Teen Shakespeare films have largely been dismissed as films which “dumb down” Shakespeare’s original texts and which are marketed in a manipulative way in order to sell teens fantasies that appeal to them. Among the most popular and recognizable actresses of this genre is Julia Stiles, known for her leading roles in 10 Things I Hate About You, O, and Hamlet. Several scholars have critiqued Stiles’s films for the ways that they depict feminism and American teen girlhood. In this thesis, I argue that Stiles’s films present a spectrum of, an admittedly limited, feminism that becomes increasingly more progressive. By exploring Stiles’s portrayal of feminism in these films, the hope is to move away from the idea of teen Shakespeare films as merely dumbed down versions of the plays and to, instead, move towards an understanding of the political and social role of this generic category.

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Background: The digitalisation and rise of social media completely transformed the dynamics of communication where marketers lost full control over the marketing message to consumers. Companies have adapted by utilising Online Brand Communities (OBCs) with an open environment facilitating their consumer relationship with mutual benefits. Recently, companies have started to fear social media, due to the increased spread of negative word-of-mouth (WOM). Recent research reveals that consumers are more prone to share negative WOM than positive WOM, where certain consumers intentionally seek to harm brands by spreading misinformation. This underscores the need for further exploration of the dark side of OBCs.    Purpose: This paper aims to investigate the presence and impact of negative WOM within OBCs focusing on negative expressions concerning product quality, identity and intention. Specifically, it examines what negative expression has the most significant impact on consumer outcomes in the form of loyalty, intention and emotional attachment. Method: A mixed methodology approach was conducted for this study. The qualitative approach involved conducting a netnography to analyse the dynamics within OBCs and identify negative comments present within the communities. The quantitative approach was then implemented through a survey, incorporating the selected comments from the netnography to understand their impact on consumer outcomes.  Conclusion: The netnography findings showed that negative expressions regarding product quality were predominant within OBCs. The survey revealed that negative expressions concerning consumer identity exert the most significant impact on consumer outcomes. Although product quality discussions dominate OBCs, it was shown to not be the ultimate factor to impact consumer outcomes.

Abstracts in English, Afrikaans and Southern Sotho / The prevalence of hate victimisation in South Africa remains unknown, as does its full impact. Anecdotal evidence, borne out by recent research findings, suggests hate-based attacks on non-nationals have increased in recent years, distinctly reflecting a picture of heightened vulnerability. For several reasons, the severity of such victimisation, and their physical and psychological impact, go mostly unseen. Hate-motivated incidents, such as hate speech and intentional unfair discrimination, are possible precursors to additional criminal victimisation. Records of such incidents can be helpful to demonstrate both a context of harassment and evidence of escalating patterns of violence. Worldwide, under-reporting of hate victimisation is a longstanding concern and requires an urgent solution. In South Africa, under-reporting has contributed to the nonrecognition of hate crime as a separate crime category. Towards aiding in finding a solution, this study explored the psychological barriers to reporting xenophobic victimisation to relevant authorities. The study, furthermore, explored with a group of victims who experienced xenophobia whether they reported victimisation, the reasons for reporting and under-reporting, and their thoughts and opinions on the workability of a third-party reporting mechanism. Non-probability sampling, specifically applying convenience and purposive sampling was used to obtain 19 participants for the four semi-structured focus groups. While all participants reported being victimised because of their nationality, the study found that multiple psychological barriers prevent such victims of xenophobia from reporting victimisation to authorities. Many of the participants do not believe in the workability of third-party reporting mechanisms. / Dit is onbekend hoe algemeen viktimisering op grond van haat in Suid-Afrika voorkom, en daarom ook wat die volle impak daarvan is. Onlangse navorsingsresultate dui egter daarop dat aanvalle op nielandsburgers wat uit haat voortspruit, toegeneem het die afgelope paar jaar, wat hulle groter kwesbaarheid duidelik weerspieël. Die intensiteit van hierdie viktimisering, asook die fisieke en sielkundige impak daarvan word in die meeste gevalle om verskeie redes ook nie bekendgemaak nie. Voorvalle wat uit haat voortspruit, soos haatspraak en doelbewuste onregverdige diskriminasie, is moontlik voorlopers van verdere kriminele viktimisering. Die optekening van sulke gevalle kan help om bewys te lewer van die teisteringskonteks, sowel as van patrone van toenemende misdaad. Die gebrekkige aanmelding van viktimisering op grond van haat is wêreldwyd lank reeds ’n probleem, en een waarvoor daar dringend ’n oplossing gevind moet word. In Suid-Afrika het gebrekkige aanmelding daartoe bygedra dat haatmisdaad nie as ’n aparte misdaadkategorie erken word nie. Ten einde ’n oplossing te help vind, het die navorser vir die doeleindes van hierdie studie die sielkundige faktore ondersoek wat verhoed dat xenofobiese viktimisering by die betrokke owerhede aangemeld word. Die studie bevat ook die terugvoer van ’n groep slagoffers van xenofobie oor hulle aanmelding van die viktimisering al dan nie, die redes waarom hulle dit aangemeld het of nie aangemeld het nie, en hulle gedagtes en menings oor hoe lewensvatbaar ’n stelsel vir derdeparty-aanmelding is. Niewaarskynlikheid-steekproefneming, en spesifiek doelbewuste en gemaksteekproefneming is gebruik om 19 deelnemers vir die vier semigestruktureerde fokusgroepe te vind. Alhoewel al die deelnemers bevestig het dat hulle geviktimiseer is op grond van hulle nasionaliteit, het die navorser met hierdie studie bevind dat verskeie sielkundige faktore die slagoffers van xenofobie verhoed om die viktimisering by die owerhede aan te meld. Talle van die deelnemers glo nie dat stelsels vir derdeparty-aanmelding ’n werkbare oplossing is nie. / Hore na tshwaro e mpe ka lebaka la lehloyo e atile hakae Afrika Borwa ho ntse ho sa tsejwe, le ditlamorao tsa yona ha di tsejwe. Bopaki bo sa netefatswang, bo hlaheletseng dipatlisisong tsa morao tjena, bo bontsha hore ditlhaselo tse etswang ho batho ba tswang dinaheng tse ding di eketsehile morao tjena, e leng se bontshang hore ba kotsing le ho feta. Ho na le mabaka a mmalwa a etsang hore ho pharalla ha tshwaro e mpe jwalo, ho hlokofatswa mmeleng le maikutlong ho se ke ha bonahala. Diketso tse hlohleletswang ke lehloyo, tse kang dipuo tse nang le lehloyo le kgethollo e etswang ka boomo, e ba selelekela sa diketso tsa bonokwane tsa tshwaro e mpe. Ho tlalehwa ho diketso tseo ho ka thusa ho bontsha maemo a lebisang tshwarong e mpe mme ha fana ka bopaki ba hore diketso tse mabifi di ntse di eketseha. Lefatsheng ka bophara, taba ya ho se tlalehwe ha tshwaro e mpe e hlohleletswang ke lehloyo haesale e le qaka mme ho hlokahala tharollo ka potlako. Afrika Borwa, ho se tlalehwe hona ho entse hore diketso tsa bonokwane tse hlohleletswang ke lehloyo di se ke tsa nkwa e le diketso tse ikemetseng tsa bonokwane. Ho thusa ho fumana tharollo, phuputso ena e lekola mathata a maikutlo a sitisang matswantle ho tlaleha tshwaro e mpe ho ba boholong ba ikarabellang. Ho feta moo, phuputso ena e lekola matswantle ao e leng mahlatsipa a tshwaro e mpe hore na a ile a e tlaleha, mabaka a entseng hore a e tlalehe, a se ke a tlaleha le hore na a nahanang ka ho sebediswa ha mokena-dipakeng. Ho kgethilwe bankakarolo ba 19 ka hloko e le sampole, ba kgethwa ka sepheo le morero o tobileng hore ba be dihlopheng tse nne tse sa hlophiswang ka ho feletseng. Le hoja bankakarolo bohle ba tlalehile hore ba tshwerwe hampe ka lebaka la botjhaba ba bona, phuputso e fumana hore ho na le mathata a mmalwa a maikutlo a thibelang mahlatsipa a tshwaro e mpe ya matswantle ho tlalehela ba boholong. Bankakarolo ba bangata ha ba dumele hore ho tlalehela mokena-dipakeng ho tla thusa. / Psychology / M.A. (Psychology)

Donald Trump tog världen med storm när han deltog i det amerikanska presidentvalet och sedermera blev vald. Uppsatsen undersöker om Donald Trump kan placeras på en fascistisk skala baserat på hans uttalanden i sex tal; samt hur det kristna stödet, som Donald Trump erhöll i valet, kan förklaras. Sex tal analyseras med basen i kvalitativ textanalys och kategoriseras i fem kategorier för fascism.   Det kristna stödet kan förklaras genom gemensamma värderingar, Lakoffs Strict Father morality, i kombination med rädsla. Rädslan över vad som ska hända med AFS med Hillary Clinton som president är stor, är en tung faktor för konservativa kristna att rösta på Donald Trump. Studien kommer fram till att Donald Trump kan klassificeras som semi-fascist då han delvis uppfyller de kriterier som studien grundar sig på. / Donald Trump chocked the world when he decided to run for president of the United States of America, and won. This study examines if Donald Trump may be placed on a fascist scale based on his statements in six speeches; and how the Christian support, that he received, may be explained. The speeches have been analysed based on a qualitative text analysis and been categorized in to five categories of fascism.   The Christian support may be explained by common values; Lakoff’s Strict Father morality, in combination with fear. The fear for what may happen to the U.S. with Hillary Clinton as president has a big impact on why conservative Christians voted for Donald Trump. The conclusion of this study is that Donald Trump can be classified as a semi-fascist as he partly fulfils the fascist criteria this study presents.

Considérant la « nouveauté » du phénomène de dénonciation auprès des policiers et l’utilisation croissante du concept social de « crime motivé par la haine », peu d’études ont été réalisées au Canada sur l’incidence de ces crimes pour les personnes comme pour la société. Cette recherche exploratoire a comme objectif de comprendre la façon dont ce type de crime se distingue des autres manifestations de conflits ou d’incidents et de comprendre les impacts de ce type de victimisation pour les homosexuels en particulier. Plus spécifiquement, ce mémoire vise à approfondir la compréhension du stigmate homosexuel et son impact sur la reportabilité des événements de victimisation criminelle aux autorités judiciaires. Pour ce faire, cinq intervenants communautaires, deux policiers, un avocat et quatre victimes considérant avoir vécu des événements de violence homophobe ont été interviewés. Cet échantillon diversifié a permis de mieux comprendre le phénomène de sous-déclaration des incidents de violences homophobes de la part des victimes et d’obtenir une vue d’ensemble des perceptions des acteurs clés qui peuvent être confrontés au phénomène. L’analyse des entretiens suggère d’importantes lacunes sur le plan de la formation des divers intervenants qui entrainent des difficultés à reconnaître une violence homophobe. Les intervenants confient ne pas se sentir pas suffisamment outillés pour intervenir auprès d’une victime de violence homophobe, n’estiment pas tous posséder les compétences et une compréhension suffisante des réalités des minorités sexuelles, de l'homophobie et de l'hétérosexisme, en somme, l’ensemble des savoirs ultimement nécessaires à une assistance et un accompagnement efficaces pour la déclaration aux autorités d’une telle violence vécue par les victimes. Du côté des victimes de violence(s) homophobe(s), il ressort que la discrimination basée sur l’orientation sexuelle est encore prégnante dans leurs interactions quotidiennes. De leur point de vue, la banalisation et l’impunité de certains comportements homophobes par les instances judiciaires viennent renforcer l’idée chez les victimes et la société d’une forme d’infériorité de l’orientation homosexuelle. L’apposition d’une étiquette homosexuelle paraît ainsi avoir de multiples conséquences psychologiques et sociales sur les victimes, notamment sur leur développement identitaire et sexuel. L’intégration des stigmates homosexuels et l’autostigmatisation, qui les poussent à se déprécier, voire à déprécier l’ensemble de la communauté homosexuelle, surgissent de leur perception de la présence de forts stéréotypes homosexuels, d’une société majoritairement hétérosexiste et de l’opérationnalisation sociale d’une distanciation entre le « nous » hétérosexuel et le « eux » homosexuel. Par leur marginalisation, leur mise en infériorité historique, l’ambiguïté du concept de « crimes motivés par la haine », la noncompréhension de la violence et des répercussions qu’ont les intervenants communautaires et judiciaires de la situation et partant, dans bien des cas, de la prise en charge inadéquate qui en découle pour les victimes des violences homophobes, il est possible de comprendre les appréhensions mentales que les victimes entretiennent ainsi que leur réticence à solliciter de l’aide et encore plus à rapporter la victimisation vécue aux autorités judiciaires. / Given the “novelty” of the denunciation phenomenon with the police and the increasing use of the social concept of "hate crime", few studies have been conducted in Canada on the impact of these crimes for individuals and for society. This exploratory research aims to understand how this type of crime is different from other conflicts of events or incidents and to understand the impacts of this type of victimization on homosexuals in particular. More specifically, this paper aims to deepen understanding of the homosexual stigma and its impact on reportability of criminal victimization events to judicial authorities. For those purposes, five community stakeholder, two policemen, a lawyer and four victims who believes that they have experienced homophobic violence events were interviewed. This diversified sample allowed a better understanding of the phenomenon of underreporting of homophobic violence incidents by victims and a comprehensive overview of the perceptions of key stakeholders who may face this phenomenon. The interviews analysis suggests significant deficiencies in the training of the various stakeholders that cause difficulties to acknowledge homophobic violence. Stakeholders entrust feeling not sufficiently equipped to intervene with a victim of homophobic violence, acknowledge that they do not have the necessary skills and a sufficient understanding of the realities of sexual minorities, homophobia and heterosexism, in sum, all the knowledge ultimately necessary to provide assistance and effective support to report to authorities such violence experienced by victims. As for victims of homophobic (s) violence (s), it is clear that discrimination based on sexual orientation is still vivid in their daily interactions. From their perspective, the trivialization and impunity of some homophobic behavior by the courts reinforce the idea among victims and society of a form of inferiority of the homosexual orientation. The affixing of homosexual label appears to have multiple social and psychological consequences for victims, in particular on their identity and sexual development. The integration of gay stigma and self-stigma that drive homosexuals to depreciate themselves or the entire gay community, arise from their perception of the presence of strong homosexual stereotypes, a predominantly heterosexist society operationalizing social distancing between "us" heterosexuals and "them" gays. By their marginalization, their social inferiority position throughout History, the ambiguity of the concept of "hate motivated crimes", the lack of understanding of violence and the impact that community and judicial stakeholders of the situation and thus, in many cases, may be a consequence of inadequate care for victims of homophobic violence, it is possible to understand the mental apprehensions that victims have and their reluctance to seek help and even more, to report to judicial authorities their victimization.

En France, entre les années 70 et fin 90, alors que la notion de crime raciste occupait fréquemment la sphère militante et médiatique, elle ne constituait pas une catégorie juridique dans la sphère judiciaire. La mésentente concernant le traitement des crimes racistes semble trouver son origine dans le fait que deux conceptions d’une même réalité ont pu coexister pendant une trentaine d’années : la réalité du groupe concerné par ces violences d’une part et celle émanant du droit étatique d’autre part. Alors que pour les premiers, le caractère raciste des violences ne faisait aucun doute, pour les parlementaires l’idée même d’un mobile raciste a régulièrement été rejetée. D’un point de vue législatif, il a fallu attendre l’année 2003 pour que la France adopte une loi permettant de prendre en compte l’intention raciste d’un crime. Depuis cette date, sous certaines conditions, le mobile raciste peut constituer une circonstance aggravante dans les infractions de type criminel. Cette thèse s’intéresse à ces deux vérités et aux circonstances qui ont déterminé leur existence. Elle vise notamment à interroger le rôle joué par le droit étatique dans la production et le maintien des catégories ethnoraciales par delà la politisation des violences qui en résultent. D’un point de vue empirique, l’enquête a consisté à confronter la parole des militants ayant dénoncé une double violence, celle provoquée par les agressions d’une part et celle induite par leur traitement pénal d’autre part, à un ensemble de sources archivistiques émanant des services du ministère de l’Intérieur et du Parlement. D’un point de vue théorique, les apports de la sociologie et de l’histoire de l’immigration ont été complétés en intégrant les réflexions des théories de l’ethnicité et de la Critical Race Theory. En définitive, cette recherche met en évidence le fait que l’universalisme républicain fait partie intégrante du processus de racialisation. En revenant sur les dispositions majeures de la politique d’immigration et sur la figure stigmatique de l’homme arabe, un premier axe s’intéresse à la manière dont le droit étatique a particularisé une catégorie d’individus en participant à la production des catégories ethnoraciales. Un deuxième axe vise à caractériser les crimes racistes qui ont été dénoncés entre les années 70 et fin 90. Un dernier axe enfin étudie la carrière juridique du mobile raciste durant cette même période. Il expose la manière dont la législation antiraciste a invisibilisé la question des crimes racistes et maintenu les catégories ethnoraciales en appliquant des règles universelles à des groupes qui ont auparavant été différenciés. / In France between the 1970s and the 1990s, while the notion of racist crime was frequently brought up in the activist and media fields, it was not a legal category in the field of justice. The disagreement regarding the treatment of racist crimes seems to find its roots in the fact that two different conceptions of a same reality could coexist for thirty years: thereality of the group that was primarily concerned by such violence on the first hand, and that flowing from the State law on the other hand. Whereas for the former, the racist component of the violence was out of doubt, the members of the Parliament regularly rejected the mere idea of racist motive. In legal terms, it was not until 2003 that France adopted a law allowing toconsider the racist motive of a crime. Since then, and only under certain circumstances, the racist motive can constitute an aggravating factor for criminal offenses. This dissertation investigates these two truths and the circumstances that led to their existence. In particular, this research seeks to interrogate the role that the State law played in the production andconservation of ethnoracial categories, beyond the politicization of the violence flowing from such categories. In empirical terms, the study compared the discourses of the activists that denounced this dual violence, that provoked by the aggressions and that of their penal treatment, to an array of archival sources from the Interior Ministry’s services and theParliament. In theoretical terms, this research completes the contributions made by the sociology and history of immigration by integrating the theories of ethnicity and Critical Race Theory. Overall, this dissertation sheds light on the fact that Republican universalism is an integral part of the process of racialization. Through the study of the main dispositions of theimmigration policy and of the stigmatic figure of the Arab man, a first part investigates the way the State law particularized a category of people by taking part in the production of ethnoracial categories. A second part seeks to characterize the racist crimes that were denounced between the 1970s and 1990s. A last part investigates the judicial career of theracist motive. It shows how the anti-racist legislation blinded the question of racist crimes and maintained the ethnoracial categories by enforcing universal rules to groups that were formerly differentiated.

Det finns många fördelar med sociala medier men likväl flera baksidor. Baksidorna inom denna kontext inkluderar kränkningar, trakasserier och hot. Näthat som begrepp är dessutom svårdefinierat, vilket gör ämnet än mer relevant att diskutera. För att lyfta diskussionen kring näthat på sociala medier ämnar detta projekt utforma en prototyp till en interaktiv produkt för unga. Den interaktiva produkten ska fungera i undervisningen på högstadie- och gymnasienivå som ett engagerande verktyg gällande näthat. Syftet med projektet är således att engagera unga gällande näthat på sociala medier. För att skapa en prototyp till en interaktiv produkt som engagerar unga gällande näthat på sociala medier ansåg vi experter och potentiella användare relevanta att undersöka. Projektet genomfördes därför med en kvalitativ forskningsansats genom enskilda intervjuer samt fokusgrupper. De enskilda intervjuerna genomfördes med experter inom området näthat och fokusgrupper med potentiella användare, i åldersspannet 13–19 år. Resultatet från undersökningen analyserades utifrån projektets teoretiska ramverk i form av motstrategier på sociala medier, interaktionsdesign och serious games. Därefter lyfte vi fram de teman som var extra framträdande och av störst relevans för projektet. Det empiriska materialet användes således för att identifiera de krav och behov den interaktiva produkten bör uppfylla. Projektet visar att den interaktiva produkten bör kunna användas regelbundet och vara av spelkaraktär. Vi identifierade tre framträdande kategorier som extra viktiga att inkludera i vår prototyp; motstrategier, definitionen av näthat samt genus. Utefter resultatet från projektet skapade vi en prototyp till ett interaktivt spel i form av en mobilapplikation med integrerad diskussion i klassrummet. / There are many benefits with social media but nevertheless several downsides. The downsides within this context includes violations, harassment and threats. Online hate speech as a concept is difficult to define, which makes the question even more relevant to discuss. In order to highlight the discussion about online hate speech on social media, this project will design a prototype for an interactive product adapted for youngsters. The interactive product shall work as an engaging complement when teaching youngsters about online hate speech. To create an interactive product who engage youngsters regarding online hate speech on social media we deemed experts and potential users as relevant to examine. The project therefore implemented a qualitative research approach through individual interviews and focus groups. The individual interviews were implemented with experts within the field of online hate speech and the focus groups with potential users, 13–19-year-olds. The results of the examination were analyzed based on the project’s theoretical framework, in the form of counter-strategies on social media, interaction design and serious games. The most prominent themes and the ones of the highest relevance for the project were subsequently highlighted. The empirical material was used to identify the requirements and needs that the interactive product should meet. The project shows that the interactive product should be able to be used regularly and be of game character. Three prominent categories were identified as extra important to include in our prototype; counter strategies, the definition of online hate speech and gender issues. Following the results from the project, a prototype was created for an interactive game in the form of a mobile application with integrated discussion in the classroom.

Im Mittelpunkt dieser Arbeit steht die Frage, inwieweit in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland mit den Mitteln des Strafrechts auf rechtsextremistisch / fremdenfeindlich motivierte Gewalttaten reagiert werden sollte. Dabei geht es insbesondere um die Untersuchung, ob es einer Neuregelung im Strafrecht bedarf. Nach der Darstellung der kriminalpolitischen Lage wird zunächst ein Blick zurück auf den Umgang der deutschen Justiz mit Gesinnungstätern in der Vergangenheit seit 1945 gerichtet. Im Ergebnis wird festgestellt, dass sich die Justiz nicht zur Bekämpfung politischer Einstellungen oder gesellschaftlicher Skandale eignet. Die Untersuchung der Rechtsprechung bezogen auf fremdenfeindlich / rechtsextremistisch motivierte Gewalttaten seit 1990 bis heute zeigt, dass eine entsprechende Motivation in besonderer Weise, meist strafverschärfend berücksichtigt wird. Das bestehende Strafrecht erfasst diese Taten und bedroht sie mit angemessenen Strafen. Daraus ergibt sich die Frage, ob dennoch aus symbolischen Gründen eine neue strafrechtliche Regelung notwendig ist. In diesem Zusammenhang werden die "hate crime"-Regelungen der USA und einiger ausgewählter europäischer Staaten dargestellt. Diese sind entweder eigenständige Straftatbestände oder - überwiegend - Strafzumessungsregeln. Im Ergebnis wird für das deutsche Strafrecht eine Neuregelung, die einzig im Bereich der Strafzumessung realisierbar wäre, abgelehnt. / This work is focussed on the issue to what extend the penal law should be used against rightwing extremistic and xenophobic motivated crimes in the Federal Republic of Germany. It is investigated, whether a new legal regulation is necessary or not. First the current political situation regarding that crimes is discussed. Afterwards it is shown how certain political convictions have been taken into consideration by judicature in Germany from 1945 to the present. As a result it is found, that judicature is not a proper way to deal with political convictions or social scandals. Investigating the dispensation regarding rightwing extremistic and xenophobic motivated crimes since 1990 one finds that such a motivation leads to a more severe sentencing. Crimes likes that are already covered by the existing penal law and there are reasonable penalties for it. The resulting question is, whether a new regulation in penal law might be necessary for symbolic reasons. The hate crime concepts of the United States of America and some selected european countries are investigated in this context. Either these are separate penal laws or mostly sentencing regulations. It is shown, that only a sentencing regulation might be considered for the german penal law. As the final result, this is refused by the author.

Submitted by Adriana Alves Rodrigues (aalves@espm.br) on 2018-10-05T18:45:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ppgcom - gabriela agostinho pereira.pdf: 18869184 bytes, checksum: 82c6bfb0ce2e876f0893fc603365bbe2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Alves Rodrigues (aalves@espm.br) on 2018-10-05T18:46:25Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 ppgcom - gabriela agostinho pereira.pdf: 18869184 bytes, checksum: 82c6bfb0ce2e876f0893fc603365bbe2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Debora Cristina Bonfim Aquarone (deborabonfim@espm.br) on 2018-10-08T11:53:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 ppgcom - gabriela agostinho pereira.pdf: 18869184 bytes, checksum: 82c6bfb0ce2e876f0893fc603365bbe2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-08T11:54:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ppgcom - gabriela agostinho pereira.pdf: 18869184 bytes, checksum: 82c6bfb0ce2e876f0893fc603365bbe2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-27 / Discussions regarding gender have gained space in the media and in the public agenda in recent years, especially in social media sites. Besides being ubiquitous in society, multiple groups have starting using these sites as tools for mobilization and activism around gender issues, questioning hegemonic societal patterns. The individuals who frequent these spaces have the possibility of not only consuming, but also producing, reproducing, sharing, and divulging content related to virtually all themes in a way that is very quick and often has immeasurable reach. Therefore, depending of content produced and consumed, these sites can act both as a space for transformation, giving voice and visibility to topics and people who wouldn’t be heard or seen outside this environment, and as a space that reinforces hegemonic, conservative, and discriminatory ideas. In this light, some issues are fundamental to the construction of our work, such as: 1) to understand what is hate speech and what are its social consequences for ethics, communication, and consumption; 2) it is also necessary to understand how the production, circulation, and consumption of this type of discourse happens in social media sites; and, 3) to discuss the limits between freedom of expression and defense of democratic values such as ethics and human rights. To conduct the empirical research proposed in this article we opted to focus on four social media sites: Facebook, Instagram, Twitter and YouTube. From a methodological standpoint, we used the depth hermeneutics proposed by Thompson. / As discussões acerca das questões de gênero ganharam espaço na mídia e na agenda pública nos últimos anos, principalmente em sites de redes sociais. Ademais de uma ampla penetração na sociedade, diversos grupos e coletivos passaram a utilizar essas ferramentas como um meio de mobilização e ativismo acerca das questões de gênero, questionando os padrões hegemônicos presentes na sociedade. Os indivíduos que frequentam esses espaços têm a possibilidade não só de consumir, mas de produzir, reproduzir, compartilhar e divulgar conteúdos relacionados a praticamente todos os temas, de maneira muito rápida e com um alcance muitas vezes imensurável. Assim, de acordo com o tipo de conteúdo produzido e consumido, esses sites podem tanto ser um espaço de transformação, que dá voz e visibilidade para pautas e pessoas que não o teriam fora daquele ambiente, quanto um espaço que reforça ideias hegemônicas, conservadoras e discriminatórias. Dessa maneira, algumas discussões são basilares para a construção do nosso trabalho, tais como: 1) compreender o que é o discurso de ódio e quais suas consequências sociais do ponto de vista ético, comunicacional e do consumo; 2) também é necessário entender como se dá a produção, circulação e o consumo desse tipo de discurso nos sites de redes sociais; e 3) discutir os limites entre a liberdade de expressão e a defesa dos valores democráticos como a ética e os direitos humanos. Para a elaboração da pesquisa empírica proposta neste trabalho optamos por focar em quatro sites de redes sociais Facebook, Instagram, Twitter e YouTube. Do ponto de vista metodológico, apoiamo-nos na hermenêutica de profundidade proposta por Thompson.