This thesis assesses three United States Supreme Court opinions, engaging in an inductive approach to generic criticism, in an attempt to discover whether or not there are similarities and/or differences in these decisions. This study focuses on draft card, flag, and cross burning cases argued before the Court in order to discover the potential genre's characteristics.

Cette recherche a pour point de départ l’engouement suscité par le genre du traité des passions,soucieux de proposer une anatomie des passions de l’âme et en particulier de la haine. Celle-ci futincriminée aux lendemains des guerres de Religion dans le premier XVIIe siècle (1610-1659) comme laprincipale fautive dans le dérèglement du corps social. Une raison de l’odieux s’esquisse par la volonté dedomestiquer les effets funestes de cette odieuse passion mais aussi d’en faire un usage vertueux. Par letransfert à la pensée politique et religieuse du modèle anthropologique et moral d’une raison qui gouverneles passions haineuses, tous les champs de l’activité humaine se trouvèrent investis. Ce désir de pacifier lespassions du corps individuel comme du corps social et politique contribua à l’élaboration et à la diffusiond’une pensée théologico-politique favorable au renforcement de l’absolutisme. Le contrôle des mauvaisespassions impliqua de faire valoir le modèle d’une haine vertueuse, d’une raison de l’odieux, justifiée parl’exercice d’une passion d’Etat. La xénophobie politique voire étatique participa à l’artificialisation d’unehaine publique contre les « ennemis d’Etat » et renforça l’idée d’un sentiment ou d’un ressentimentnational. Il s’agit davantage de retracer l’imaginaire de la haine et de ses usages socio-politiques, plus qued’étudier cette passion comme une émotion. Le champ polémique des libelles, véritables fabriques del’odieux, permet d’étudier les stratégies politiques (anti-)pathiques mises en oeuvre, publicisées etinstrumentalisées dans l’écriture polémique, de la régence de Marie de Médicis aux ministères cardinaux deRichelieu puis Mazarin. / This research takes as its starting point the enthusiasm aroused by the genre of the treatise on the passions, which attempted to offer an anatomy of the passions of the soul in general and hatred in particular. In early seventeenth century France, hatred was held to be the primary cause of the disturbances that had shaken the body politic during the French Wars of Religion. Rational understandings of hatred began to emerge, driven by a desire to domesticate the dire effects of this odious passion and to find a virtuous use for it. The transfer into political and religious thought of an anthropological and moral model of a reason that governed hateful passions ensured that all fields of human activity were concerned. This desire to pacify the passions of the individual body as well as those of the body politic and economic contributed to the elaboration and diffusion of theologico-political thought favorable to the strengthening of Absolutism. Controlling evil passions involved highlighting a model of virtuous hatred, a “reason of the odious”, justified by the practice of a passion d’Etat. Political orstate xenophobia contributed to the artificialisation of public hatred against “enemies of the state” and reinforced the idea of national sentiment or resentment. The goal here is more to describe the imaginary of hatred and its socio-political uses, rather than studying this passion as such. The political field of libelles,veritable factories of hatred, allow one to study the (anti-)pathetical political strategies that were put into place, publicised and instrumentalised in polemical writing from the time of the Regency of Marie de Medici to the ministries of cardinals.

Ce travail doctoral concerne la haine envers la marque ressentie par les consommateurs. Présentée dans cette recherche comme impliquant une attitude globale négative envers une marque, elle est composée de plusieurs émotions négatives et engendre toujours un comportement. A partir de trois recherches exploratoires et de quatre recherches quantitatives, (1) nous définissons le concept en cinq dimensions ; (2) nous mettons en évidence l’attitude négative envers la marque en tant qu’antécédent de la haine envers la marque et de ses dimensions, ainsi que le bouche-à-oreille négatif et l’évitement de la marque comme leurs conséquences ; (3) nous identifions les variables modératrices de ces relations que sont le locus de contrôle, la réactance psychologique, l’estime de soi et la propension du consommateur à résister ; et enfin (4) nous dressons quatre profils des consommateurs haineux à partir des dimensions de la haine envers la marque et des données socio-démographiques / This doctoral paper deals with brand hate related by consumers. Presented in this research as involving an overall negative attitude toward a brand, it is composed of several negative emotions, and always generates a behavior. From three exploratory and four quantitative studies, (1) we define the concept in five dimensions; (2) we highlight the negative attitude toward the brand as brand hate and its dimensions antecedent and negative word-of-mouth and the avoidance of the brand as their consequences; (3) we identify the moderator variables of these relationships as the locus of control, psychological reactance, self-esteem and propensity of consumer to resist; and (4) we draw four hate consumers profiles from the dimensions of brand hate and sociodemographic data

« On ne pense bien qu’aux extrêmes » disait Louis Althusser. Pourtant, loin d’évoquer la réflexion, la notion d’extrême semble davantage s’incarner aujourd’hui dans des menaces diverses. Al-Qaïda, Daech, Boko Haram, mais également extrême-gauche, extrême-droite, hooliganisme, Black Blocs etc. L’omniprésence du danger extrémiste tel qu’il est présenté par le discours médiatique et politique ne rend pas pour autant saisissable la notion. Largement oubliée par les textes législatifs et réglementaires, absente de la doctrine juridique et peu développée par la jurisprudence, la notion d’extrémisme n’est pourtant pas ignorée par le droit. Appréhendé ponctuellement, pour ne pas dire émotionnellement, par un ensemble de textes épars, l’extrémisme ne fait l’objet d’aucune approche générique en droit français. L’objet de ce travail de recherche n’est pas simplement de présenter les diverses manifestations de l’extrémisme telles qu’identifiées par le droit, mais de vérifier, par une approche globale rarement retenue, le postulat selon lequel, à l’instar des approches sociologique ou politique, le discours juridique appréhende l’extrémisme comme une remise en cause de l’ordre démocratique. Or, la sauvegarde de cet ordre démocratique, au fondement de tout l’ordonnancement juridique des démocraties libérales, apparaît ambivalente et paradoxale. Si l’État de droit est l’un des vecteurs fondamentaux de l’ordre démocratique, celui-ci ne devrait pas connaître de limitation juridique. Pourtant, confronté à sa remise en cause, l’État démocratique se doit d’organiser sa défense. Dès lors, pour lutter contre les divers extrémismes qui contestent leurs principes ontologiques, les démocraties vont être conduites à limiter l’exercice de droits qui forment pourtant leur socle, plaçant cette lutte au cœur d’un véritable paradoxe démocratique. / « We think best in the extreme » said Louis Althusser. However, the notion of the extreme seems more than ever to evoke various menaces in today's world. Al-Qaïda, Daech, Boko Haram, but also far left, far right winged politics, hooliganism, Black Blocs etc. The omnipresent danger of extremism as it is presented in the media and in politics has kept us away from its true meaning. Heavily forgotten by laws and regulations, absent from legal doctrine, and seldomly brought up in jurisprudence, the notion of extremism is however not ignored in Law. Apprehended occasionally, even emotionally, by a variety of texts, extremism is not considered in a global manner in French law. Within a global approach, this study presents the various manifestations of the extremism in order to verify if the legal discourse, like sociological and political approaches, apprehends extremism as a questioning of the democratic order. However, the safeguarding of this democratic order, the foundation of the whole legal system of liberal democracies, appears ambivalent and paradoxical. If the Rule of law is one of the fundamental vectors of democratic order, it mustn’t know any juridical limitations. However, confronted to its questioning, democratic State must organize its defense. Thus, to fight against the various extremisms which contest their ontological principals, democracies will be led to reduce the exercise of rights which constitute their base, placing this struggle in the center of a considerable democratic paradox.

The reported number of hate crimes in New Jersey continues to remain high despite the enforcement of laws against perpetrators. The purpose of this correlational panel study was to test Shaw & McKay's theory of social disorganization by examining the relationship between demographic diversity and hate crime rates. This study focused on analyzing the relationship between the level of diversity, residential mobility, unemployment, family disruption, proximity to urban areas, and population density in all 21 New Jersey counties and hate crime rates. The existing data of Federal Bureau of Investigations' hate crime rates and the U.S. Census Bureau's demographic diversity, operationalized as the percentage of Whites over all other races, and social disorganization from 21 between the years 2007 through 2011, for a total sample size of 105 cases of reported hate crimes. Results of the multiple linear regression analysis indicate that ethnic diversity did not significantly predict hate crimes (p = 0.81), residential mobility (p < 0.001), and population density (p < 0.001) had positive effects on hate crime rates. Concentrated disadvantage (p = 0.01), characterized by the number of reported unemployment rates, had a negative effect on hate crime rates. The results of the study supported social disorganization theory in reference to residential mobility and population density. Law enforcement agencies can use the results of this study to combat hate crimes in areas with a high level of residential mobility and population density.

In 1998, the Manhattan Theatre Club’s staging of Terrence McNally’s play Corpus Christi ignited protest and virulent condemnation from various religious and politically conservative groups which eventually led to the cancellation of the play’s production. This led to a barrage of criticism from the national theatre, gay, and civil rights communities and free speech advocates, including the ACLU and PEN, which issued a press releases about the cancellation that decried censorship and acquiescence by the theatre to neo-conservative religiously political groups. As swiftly as the cancellation, the Manhattan Theatre Club reversed its decision and the show resumed its rehearsal schedule. Although the critical reception of the play was mostly negative, the political controversy surrounding its production testifies to the fact that a contemporary play in America dealing with both religious and gay themes is still economically risky, radical politically, and worthy of critical rhetorical analysis. This work aims to fill that gap by providing an in-depth investigation of the tangled rhetorical history of Corpus Christi. First providing an account of the controversy surrounding the 1998 production of Corpus Christi, this work then gives a historical and cultural analysis of McNally’s career and corpus of work leading up to the play’s contentious staging. Second, a full account of the play’s critical reception is given through a close analysis of the rhetorical responses to the work from the Christian Right and the more secular community that supported the play’s production. Third, the American Christian Right’s vitriolic rhetorical response to the play is indicted as homophobic hate speech. Fourth, how McNally’s play repudiates the rhetorical violence perpetrated by the Right against gays is revealed. Finally, the last two chapters examine how the rhetoric of the play speaks directly to its queer audience. Chapter five reveals the rhetorical and meta-theatrical conversion strategies employed by McNally in Corpus Christi to proselytize his expansive message of Christ to his gay audience. Ending the work, chapter six examines McNally’s rhetorical reclamation of the Christ figure from the Right as a means of sacralizing homosexuality as a religious identity and homosexual love and sex as a spiritual act.

The purpose of this study was to examine group perpetrated antigay violence. Specifically, the effects of MGRS, peer dynamics, and increases in negative affect on antigay aggression were examined. The differential utility of aggression toward gay and heterosexual targets in relieving a state of negative affect (e.g., anger, fear) was also evaluated. Participants completed questionnaires that included a measure of MGRS, and then were assigned to one of three group conditions(individual, stranger, and friend). Participants then viewed a video depicting male-male intimacy and competed in the TAP against either a fictitious gay or heterosexual opponent. Results showed a main effect for condition, such that higher levels of aggression were observed in the group, relative to the individual, conditions. Analyses also revealed a significant positive relation between MGRS and aggression among participants competing with a stranger against a heterosexual opponent. Neither condition nor opponent differentially predicted changes in negative affect.

The present paper is part of a project carried on by the Swedish Section of the International Commission of Jurists. Sweden has ratified several major international human rights instruments. Most of the rights are covered by national law, and only in exception is there a discrepancy between national and international law. Such a discrepancy is found in the UN Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination, in which the State parties agree on penalizing and prohibiting the founding of and participation in racist organizations. Sweden is not complying with this statute, despite the fact that the government has ratified the convention. The Swedish government states that national laws prohibit the activities of these organizations, and therefore it is not necessary to reform the legislation. The National Council for Crime Prevention (Brottsförebyggande rådet) presents an annual report on hate crime in Sweden. Between the years 2005 and 2009 the number of reported hate crimes almost doubled. To some point the increase can be explained by a widened definition of hate crime, but the reports have increased in real terms as well. The Swedish government is combating human rights violations, and the long term objective is to ensure full respect for human rights. Critique raised against Sweden in international reviewing institutions indicates that Sweden has some ground to cover before reaching such an objective. Most of the presented critique concerns the non-existing ban of racist organizations, increased reports of hate crime as well as racist influences within Swedish politics and society as such. Prohibiting racist organizations constitutes limitations in the freedom of expression and the freedom of association. Ever since Sweden incorporated the European convention for the Protection of Human Rights, freedom of expression has been given a unique position within the national legal system. This position is strengthened even further through different judgments in the Swedish Supreme Court, in cases on agitation. The questions raised in this paper are consequently: Is it possible to ensure full respect for human rights, or can you only come near such an ensuring? Does Sweden live up to its international obligations? How does the Swedish government weigh the different rights against each other? Should the rights be differently balanced? The purpose of this paper is, therefore, to establish Sweden’s international obligations, to highlight the possibility of limitations in the freedom of expression and to look at the occurrence of and legislations against hate crime. / Uppsatsen utgör en del av projektet "Implementering av kritik i internationella organ mot Sverige och Rätten till kompensation" som drivs av Internationella Juristkommissionen - Svenska avdelningen. / Implementering av kritik i internationella organ mot Sverige och Rätten till kompensation

The purpose of this study was to examine group perpetrated antigay violence. Specifically, the effects of MGRS, peer dynamics, and increases in negative affect on antigay aggression were examined. The differential utility of aggression toward gay and heterosexual targets in relieving a state of negative affect (e.g., anger, fear) was also evaluated. Participants completed questionnaires that included a measure of MGRS, and then were assigned to one of three group conditions(individual, stranger, and friend). Participants then viewed a video depicting male-male intimacy and competed in the TAP against either a fictitious gay or heterosexual opponent. Results showed a main effect for condition, such that higher levels of aggression were observed in the group, relative to the individual, conditions. Analyses also revealed a significant positive relation between MGRS and aggression among participants competing with a stranger against a heterosexual opponent. Neither condition nor opponent differentially predicted changes in negative affect.

Magister Legum - LLM