La recherche portera sur la montée des vidéos de gay bashing depuis 2013. Par vidéo de gay bashing, nous entendons des vidéos documentant l’abus physique ou verbal d’individus perçus par les agresseurs comme étant gais, lesbiennes, bisexuels, transgenres ou queer, mais nous nous concentrerons spécifiquement sur des vidéos montrant des agressions envers des hommes. Ces vidéos peuvent être enregistrées par les agresseurs eux-mêmes ou par des témoins de la scène. Il s’agira de situer cette montée dans un contexte politique de retour de lois et sentiments anti-LGBT dans les pays d’où proviennent certaines des vidéos étudiées et par rapport aux différentes théories anthropologiques et socio-historiques concernant les sources et motivations derrière les actes de violence homophobe. Le corpus se composera de trois vidéos venant de Russie («Putin’s Crackdown on LGBT Teens un Russia»), de Lybie («Gay torture and violent in Lybia») et des États-Unis («Attack at gay pride event in Detroit»). L’analyse du corpus se fera en trois temps : d’abord l’analyse de la forme et du contenu des vidéos en tant que tels, ensuite, l’analyse de leur circulation et des différents utilisateurs qui distribuent les vidéos en ligne, et, finalement, l’analyse de la réception des vidéos en portant attention aux commentaires des utilisateurs. Il s’agira de montrer comment les vidéos de gay-bashing effectuent une rupture par rapport à une vision de YouTube, et autres médias sociaux, comme libérateurs et comme lieux d’expression de soi (particulièrement pour les membres des communautés LGBT) et les transforment en lieux d’une humiliation triplée par l’enregistrement de l’humiliation physique et sa diffusion sur le web. Il s’agira ensuite de voir comment la circulation et la redistribution de ces vidéos par différents groupes et utilisateurs les instrumentalisent selon différents agendas politiques et idéologiques, pour finalement se questionner, en s’inspirant du triangle de l’humiliation de Donald Klein, sur le rôle ambivalent du témoin (physique ou virtuel) dont la présence est nécessaire pour qu’il y ait humiliation. Finalement, nous nous intéresserons aux vidéos de témoignages de gay-bashing, vidéos faites par les victimes elles-mêmes, racontant leur traumatisme à la caméra, renouant ainsi avec les vidéos de coming out sous la forme de l’aveu et de la spectacularisation du soi. La présente recherche sera également l’occasion de développer des outils théoriques et méthodologiques propres aux nouveaux médias et aux nouvelles formes et contenus qui s’y développent. / This research will study the rise of gay bashing videos since 2013. We define gay bashing videos as videos documenting verbal or physical attacks against individuals perceived by the abusers as being gay, lesbian, bisexual, transsexual or queer. We will however concentrate our study on videos showing attacks against men. These videos can be recorded by the abusers themselves or by witnesses. This rise in gay bashing videos will be situated within a comeback or anti-LGBT feelings and laws in some of the countries where the videos come from and also within anthropological and socio-historical theories about the sources and motivations behind homophobic violence. The corpus will consist of three videos coming from Russia ((«Putin’s Crackdown on LGBT Teens in Russia»), Lybia («Gay torture and violent in Lybia») and the United States («Attack at gay pride event in Detroit») The analysis of the videos will be made in three steps: 1. The analysis of the form and content of the videos. 2. The analysis of their circulation and the different users circulating them online. 3. The analysis of their reception with a particular attention given to the users’ comments on YouTube. We will show how gay bashing videos are creating a rupture with a certain vision of YouTube and other social medias as liberating and sites of self-expression (especially for LGBT people) and how they transform them as sites of humiliations that are tripled by the recording of the event and its circulation on the web. We will then see how the circulation of those videos by different groups and users transforms them according to different political agendas and ideologies, to finally question ourselves, by following the Humiliation Triangle from Donald Klein, on the ambivalent role of the witness (physical or virtual) whose presence is necessary for a humiliation to take place. Finally we will focus on videos of gay bashing testimonies made by the victims themselves who narrate their trauma in front of the camera thus reviving the logic of avowal that we can find in coming out videos. This research will also be an opportunity to develop new methodological and theoretical tools for the study of new medias.

Por meio desta pesquisa, buscamos investigar dinâmicas estabelecidas pelo Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida (PMCMV) na tentativa de identificar e melhor compreender determinadas relações entre os diferentes atores do PMCMV e suas implicações na apropriação da moradia. Neste estudo, testemunhamos, registramos e buscamos discutir vivências dos moradores inseridos no Programa. Para alcançar tais objetivos o trabalho foi desenvolvido a partir dos pressupostos da observação participante, pretendendo mais proximidade com os próprios moradores, seus sentimentos, opiniões, daí retirando nossos temas de investigação. No desenvolvimento da pesquisa, julgamos que a mecânica assumida pela implantação do Minha Casa Minha Vida restringe demais a efetiva participação daqueles que irão residir nos imóveis, suas iniciativas e suas vozes. Diversas tarefas que exigem escolhas importantes ainda não incluem os futuros moradores. A incipiente participação deixa formais e muito superficiais as relações entre os moradores e os diferentes agentes responsáveis pela condução do Programa; e também entre os próprios moradores. Há vários traços de organização burocrática e de reificação informando o Programa: quando vencidas, e apenas assim, poderemos esperar a posse da moradia precedida por conquistas de enraizamento já nos grupos ocupados com o planejamento e construção das obras. Aquelas limitações, enquanto não sejam superadas por atenção que favoreça e atenda anseios humanos de troca e colaboração, alimentam dois resultados muito problemáticos: o caminho para a aquisição de moradia não fica livre de humilhação social; o imóvel adquirido pode ser sentido como moeda ou mercadoria mais do que como moradia. O esvaziamento psicossocial do processo coletivo de conquista da casa própria empobrece o modo como os moradores percebem os seus vizinhos e influi sobre o modo apartado ou desirmanado pelo qual se dará a apropriação da nova moradia. A dinâmica do Programa não soube evitar problemas de desenraizamento dos moradores, ainda não foi capaz de alcançar condições favoráveis para a consolidação de novas raízes e para a construção de uma comunidade de ação e mútua proteção. O PMCMV é, até agora, um marco sem equivalentes no atendimento da população de baixa renda, um marco na história das políticas públicas de habitação no Brasil, alcançando resultados quantitativos muito expressivos. Contudo, consideramos que, examinados e vencidos seus limites qualitativos, aí sim poderá mais decisivamente contribuir para o cancelamento de opressões a que historicamente as classes pobres tem sido submetidas, negandose- lhes o direito da ação e do livre discurso, da colaboração e da conversa. A efetiva participação popular é decisivo antídoto contra a desigualdade política / This paper aims to investigate the dynamics established by the Program Minha Casa Minha Vida (PMCMV) as well as to identify and to find a better way to understand the relationships among the different actors in the Program and his implications in the appropriation of housing. In this study we pursuit to emphasize inhabitants experiences. To achieve these goals, the work was developed based at the guidelines of participant observation. Once it prioritizes the inhabitants perspective, we have defined as investigations themes the subjects elected by themselves. During the development of the research we have identified that the way of the implantation of the Program inhibits any initiative that allow real participation of those who going to live in the houses of PMCMV. Several tasks that demands important choices do not include the inhabitants. The incipient participation become impersonal which implicates in superficial and formal relationships between the residents and different agents responsible for the Program conduction, as well as the relationship between residents themselves. There are several traits of bureaucratic service informing this public service: if they were overcame, that could prepare the possession of housing by previous conquests of rooting in groups. These limitations, as long as they are not exceeded by attention that reach and that strongly foster human aspirations (aspirations for exchanges and collaboration), feed two problematic results: in the one hand, the acquisition of housing is not free from social humiliation and, on the other hand, the acquired property can be felt as currency or commodity more than it is felt as housing. The psychosocial emptying of collective process impoverishes the way in which the inhabitants perceive neighborhood and it influences on the detached or non-brotherly manner by which housing appropriation will take place. The Programs dynamic does still cannot avoid the problems of unrooting brought by the the inhabitants, it does still not reached favorable conditions for new roots consolidation and for the construction of an active and mutual protective community. However, once its contradictions are examined and overcomed, PMCMV will more decisively contribute into cancelling oppressions to which poor classes have been historically subjected and that denied them the right of action and the right of free discourse, the rights of collaboration and conversation. Effective popular participation is the decisive antidote against political inequality

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:40:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriana Soares Sampaio.pdf: 832866 bytes, checksum: 72e24ef17104472b3991d731a33054a0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-09 / Fundação Ford / The purpose of this research study is to apprehend the experiences underwent by black women with high blood pressure, based on such concepts as social humiliation (GONÇALVES, 1998) and traumatic conflictive situation (PODKAMENI, GUIMARÃES, 2008). It first started with a bibliographic research of published papers in scientific journals as they represent important means to convey research carried out on the subject matter. The methodological strategy chosen consisted of a meeting, for interview purposes, with 15 women, residents of Rio de Janeiro, identifying themselves as black. The data underwent a qualitative analysis using the nuclear meanings (AGUIAR, OZELLA, 2006) allowing for the aggregate of the tackled themes to cluster into 11 groups: Reason why my hypertension is emotional; High pressure and be a woman; Always living in fear; I let go until I have a big crisis; I felt pain in the nape of my neck; I do not mean to say that a child hinders, but it is a serious matter; If I knew that my pregnancy would be of high-risk; The medicine and its reactions; The doctor and the staff; This is the Baixada, my dear; He cursed my mother in every way. In this way, the possibility was opened to identify how the experience of the hyper tense black woman is part of a multidetermined network, which in turn contributes significantly to the health worsening of this population. The researcher s intention is to contribute with this research study to build up an instrument to qualify professionals and, in this manner, enable them to attend the necessities of this specific group of the population / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo apreender as vivências das mulheres negras com hipertensão, apoiando-se para tal nos conceitos de humilhação social (GONÇALVES FILHO, 1998) e de situação conflitual traumatizante (PODKAMENI, GUIMARÃES, 2008). Em um primeiro momento, foi realizada a busca de artigos publicados sobre o tema em periódicos científicos, por eles serem importantes espaços de veiculação de pesquisas realizadas sobre o tema. Como estratégia metodológica, optou-se por realizar um encontro para entrevistas, em que participaram 15 mulheres residentes do estado do Rio de Janeiro e que se identificavam como negras. A análise de dados foi efetuada utilizando núcleos de significação (AGUIAR; OZELLA, 2006) que possibilitaram agregar vários temas abordados em 11 conjuntos: Por que a minha pressão é emocional; Ser mulher e a pressão alta; Vivo morrendo de medo o tempo todo; Fui deixando até eu ter uma crise braba; Eu sentia dor na nuca; Não é dizer que filho atrapalha, mas é coisa séria; Se eu soubesse que a minha gravidez era de risco; O medicamento e as reações; O médico e a equipe; Aqui é Baixada, meu amor; Ele xingou a minha mãe de tudo quanto foi nome. Dessa maneira foi possível identificar como a vivência da mulher negra hipertensa está inserida em uma rede de multideterminações, a qual contribui significativamente para os agravos à saúde dessa população. A intenção da pesquisadora é que este trabalho possa contribuir para a construção de um instrumental que habilite profissionais para atender às necessidades desse grupo específico

Por meio desta pesquisa, buscamos investigar dinâmicas estabelecidas pelo Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida (PMCMV) na tentativa de identificar e melhor compreender determinadas relações entre os diferentes atores do PMCMV e suas implicações na apropriação da moradia. Neste estudo, testemunhamos, registramos e buscamos discutir vivências dos moradores inseridos no Programa. Para alcançar tais objetivos o trabalho foi desenvolvido a partir dos pressupostos da observação participante, pretendendo mais proximidade com os próprios moradores, seus sentimentos, opiniões, daí retirando nossos temas de investigação. No desenvolvimento da pesquisa, julgamos que a mecânica assumida pela implantação do Minha Casa Minha Vida restringe demais a efetiva participação daqueles que irão residir nos imóveis, suas iniciativas e suas vozes. Diversas tarefas que exigem escolhas importantes ainda não incluem os futuros moradores. A incipiente participação deixa formais e muito superficiais as relações entre os moradores e os diferentes agentes responsáveis pela condução do Programa; e também entre os próprios moradores. Há vários traços de organização burocrática e de reificação informando o Programa: quando vencidas, e apenas assim, poderemos esperar a posse da moradia precedida por conquistas de enraizamento já nos grupos ocupados com o planejamento e construção das obras. Aquelas limitações, enquanto não sejam superadas por atenção que favoreça e atenda anseios humanos de troca e colaboração, alimentam dois resultados muito problemáticos: o caminho para a aquisição de moradia não fica livre de humilhação social; o imóvel adquirido pode ser sentido como moeda ou mercadoria mais do que como moradia. O esvaziamento psicossocial do processo coletivo de conquista da casa própria empobrece o modo como os moradores percebem os seus vizinhos e influi sobre o modo apartado ou desirmanado pelo qual se dará a apropriação da nova moradia. A dinâmica do Programa não soube evitar problemas de desenraizamento dos moradores, ainda não foi capaz de alcançar condições favoráveis para a consolidação de novas raízes e para a construção de uma comunidade de ação e mútua proteção. O PMCMV é, até agora, um marco sem equivalentes no atendimento da população de baixa renda, um marco na história das políticas públicas de habitação no Brasil, alcançando resultados quantitativos muito expressivos. Contudo, consideramos que, examinados e vencidos seus limites qualitativos, aí sim poderá mais decisivamente contribuir para o cancelamento de opressões a que historicamente as classes pobres tem sido submetidas, negandose- lhes o direito da ação e do livre discurso, da colaboração e da conversa. A efetiva participação popular é decisivo antídoto contra a desigualdade política / This paper aims to investigate the dynamics established by the Program Minha Casa Minha Vida (PMCMV) as well as to identify and to find a better way to understand the relationships among the different actors in the Program and his implications in the appropriation of housing. In this study we pursuit to emphasize inhabitants experiences. To achieve these goals, the work was developed based at the guidelines of participant observation. Once it prioritizes the inhabitants perspective, we have defined as investigations themes the subjects elected by themselves. During the development of the research we have identified that the way of the implantation of the Program inhibits any initiative that allow real participation of those who going to live in the houses of PMCMV. Several tasks that demands important choices do not include the inhabitants. The incipient participation become impersonal which implicates in superficial and formal relationships between the residents and different agents responsible for the Program conduction, as well as the relationship between residents themselves. There are several traits of bureaucratic service informing this public service: if they were overcame, that could prepare the possession of housing by previous conquests of rooting in groups. These limitations, as long as they are not exceeded by attention that reach and that strongly foster human aspirations (aspirations for exchanges and collaboration), feed two problematic results: in the one hand, the acquisition of housing is not free from social humiliation and, on the other hand, the acquired property can be felt as currency or commodity more than it is felt as housing. The psychosocial emptying of collective process impoverishes the way in which the inhabitants perceive neighborhood and it influences on the detached or non-brotherly manner by which housing appropriation will take place. The Programs dynamic does still cannot avoid the problems of unrooting brought by the the inhabitants, it does still not reached favorable conditions for new roots consolidation and for the construction of an active and mutual protective community. However, once its contradictions are examined and overcomed, PMCMV will more decisively contribute into cancelling oppressions to which poor classes have been historically subjected and that denied them the right of action and the right of free discourse, the rights of collaboration and conversation. Effective popular participation is the decisive antidote against political inequality

This work asks how and for whom humiliation can be therapeutic. J. M. Coetzee, in his works Waiting for the Barbarians, Life & Times of Michael K and Disgrace, does not simply critique the mentality of Empire, an “Enlightenment” or colonialist mode of knowing that knows no bounds to reason, but offers an alternative through the Magistrate, Michael K and David Lurie, all of whom are brutally shamed and “abjected”. Each character, I propose, experiences a Lacanian “therapy of humiliation” resulting in a subversion of their egos, which they come to understand as antagonistic, a site of misrecognition. In doing so, these characters confront limitation, whether by means of a Lacanian “death drive” or the abjection of the self. I argue, this subversion of their egos necessitates a return to the humility of the body resulting in a new ethical openness to others and an engagement with the world through “care” or “love” or “beauty” which manifests as careful negotiation and attentiveness. Confrontation with death, thus, allows the Magistrate, Michael K and David Lurie to slough off “Enlightenment” values in favor of an anti-humanist way of living.

Die Demütigung eines armen Dichters durch einen selbstherrlichen Beamten.

Since the Open-Door Policy has been carried out in 1979, China has gained dramatic improvements in many fields, such as economies and military. At the same time, the considerable changes also bring China many crises from the complicated international envirorunent. This thesis will illustrate these questions through nationalism and realism theoretical framework by using case study with a qualitative approach as the method. With the Five Peaceful Principles of Co-existence based foreign policy, this thesis will experience "Century of Humiliation" of China again and redefine the rising power of China through a case study about Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands dispute between China and Japan. Although it is a little hard to analyze this case under a complicated international environment, plenty of document information will support to get a result of how China's foreign policy and national security are interlinked? Finally, "national insecurities" and "humiliating history" are drawn as the key factors that affect China's foreign policy making, and the interconnections of China's peaceful diplomacy and national security. "National insecurities" and "humiliating history" drive China to make the foreign policy of peaceful development, otherwise, to ensure national security, China need to strengthen the comprehensive national power.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-08-14Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:54:37Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 fernandes_pc_me_mar.pdf: 1018807 bytes, checksum: 2fa60ffc2a8ffd6260c0442166e72aa3 (MD5) / Este trabalho tem por objetivo apresentar alguns conceitos chave da filosofia prática de Kant, especialmente respeito e autonomia, bem como o caminho percorrido pelo filósofo para formulação de uma possibilidade para a liberdade prática. Esse percurso será investigado principalmente junto de duas obras, a saber, Fundamentação da metafísica dos costumes e Crítica da razão prática. Nelas Kant apresenta o respeito como um sentimento que é produzido pela consciência da lei moral, a única lei capaz de mostrar a liberdade como autonomia da vontade. Ao lado do respeito Kant apresenta um outro sentimento prático, a saber, a humilhação. Defenderei a tese de que ambos os conceitos, respeito e humilhação funcionam como duas forças do ânimo que são exercidas pela vontade diante da lei. A análise dos mesmos dar-se-á como sendo duas forças do ânimo descobertas por Kant em analogia com o conceito de força física da mecânica newtoniana, e em conformidade com o próprio conceito kantiano de analogia / This work aims to present some key concepts of the practical philosophy of Kant, especially respect and autonomy, and the path traveled by the philosopher to formulate a possibility for the practical freedon. This kantian`s path will be investigated mainly from two of most important works, namely, the Foundations of the Metaphysics of Morals and Critique of practical reason. In this works Kant introduced the respect as a practical feeling that is produced by the consciousness of moral law, the only one able to show practical freedom as autonomy of the will. Beside the respect Kant presents another practical feeling, namely, the humiliation. Both concepts operate as two forces of the spirits that are exercised by the will face the law. The analysis of the feelings of respect and humiliation as two forces of the will be presented in analogy with the concept of physical force, obtained by the philosopher from Newtonian`s mechanics and in according to kantian`s concept of analogy

A universal human dignity, conceived as an inherent and inalienable value or worth in all human beings, which ought to be recognised, respected and protected by others, has become one of the most prominent and widely promoted interpretations of human dignity, especially in international human rights law. Yet, it is also one of the most difficult interpretations of human dignity to justify and ground. The fundamental problem rests on how one can justify bestowing an equal high worth to all human lives, whilst also attributing to all human life a worth that is superior to all non-human animal life. To avoid the speciesist charge it seems necessary to provide further reasons, over and above species membership, for why all humans have a unique worth and dignity. However, intrinsic capacities, such as autonomy, intelligence or language use, are too demanding for many humans (including foetuses or the severely cognitively disabled) to meet the required minimum standard, whilst also being obtainable by some non-human animals, regardless of where the level is set. This thesis offers a solution to this problem by turning instead to the significance of the relational ties between individuals or groups that transcend individual capacities and abilities, and consequently does not require that all individuals in the group need meet the minimum required capacity for full moral status. Rather, it is argued that a universal human dignity could be grounded in our social nature, the interconnectedness and interdependence of human life and the morally considerable relationships that can and do arise from it, especially in regards to our shared vulnerability and dependence, and our ability to engage in caring relationships. Care represents the antithesis to the dehumanizing effects of humiliation, and other degrading and dehumanizing acts, and as a relational concept, human dignity is often best realised through our caring relationships. The way that individuals and groups treat each other has a fundamental role in determining both an individual’s sense of self-worth and well-being, as well as their perceived public value and worth. Thus, whilst species membership is not in itself morally fundamental or basic, it often shapes the nature of our social and moral relations. These relational ties between humans, it is argued, distinguish us most clearly from other non-human animals and accord human relationships a special moral significance or dignity.

Orientador: Ubirajara Rancan de Azevedo Marques / Banca: Oswaldo Giacóia Júnior / Banca: Aylton Barbieri Durão / Resumo: Este trabalho tem por objetivo apresentar alguns conceitos chave da filosofia prática de Kant, especialmente respeito e autonomia, bem como o caminho percorrido pelo filósofo para formulação de uma possibilidade para a liberdade prática. Esse percurso será investigado principalmente junto de duas obras, a saber, Fundamentação da metafísica dos costumes e Crítica da razão prática. Nelas Kant apresenta o respeito como um sentimento que é produzido pela consciência da lei moral, a única lei capaz de mostrar a liberdade como autonomia da vontade. Ao lado do respeito Kant apresenta um outro sentimento prático, a saber, a humilhação. Defenderei a tese de que ambos os conceitos, respeito e humilhação funcionam como duas forças do ânimo que são exercidas pela vontade diante da lei. A análise dos mesmos dar-se-á como sendo duas forças do ânimo descobertas por Kant em analogia com o conceito de força física da mecânica newtoniana, e em conformidade com o próprio conceito kantiano de analogia / Abstract: This work aims to present some key concepts of the practical philosophy of Kant, especially respect and autonomy, and the path traveled by the philosopher to formulate a possibility for the practical freedon. This kantian's path will be investigated mainly from two of most important works, namely, the Foundations of the Metaphysics of Morals and Critique of practical reason. In this works Kant introduced the respect as a practical feeling that is produced by the consciousness of moral law, the only one able to show practical freedom as autonomy of the will. Beside the respect Kant presents another practical feeling, namely, the humiliation. Both concepts operate as two forces of the spirits that are exercised by the will face the law. The analysis of the feelings of respect and humiliation as two forces of the will be presented in analogy with the concept of physical force, obtained by the philosopher from Newtonian's mechanics and in according to kantian's concept of analogy / Mestre