榮與職責」，第四章為「唐代宰相的權力（從權力行使之方式看）」，第五章為 「唐代宰相的權力（從權力所及之事項看）」，第六章為「唐代宰相實權的分析」， 第七章為「唐代宰相的任免人選及其下場」。全文都七十餘萬言。

本文所論述者、厥為漢唐宰相制度。全文除緒論、結論、及附錄外，計分前後兩編： 前編論述漢代宰相制度，凡七章，第一章為「丞相制度的由來與漢代宰相名稱的遞變 」，第二章為「漢代宰相機關」，第三章為「漢代宰相的秩位尊榮與職責」，第四章 為「漢代宰相的權力（從權力行使之方式看）」，第五章為「漢代宰相的權力（從權 力所及之事項看）」，第六章為「漢代宰相實權的分析」，第七章為「漢代宰相的任 免人選及其下場」。後編論述唐代宰相制度，亦包括七章，第一章為「三省制度的由 來與唐代宰相名稱的遞變」，第二章為「唐代宰相機關」，第三章為「唐代宰相的品 秩尊榮與職責」，第四章為「唐代宰相的權力（從權力行使之方式看）」，第五章為 「唐代宰相的權力（從權力所及之事項看）」，第六章為「唐代宰相實權的分析」， 第七章為「唐代宰相的任免人選及其下場」。全文都七十餘萬言。

本文所論述者、厥為漢唐宰相制度。全文除緒論、結論、及附錄外，計分前後兩編： 前編論述漢代宰相制度，凡七章，第一章為「丞相制度的由來與漢代宰相名稱的遞變 」，第二章為「漢代宰相機關」，第三章為「漢代宰相的秩位尊榮與職責」，第四章 為「漢代宰相的權力（從權力行使之方式看）」，第五章為「漢代宰相的權力（從權 力所及之事項看）」，第六章為「漢代宰相實權的分析」，第七章為「漢代宰相的任 免人選及其下場」。後編論述唐代宰相制度，亦包括七章，第一章為「三省制度的由 來與唐代宰相名稱的遞變」，第二章為「唐代宰相機關」，第三章為「唐代宰相的品 秩尊榮與職責」，第四章為「唐代宰相的權力（從權力行使之方式看）」，第五章為 「唐代宰相的權力（從權力所及之事項看）」，第六章為「唐代宰相實權的分析」， 第七章為「唐代宰相的任免人選及其下場」。全文都七十餘萬言。

The master thesis called "Semiotics Han Tombs" does not only deal with the semiotics view of space of Han dynasty tombs, when we are examining the number of structures, which are permeating Han graves, we find structures of the world of man living in China, but this process also points to problems of culture interpretation which cultural semiotics helps to eliminate. Problems associated with the sign plays an important role in shaping the very cultural and social identity. The issue of understanding and interpretation of cultures occurs at the time when we select certain features or characters from the structure of a culture to freely create a system without having analyzed the real culture. Always all these elements must be considered in the context of the overall system or structure, or we only deal with empty concepts or definitions. In other words, we do not see the whole picture. Han tomb as a text is polysemous and in many respects incomprehensible. However, the creation, reading and semiosis takes place in it and it is the statement of understanding of this world. So revealing the speaker's worldview depends on the process of interpretation, because the statement may involve a degree of ideological connotations which determined the interpretation independently on the previous coding. Key...

臣下敢在君主深惡痛絕之下結黨爭權，君主的領導方法或能力，一定有所欠缺，縱使英明強幹的君主，如其在重大問題上遲疑不決，或已決定而又起動搖，臣下即可能結黨相爭，如果君主採用「分而治之」的手段，利用臣下的對立，以維護君權，也可能引起黨爭；如果君主不能明斷，則君主已失其定分止爭的作用。臣下為求取勝利，自不免結黨以爭，如果君權已經旁落，則君主為求收回權力、或臣僚中之不滿於竊取權力者，亦將結黨以爭，漢、唐、宋、明各代的黨爭無不如此。 故就東漢、中唐、北宋、晚明等黨爭的形成原因來說，均難謂為出於某一單純原因而係由於各種因素的湊合，例如東漢黨爭的形成，君權旁落與取士制度關係取大，仕途壅塞則其助力，中唐牛李黨爭的形成，政策的不同，取士制度，均為主要原因，而君主所採「分而治之」的手段，君不明斷，仕途壅塞，均有助力，北宋的范仲淹、王安石及其反對者的鬥爭，主因即在學術政策的不同，地域的不同，君主的領導方式，亦有重要關係，晚明黨爭的發生，君主的領導無方最為重要原因，品性、地域的不同， 仕途的壅塞，取士制度等，均有關係。 最後我們認為朋黨的形成，一般都是出於「弱者」意識，所謂弱者，亦即自認其利益未被照顧或未被妥善照顧的人，這種人往往構成一個「不滿的利益集團」，不論何時何地，只要有「不滿的利益集團」存在，即可能出現朋黨。