Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:20:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gilvaldo Mendes Ribeiro.pdf: 445996 bytes, checksum: bc8cf4a48755c6beeb9ecb867d1ad747 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-02-21 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation investigates the narrative of the apocalyptic vision found in Ap 13,1-18. Its starting point is a question about the reality which influenced the author at the time of writing by using baffling language. The hypothesis is that John s Apocalypse which is an important source of the experiences of primitive Christianity at the end of the first century offers a strong criticism of the demands of adoration offered to the Roman authorities by means of the Imperial Cult. The images of the beasts described in Ap 13,1-18 express this theme by using provocative language grounded in the force of the word and mythical tradition of the Ancient Near East. In this way, the author demonizes and stigmatizes the expressions of official religion that treat the governors as divine beings as well as the promoters of the Imperial Cult in Asia Minor.(AU) / Esta dissertação investiga a narrativa de visão apocalíptica encontrada em Ap 13,1-18. Ela parte da pergunta sobre a realidade que influenciou o autor no momento da composição, utilizando-se, assim, de uma linguagem provocativa. Nossa hipótese indica que o Apocalipse de João, importante fonte das experiências do Cristianismo primitivo no final do primeiro século, proporciona uma dura crítica às exigências de adoração dirigidas às autoridades romanas através do Culto Imperial. As imagens das bestas descritas em Ap 13,1-18 expressam este tema através de uma linguagem provocativa, fundamentada na força da palavra e na tradição do mito do antagonista encontrado no Antigo Oriente Próximo. Neste sentido, acreditamos que o autor demoniza e estigmatiza as expressões da religião oficial, as quais tratam os governantes como seres divinos, e os promotores do Culto Imperial na região da Ásia Menor.(AU)

Cette étude des différents aspects de la théologie et de la religion de Sénèque, basée sur l’ensemble du corpus sénéquien, offre une perspective sur l’évolution et l’adaptation de la doctrine stoïcienne en contexte romain. Elle considère le phénomène religieux à la fois du point de vue de la religion civile du citoyen et de la piété intérieure de la personne. La diversité d’une œuvre mi-philosophique mi-poétique impose un point de vue plus synchronique que diachronique (même si l’évolution de la pensée de l’auteur est prise en compte), qui privilégie l’exégèse en fonction des genres littéraires et de leurs codes. La 1ère partie analyse les dominantes de la conscience religieuse romaine (l’opposition religio/superstitio), éclairées par l’héritage critique. La 2ème partie démontre que Sénèque cherche toujours à trouver une valeur aux discours de la religion traditionnelle et des poètes sur le dieu. Sa situation de philosophe homme d’état le contraint à faire des concessions, notamment au sujet du culte impérial. La 3ème partie fait un bilan doctrinal sur le monisme stoïcien et sur son appropriation par Sénèque, qui laisse la place à une vraie émotion religieuse à l’égard du deus rationnel. La hiérophanie progressive de la divinité par le progressant en sagesse implique un glissement de la physique vers l’éthique. La 4ème partie s’attache à la question de la recherche d’un langage adéquat pour définir la divinité. La 5ème partie traite du rapport de l’individu à la divinité. L’homme, héroïque dans son dépassement de la contingence, se hisse par un exercice de la pensée au rang du deus, jusqu’à leur communion dans la sagesse pure, notamment grâce à la prière philosophique. / This study of various aspects of Seneca’s religion and theology, drawn from the entirety of his body of work, offers a perspective on the evolution and the adaptation of the Stoic doctrin in the Roman context. The religious phenomenon is considered here simultaneously from two standpoints: the Citizen’s civil religion, as well as the inner piety of the individual. The diversity of a half-philosophical, half-poetical work would warrant a synchronic rather than diachronic view (even taking into account the evolution of the author’s thought), which favors an exegesis based on literary genres and their codes. The first part analyzes the dominant principles of Roman religious consciousness (the opposition religio/superstitio), in the light of critical heritage. The second part demonstrates that Seneca constantly tries to find some value in traditional religious discourse, as well as in the words of the poets. His situation as a philosopher/statesman forces him to make concessions, especially on the imperial cult. The third part constitutes a doctrinal summary of stoic monism and its appropriation by Seneca, who leaves room for a true religious emotion towards the rational deus. The progressive hierophany by an individual growing in wisdom implies a transition from physics towards ethics. The fourth part treats the question of the search for adequate language to define the divinity. The fifth part explores the relationship between the individual and the divinity. Man, heroic in his rise above contingencies, elevates himself through an exercise of thought to the rank of deus, up to communing with the god in pure wisdom, chiefly through philosophical prayer.

Les dieux augustes, connus essentiellement par l’épigraphie, dotés du titre impérial d’Augustus/a comme épithète, constituent un aspect du « culte impérial » et témoignent d’une triple acculturation politique, religieuse et sociale. L’ « augustalisation » se rapporte à l’empereur mais ne fait pas de lui un dieu incarné ou un protégé des dieux. Elle exprime une synergie entre les dieux et l’empereur leur médiateur auprès des hommes. Le terme exclusif d’Augustus/a, renvoie à Romulus, aux auspices de l’imperator, à l’auctoritas, qui légitiment le Prince. Rares en Orient les dieux augustes sont surtout répandus en Occident, d’Auguste au début du IVè s. Les dieux romains choisis pour l’augustalisation sont moins les divinités politiques attendues que des dieux protecteurs et bienfaiteurs des cités et des particuliers. Sous les dieux à noms romains apparaissent nombre de divinités indigènes réinterprétées (interpretatio romana) qui avec les dieux purement indigènes conservent des racines locales. Par sa souplesse l’augustalisation intégre à l’Empire toutes ces identités provinciales. Propre aux milieux romanisés, l’augustalisation est avant tout pratiquée par les élites municipales qui, à travers leur évergétisme, la diffusent dans les campagnes et surtout dans la population urbaine, renforçant ainsi leur légitimité. Les augustales et les riches affranchis, prompts à les imiter, la répandent dans le reste de la population. Hauts fonctionnaires et militaires restent en retrait. Présents dans tout l’espace urbain les dieux augustes se concentrent dans les centres civiques et autres loci celeberrimi, où s’affiche le pouvoir. Scénographie urbaine et cérémonies expriment le consensus d’une société hiérarchisée autour des empereurs agents des dieux. L’augustalisation sacralise et légitime le pouvoir et groupe autour de lui une société acculturée aux identités multiples. / Augustan Gods, mainly known through epigraphy, commonly bestowed with the Imperial title Augustus/a as an epithet, are part of the « imperial cult » and represented a threefold political, religious and social acculturation. « Augustalization » does refer to the emperor but in that case he couldn’t be considered as an incarnate god or even be seen as protected by the gods. It implied a synergy between the gods and the emperor who stood as their mediator, remaining close to men. The exclusive term Augustus/a refers to Romulus, to the auspices of the imperator, to auctoritas which made the Prince legitimate. Although quite rare in the East augustan gods were commonly well-spread in the West, from Augustus’s reign until the early years of the IVth century. The Roman gods chosen for augustalization were not really the political divinities which might be expected to be found but more likely benevolent gods protecting the cities and their inhabitants. Under the gods carrying Roman names we can discover numerous native divinities which had been reinterpreted (interpretatio romana) and which, with the purely indigenous gods, keep their local roots. With a particular suppleness augustalization integrated into the Empire all these provincial identities. Characteristic of all the backgrounds influenced by romanization, augustalization was first and foremost used by the municipal elite, who, through their evergetism, spread it in the rural areas but mainly among the urban population, thus strenghtening their legitimacy. Augustales and rich freedmen, quick to imitate elite, spread it among the rest of the population. High-ranking officials and officers stayed in the background. Constantly present in all the urban areas augustan gods concentrated their presence in civic centres and other loci celeberrimi where the strenth of the political power was obviously seen. Urban scenographies and ceremonies reveal the consensus of all the members of a strong social hierarchy structured around the emperors seen as the direct go-betweens to the gods. Augustalization made the power even more sacred and legitimate and gathered around its symbolic representation an acculturated society with its manyfold identities.

The 'Romanization' of the African provinces of Mauretania Tingitana and Mauretania Caesariensis was in fact a two-way process of exchange between Roman and African elements which resulted in a uniquely Romano-African civilization. The imperial cult highlights issues common to all Romanization processes, such as ruler-subject interaction and the role of local initiative in bringing about change, as well as unique issues such as the impact of politics on emperor-worship. The success of the imperial cult was hampered by the fact that only a select few - notably the wealthy local elite - derived direct benefit from the process, and by the fact that, because the pre-Roman Mauretaniae had no established ruler-cults, the imperial cult failed to assimilate with local tradition. As a result, the cult was unable either to make a decisive impact on the Romanization of the Mauretanians, or to achieve any real religious unity among them. / History / M.A. (Ancient History)

Claude fut empereur romain entre 41 et 54 apr. J.-C., succédant à son neveu Caligula. Alors que les sources littéraires antiques témoignent de la faiblesse d’esprit d’un empereur dirigé par ses affranchis et par ses femmes, les documents épigraphiques et papyrologiques mettent en lumière un empereur soucieux de rendre la justice et dont les décisions tournées vers un pragmatisme lui ont valu le surnom d’empereur des citoyens. Cependant, si le personnage hors du commun a fait couler beaucoup d’encre, les spécialistes ne se sont attardés que très rarement à la province d’Égypte sous son règne, alors que celle-ci est pourtant aux prises avec un important conflit judéo-alexandrin qu’a mis au jour la fameuse Lettre de Claude aux Alexandrins. En lisant celle-ci, nous en apprenons non seulement sur le conflit en question, mais encore sur la citoyenneté alexandrine, le culte impérial et le témoignage direct d’une politique personnelle engagée de l’empereur Claude envers l’Égypte. Ce présent mémoire est divisé en quatre chapitres. Le premier examinera les traits du multiculturalisme égyptien sous la présence romaine. Le deuxième chapitre expliquera la crise qui opposa les Grecs aux Juifs d’Alexandrie et qui fut l’élément déclencheur d’une politique personnelle de Claude. Le troisième chapitre se penchera sur d’autres témoignages du reste de l’Empire pour mieux déterminer le caractère passif ou actif de Claude et évaluer si la Lettre est bel et bien de son initiative personnelle. Enfin, le quatrième chapitre abordera le sujet du culte impérial en Égypte pour s’intéresser au souci de légitimation et d’acceptation de l’empereur par ses sujets égyptiens. / Claudius was a Roman Emperor between 41 and 54 AD who succeeded his nephew Caligula. While ancient literary sources testify the weakness in the spirit of an emperor led by his freedmen and wives, epigraphic and papyrological documents highlight an emperor eager to render justice whose pragmatic-oriented decisions earned him the nickname of Emperor of citizens. However, if this unusual character has spilled much ink, specialists will rarely linger in the province of Egypt under his reign, while the latter is experiencing significant Judaeo Alexandrian conflicts that the famous Letter to the Alexandrians has brought to light. By reading it, we learn not only about the conflict in question, but also about Alexandrian citizenship, the imperial cult as well as a direct testimony of a personal political commitment to Egypt. The thesis is divided into four chapters. The first chapter will examine multiculturalism traits in Egypt under Roman rule. The second chapter will scrutinize the crisis opposing the Greeks and the Jews of Alexandria, which was the trigger for a personal political commitment of Claudius. The third chapter will analyse whether the Letter is indeed the initiative of Claudius by searching amongst other evidences from the rest of the Empire to better assess its passive or active character. Finally, the fourth chapter will address the topic of the imperial cult in Egypt in the quest for legitimacy and acceptance of the emperor by his Egyptian subjects.

Nach der Schlacht von Actium am 2. September 31 v. Chr. war alles anders. Mit seinem Aufstieg zum unumstrittenen Alleinherrscher des Imperium Romanum wurde Augustus in den östlichen Reichsteilen kultisch verehrt. In Griechenland waren aus der hellenistischen Tradition heraus die Bedingungen für eine göttergleiche Ehrung des Herrschers gut bereitet. Das Anliegen dieser Studie ist es zu untersuchen, wie sich der Kult in den römischen Provinzen Griechenlands entwickeln und festigen konnte. Dabei werden zunächst Vorläufer kultischer Ehrungen römischer Staatsmänner in republikanischer Zeit betrachtet. Spannend ist dann in frühaugusteischer Zeit vor allem der bauliche Übergang, oftmals wurde der neue Kult des Kaisers in bereits bestehende Heiligtümer integriert. Gegenstand der Untersuchung sind nicht nur die Kaiser selbst, sondern auch ihre Familienmitglieder. Für die Betrachtungen werden Kultorte, Tempel und Altäre herangezogen. Kaiserfeste und ihre Ausrichtung spielen eine Rolle, ebenso das Amt der kaiserlichen Priester und Priesterinnen sowie Stifter und Stifterinnen. Unter kultur- und religionsgeschichtlichen Aspekten werden Fragen nach den Formen des Kaiserkultes aufgeworfen: Wie wurde dieser formal dargestellt und in welche städtischen und architektonischen Kontexte wurde der Kult eingebunden? Fragen nach der Praxis kultischer Verehrung sollen im Hintergrund stehen, wenn ausgewählte Zeugnisse des Kaiserkults von iulisch-claudischer bis in flavische Zeit betrachtet werden. Dabei bildet Athen einen hervorragenden Ausgangspunkt für einen provinzübergreifenden Vergleich, der anhand selektiver Beispiele von lokalen Kaiserkultstätten in den Provinzen Achaia, Epirus und Macedonia bereichert wird. Dabei werden Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede in den genannten Regionen herausgestellt, die das Phänomen Kaiserkult beleuchten. / Early Roman imperial cult in the provinces of Achaia, Epirus and Macedonia After Actium everything changed. With his rise to the sole ruler of the Imperium Romanum, Augustus began to be worshiped in the eastern Empire. Because of its Hellenic tradition Greece had been well prepared for emperor worship. The aim of this study is to investigate how emperor worship came to be established in the Roman provinces of Greece. It first considers the precursors of worshipping Roman statesmen in the Republican period. In the following early Augustan period, there is a fascinating architectural transformation in which the new cult for the emperor was often integrated into preexisting sanctuaries. The focus of this investigation is not only the emperor himself, but also his family members. It is thus necessary to consider cult sites, sanctuaries and altars. Imperial festivals also play a role, as do imperial priests and benefactors. Questions are raised about the forms of emperor worship within their cultural and religious contexts: how was imperial cult integrated into and physically represented in its urban and architectural spaces? The actual practices of cultic worship constitute the necessary background for interpreting the evidence of Julio-Claudian and Flavian emperor worship. Athens is thus an excellent starting point for a comparison between provinces, based on case studies of imperial cult sites in the provinces of Achaia, Epirus and Macedonia. By virtue of these comparisons, similarities and differences across the regions come to the fore and ultimately help illuminate the phenomenon of emperor worship.

The 'Romanization' of the African provinces of Mauretania Tingitana and Mauretania Caesariensis was in fact a two-way process of exchange between Roman and African elements which resulted in a uniquely Romano-African civilization. The imperial cult highlights issues common to all Romanization processes, such as ruler-subject interaction and the role of local initiative in bringing about change, as well as unique issues such as the impact of politics on emperor-worship. The success of the imperial cult was hampered by the fact that only a select few - notably the wealthy local elite - derived direct benefit from the process, and by the fact that, because the pre-Roman Mauretaniae had no established ruler-cults, the imperial cult failed to assimilate with local tradition. As a result, the cult was unable either to make a decisive impact on the Romanization of the Mauretanians, or to achieve any real religious unity among them. / History / M.A. (Ancient History)

L’étude du culte impérial romain au IVe siècle est généralement reléguée au second plan dans les recherches portant sur le sujet, souvent mis dans la même situation de déclin avec les cultes traditionnels. Or, à la lumière des sources d’époque et des travaux de certains historiens, comme Louis Bréhier, le culte impérial semble avoir vraisemblablement survécu à ce pronostique de disparition. Plus intéressant encore, le culte impérial apparait s’être transformé et adapté à la nouvelle réalité qu’offrait un Empire romain se christianisant et dont le pouvoir de l’empereur se sacralisait. Le travail présenté dans ce mémoire met en parallèle les métamorphoses que connait le culte impérial avec le renforcement du pouvoir impérial au cours du IVe siècle, tout en comparant l’évolution de la perception qu’avaient les chrétiens de cette institution fondamentalement traditionnelle. Comme mentionné ci-dessus, l’étude se base sur un corpus de sources contemporaines, allant d’homélies chrétiennes à des sources épigraphiques, en passant par les panégyriques, qui viendront corroborer l’information relevée chez plusieurs historiens s’étant penchés sur le sujet. Globalement, cette recherche démontre que le culte impérial a réussi à se départir des connotations religieuses jugées problématiques par les chrétiens tout en continuant de fonctionner et d’occuper une place centrale dans la vie des romains. Ceci, conjointement à un pouvoir impérial s’exprimant de manière absolue, va amorcer la métamorphose du culte impérial en un « culte monarchique », exaltant encore plus le pouvoir de l’empereur pour les siècles à venir. / The study of the Roman imperial cult in the 4th century has often been relegated to the background in research relating to this subject. The imperial cult has even often been relegated to the same fate than the rest of the Roman traditional cults. However, in the light of period sources and the work of certain historians, such as Louis Bréhier, the imperial cult seems to have survived this prognosis of disappearance. More interesting still, the imperial cult appears to have transformed and adapted to the new reality offered by a Christianizing Roman Empire while the power of the emperor was becoming more sacred. The work presented in this thesis parallels the metamorphosis experienced by the imperial cult with the strengthening of imperial power during the fourth century, while comparing the evolution of the perception that Christians had of this fundamentally traditional institution. As mentioned above, the study is based on a body of contemporary sources, ranging from Christian homilies to epigraphic sources which will corroborate the information found in the work of several historians who have studied the topic. Overall, this research demonstrates that the imperial cult succeeded in shedding religious connotations that Christians considered problematic while continuing to function and occupy a central place in the life of the Romans. This, together with an imperial power expressed in absolute terms, initiated the metamorphosis of the imperial cult into a "monarchical cult", exalting even more the emperor's power for centuries to come.

Colonie grecque, Apollonia d’Illyrie (Albanie), a connu à l’époque romaine des phases de construction et d’aménagement importantes. En témoigne le centre monumental qui a fait l’objet de fouilles et de dégagements sous la direction du français Léon Rey au début du XXe siècle. Après la seconde guerre mondiale, les équipes albanaises ont poursuivi les recherches archéologiques et ont réalisé les restaurations et les présentations actuelles. Le centre monumental est organisé autour de deux édifices principaux, l’odéon et le monument des agonothètes. Ces lieux d’assemblée attestent du caractère public de ce secteur de la ville comme le fait un arc de triomphe légèrement postérieur. Des boutiques témoignent d’une fonction commerciale annexe. L’aspect religieux est illustré par un temple ionique, entouré d’un portique, associé à un bâtiment nommé usuellement "prytanée", et par un petit sanctuaire. Enfin, un édifice de plan carré peut être soit une bibliothèque soit un Augusteum. Après l’analyse des vestiges accessibles et de la documentation, une approche des fonctions des différents monuments et les renvois aux éléments comparatifs des hypothèses de restitutions sont proposées puis transposées en images de synthèse. Elles sont ensuite assemblées en une vision globale du centre monumental romain, dans son état du début du IIIe siècle ap. J.-C. Dans l’attente de l’achèvement des recherches sur l’agora, localisée à quelques centaines de mètres, cet ensemble pourrait être un complexe architectural dédié au culte impérial dont l’importance aurait attiré, dans le courant du IIe siècle, le bouleuterion que prudemment on désigne encore comme "monument des agonothètes". / During the Roman period, “Apollonia of Illyria”, a greek settlement in Albania, knew several phases of construction and development. This is demonstrated by the study of the monumental center which was the object of excavations supervised by a French archaeologist Léon Rey at the beginning of the XXth century. After World War II, Albanian teams pursued the researches. They realized the restorations and the current presentations. The monumental center is organized around two main buildings, the Odeon and the “monument of Agonothetes”. These meeting places give evidence of the public character of this part of the city, just like the existence of a triumphal arch built later on. Shops also prove the commercial function of this place. Then, the religious function is illustrated by an ionic temple surrounded by a portico associated with a building named “prytaneum’ and by a small sanctuary. Finally, a square building is either a library or an “augusteum”. After an analysis of the visible vestiges and documentation, a report on the functions of the various monuments and a presentation of the comparative elements, the hypothesis of reconstructions will be proposed and transposed into computer-generated images. They will be assembled in a global vision of the roman monumental center at the beginning of the third century. Researches concerning the agora, localized a few hundred meters further, are not achieved yet but this place could be an architectural complex dedicated to imperial cult. During the second century, its importance could have attracted the bouleuterion that remains, for the moment, named as “monument of Agonothetes”. / Kolonia greke e Apolonisë së Ilirisë, në Shqipëri, ka njohur faza të rëndësishme ndërtimi dhe riorganizimi urban në periudhën romake. Këtë e dëshmon qendra monumentale që ka qenë pikësynimi i gërmimeve dhe zbulimeve të kryera nën drejtimin e francezit Leon Rei, në fillim të shekullit të XX. Pas Luftës së II Botërore, ekipet shqiptare kanë vazhduar nxjerrjen në dritë të saj, si dhe kanë realizuar restaurimet dhe pamjet që shohim sot. Qendra monumentale është organizuar rreth dy godinave kryesore, odeoni dhe monumenti i Agonotetëve. Këto vende mbledhjesh dëshmojnë për karakterin publik të kësaj zone të qytetit, ashtu si dhe një hark triumfi pak më i vonshëm. Dyqanet dëshmojnë për një funksion tregtar aneks. Aspekti religjioz ilustrohet me praninë e një tempulli jonik, të rrethuar me një portik, dhe që lidhet me një godinë të ashtuquajtur prytaneum, si dhe me një faltore e vogël. Së fundmi, një ndërtesë në formë katrore mund të jetë ndoshta një bibliotekë apo augusteum. Në përfundim të studimit të rrënojave të dukshme dhe të dokumentacionit përkatës, parashtrohet trajtimi i funksioneve të monumenteve të ndryshme dhe i elementeve krahasuese të rimëkëmbjes hipotetike të tyre, që më tej transformohen në paraqitjet e informatizuara. Më pas, të gjithë elementët janë bashkuar në një pamje gjithëpërfshirëse të qendrës monumentale romake, ashtu siç paraqitej ajo në fillimin e shek. III të e. sonë. Në pritje të përfundimit të kërkimeve në agora, e cila gjendet vetëm disa qindra metra larg, ky ansambël duket të ketë qenë një kompleks arkitekturor që i kushtohej kultit perandorak, rëndësia e të cilit do të tërhiqte përgjatë shek. II të e. sonë buleterionin, që ende në mënyrë të kujdesshme emërtohet si “monumenti i Agonotetëve”.